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Journal articles on the topic 'Passionate politics'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 27 July 2024

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Ferree, Myra Marx, Jeff Goodwin, James M. Jasper, and Francesca Polletta. "Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements." Contemporary Sociology 31, no. 6 (November 2002): 746. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3089970.

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2

Dayal, S. "Repositioning India: Tagore's Passionate Politics of Love." positions: east asia cultures critique 15, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 165–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-2006-028.

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3

Aceves, María Teresa Fernández. "Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics." Hispanic American Historical Review 92, no. 3 (August 1, 2012): 546–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-1600425.

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4

Young, Iris Marion. "Passionate Politics: Feminist Theory in Action. Charlotte Bunch." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 15, no. 1 (October 1989): 186–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/494573.

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5

Miguet, Arnauld. "France's Election-Year Disquiet." Current History 106, no. 698 (March 1, 2007): 112–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2007.106.698.112.

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6

Salvador Queral, Marc. "Reseña del libro "Feminism is for everybody: passionate politics"." Asparkía. Investigació feminista, no. 33 (2018): 355–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.6035/asparkia.2018.33.23.

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7

Garbovan, Lidis. "Passionate politics: democracy, development and India’s 2019 general election." Contemporary South Asia 31, no. 3 (July 3, 2023): 511–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2023.2240629.

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8

Mavroudeas, Stavros. "A Passionate and Patient Contribution to Revolutionary Theory and Politics." Science & Society 81, no. 3 (July 2017): 409–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/siso.2017.81.3.409.

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9

Kitagawa, Tomoko L. "Passionate souls: Elisabeth of Bohemia and René Descartes." Mathematical Gazette 105, no. 563 (June 21, 2021): 193–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mag.2021.46.

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The mathematical investigations of natural phenomena in the seventeenth century led to the inventions of calculus and probability. While we know the works of eminent natural philosophers and mathematicians such as Isaac Newton (1643-1727), we know little about the learned women who made important contributions in the seventeenth century. This article features Princess Elisabeth of Bohemia (1618-1680), whose intellectual ability and curiosity left a unique mark in the history of mathematics. While some of her family members were deeply involved in politics, Elisabeth led an independent, scholarly life, and she was a close correspondent of René Descartes (1596-1650) and Gottfried Leibniz (1646-1716).

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JIN, XING-HUA. "Seohwa：The Politics of Daily Life and the Power of Passionate People." Studies of Korean Literature 60 (October 31, 2018): 229–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.20864/skl.2018.10.60.229.

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11

Bliss, Katherine E. "Karen Kampwirth, editor. Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics." American Historical Review 117, no. 4 (September 21, 2012): 1266–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/117.4.1266.

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12

D'Ambrosio, Antonino. "'Let Fury Have the Hour': The Passionate Politics of Joe Strummer." Monthly Review 55, no. 2 (June 4, 2003): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-055-02-2003-06_4.

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13

Mahdavi, Pardis. "Passionate uprisings: Young people, sexuality and politics in post‐revolutionary Iran." Culture, Health & Sexuality 9, no. 5 (September 2007): 445–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691050601170378.

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14

Adam, Adeline. "Jeffrey Beneker, The Passionate Statesman. Eros and Politics in Plutarch’s Lives." Anabases, no. 18 (October 1, 2013): 267–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anabases.4382.

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15

Shabambaeva, Anara G., Zadash O. Dukenbaeva, Khanif S. Vildanov, Aipova Ainash, and Temirgalinova Assel. "The influence of a passionate personality on the preservation of the ethno-cultural code of society in Eastern countries." Revista de la Universidad del Zulia 12, no. 34 (September 2, 2021): 512–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.46925//rdluz.34.28.

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The authors consider new approaches to the study of the role of the passionate personality in the development of the countries of the East. The authors consider the socio-political and scientific activities of the scientist A. Zh. Mashanov as a passionary from the point of view of influence on the ethno-cultural code of the Kazakhs. The concepts of "historical process" and "political process" are clarified; the relationship between history and politics is revealed. The verbal-paraverbal methods of A. Zh. Mashanov in political activity are shown. The contribution of the scientist as a driving force during the historical process is revealed and described the role of the scientist as a catalyst for the spiritual revival of Kazakhstan in connection with the relentless struggle for the study of al-Farabi's creativity as a cultural and spiritual source is determined.

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16

Tesón, Fernando R. "Ending Tyranny in Iraq." Ethics & International Affairs 19, no. 2 (September 2005): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2005.tb00496.x.

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The war in Iraq has reignited the passionate humanitarian intervention debate. President George W. Bush surprised many observers in his second inaugural address when he promised to oppose tyranny and oppression, and this in a world not always willing or ready to join in that fight. Humanitarian intervention is again on the forefront of world politics.

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17

BRACKE, MAUD. "The 1968 Czechoslovak Crisis: Reconsidering its History and Politics." Contemporary European History 12, no. 3 (August 2003): 373–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777303001292.

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The past few years have seen the publication of a number of important contributions to the historiography of the Prague Spring of 1968, the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia in August that year and the process of so-called ‘normalisation’ in the country and the wider communist world. The Czechoslovak crisis of 1968–9 has never really ceased to inspire either scholarly research or passionate public and political debate. It has attracted even more attention, though, since its thirtieth anniversary in 1998, and a state-of-the-art essay seems appropriate.

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18

Bohn, Simone. "Gender and Populism in Latin America. Passionate Politics - edited by Kampwirth, Karen." Bulletin of Latin American Research 32, no. 1 (December 11, 2012): 95–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1470-9856.2012.00771.x.

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19

Voronina, Natalya N. "The Passionate Dispassion of the Vienna Circle." Epistemology & Philosophy of Science 61, no. 1 (2024): 223–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/eps202461117.

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This article represents the author’s reflections on the book by Karl Sigmund “Exact Thinking in Demented Times. The Vienna Circle and the Epic Quest for the Foundations of Science” and the fate of the Vienna Circle. Sigmund paints a vivid portrait of the Vienna Circle against the background of the difficult historical period in which its members lived and worked. The Vienna Circle established the tradition of liberating consciousness and science from metaphysics. But the participants of the Vienna Circle and their entourage did not manage to get rid of the humanistic issues, despite the declaration of strict scientific character. The author of the article draws attention to the internal contradiction between strict scientific topics and the existential-humanistic perception of this topic by the Vienna Circle’s authors and their likeminded people, and by Sigmund himself. The author concludes that it was thanks to this contradiction the Vienna Circle became not only a stage in the development of philosophical science, but also had a broad cultural influence on art, politics, architecture, museums, etc. The historical and philosophical tradition connects the activities of the Vienna Circle with the beginning of the divergence between the philosophical scientific and humanistic traditions in the understanding of philosophy, and the controversy between R. Carnap and M. Heidegger is an important point in this process. But Sigmund’s book gives the impression that this is not the divergence strictly scientific and humanistic traditions, but the difference between two humanistic traditions, one of them tends to express its thoughts strictly analytically.

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20

Zinira, Maurisa, Wening Udasmoro, and Muhammad Najib Azca. "Portraying women’s agential practices of ideological muslimah community: a passionate approach to islamist politics." IJISH (International Journal of Islamic Studies and Humanities) 6, no. 1 (April 13, 2023): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.26555/ijish.v6i1.7234.

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The issue of women and Islamism has been an increasing area of study to explore considering the number of women subscribing to the ideology continues to rise. Plenty of research has been conducted on this subject, but those available suggest that women were fragile victims of the ideology and were portrayed as passive actors who enact no agency. As we shall see, this research finds the opposite. Exploring the motivation and activism of the Ideological Muslimah community in Yogyakarta through a passionate politics approach, it discovers the agential practices of women in Islamist movement. Their motivation and engagement in Islamist politics demonstrate pluralities of women’s experiences and affirm the strong nexus of agency, emotion, and identity. By focusing on the agency and the play of emotion, this article aims to provide an alternate perspective to the burgeoning study of feminism and social movement, which has thus far been dominated by rational calculation of the action.

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21

Torres-Vélez, Víctor M. "Dolor y rabia: The passionate politics of women’s activism in Vieques, Puerto Rico." Latino Studies 19, no. 2 (May 3, 2021): 186–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41276-021-00320-9.

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22

Panagiotidis, Efthimia. "Passionate Undertakings: New Collectives, Indeterminate Spaces of Mobility, and the Politics of Affect." Rethinking Marxism 25, no. 3 (July 2013): 404–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08935696.2013.798976.

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23

Martos Montiel, Juan Francisco. "[Recensão a] J. Beneker, The Passionate Statesman: Eros and Politics in Plutarch’s Lives." Ploutarchos 10 (2013): 82–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_10_8.

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24

Zlotnik, Marc. "Yeltsin and Gorbachev: The Politics of Confrontation." Journal of Cold War Studies 5, no. 1 (January 2003): 128–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039703320996740.

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The confrontation between Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin was a key factor in the collapse of the Soviet Union. Perhaps no event of comparable magnitude has been more affected by the personal interactions of two men. The history of the Gorbachev-Yeltsin relationship during the ªnal years of the USSR is largely the story of the collapse of the Soviet state. The passionate dislike and animosity that developed between the two leaders made compromise difªcult and accelerated the collapse of the union. Gorbachev's initial unwillingness to deal seriously with the new Russian leader probably did more to contribute to the disintegration of the Soviet Union than did Yeltsin's bluster and thirst for revenge. It was only when the tables were turned after the failed coup of August 1991, and when Yeltsin clearly had gained control of the situation, that he allowed his intense dislike of Gorbachev to drive his actions.

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25

Acosta-Garcia, Raul. "Fires on the Border: the passionate politics of labor organizing on the MexicanfronteraROSEMARY HENNESSY." Women's History Review 24, no. 4 (December 3, 2014): 623–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2014.987052.

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26

Bocking, Paul. "Fires on the border: the passionate politics of labor organizing on the Mexican frontera." Social & Cultural Geography 16, no. 6 (June 4, 2014): 717–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649365.2014.923673.

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27

Berry, Kate A. "Beyond the American culture wars: A call for environmental leadership and strengthening networks." Regions and Cohesion 7, no. 2 (July 1, 2017): 90–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2017.070205.

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This article focuses on the United States (US), looking at the American culture war specifically as it relates to environmental issues. Looking at the US today is a reminder that the culture wars are as overtly political as they are culturally motivated, and they diminish social cohesion. The term “culture wars” is defined as increases in volatility, expansion of polarization, and obvious conflicts in various parts of the world between, on the one hand, those who are passionate about religiously motivated politics, traditional morality, and anti-intellectualism, and, on the other hand, those who embrace progressive politics, cultural openness, and scientific and modernist orientations. The article examines this ideological war in contemporary environmental management debates. It identif es characteristics of environmental leadership and discusses how networks can act as environmental leaders.

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28

Wolin, Sheldon S. "Executive Liberation: Review of Harvey C. Mansfield Jr., Taming the Prince: The Ambivalence of Executive Power. New York: Free Press,1989. 358 + xxivpp." Studies in American Political Development 6, no. 1 (1992): 211–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x0000081x.

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Taming the Prince has a claim on our attention not only for its theoretical qualities and for its politics but because at one time both would have been considered extreme. As a theory it is possibly the first attempt to compose a philosophical discourse about a singular political office, variously named kingship, prince, executive, or president, and to situate it within the con-text of (what used to be confidently called) “the history of political philosophy.” Mansfield's treatise is distinctive, not as a history of an idea or of a concept, indeed not historical in the usual understanding of that term, but as the passionate assertion of an expansive conception of the executive, virtually Gaullist in its grandeur, in its contempt for interest-politics, its dismissive silence about parties, and its scorn for democracy.

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29

Bartnicki, Adam R. "Konflikt między Gorbaczowem a Jelcynem 1987–1991." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 19, no. 4 (2021): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2021.4.1.

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The history of the Gorbachev-Yeltsin relationship is the story of the collapse of the Soviet state. Perhaps no event of comparable magnitude has been more affected by the personal interactions of two politics. Gorbachev – initially Yeltsin's mentor – humiliated him. Yeltsin then took advantage of Gorbachev's reforms to stage a political comeback in 1989. The passionate dislike and animosity that developed between the two leaders made compromise difficult. In June 1991, Boris Yeltsin was elected President of the Russian SFSR. Six months later, the final collapse of the Soviet Union took place.

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30

Waśkiewicz, Andrzej. "The Polish Home Army and the Politics of Memory." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 1 (January 21, 2010): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409354556.

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Politics of memory makes use as well as abuse of history. As any kind of politics, politics of memory are not guided by truth—they are guided by utility in a broad sense of the term. Truth and utility may coincide, and yet they are not close friends at all. Politics are, as the political scientists say, an open-ended game, and so they are politics of memory. They do not deprive people of the freedom of thinking any more than politics sensu stricto deprive them of freedom of behaviour. Some politics of memory are necessary for uniting people as fellow citizens. The point is that these particular ones the author is referring to in this article were bad politics; they divided, not united. The present article outlines the history of how the Polish Home Army (Armia Krajowa) and particularly the Warsaw Rising of 1944 have been treated and mistreated in the legitimising myths of the regime imposed on Poland in 1945, in the political system the Poles freely elected in 1989, and in the propaganda of the so-called Fourth Republic of Poland in 2005—7. The author intends to show how this controversial wartime event has been entangled in the politics of memory and why its exploitation for political purposes has turned it into a black-and-white picture that has stifled more balanced and less passionate opinions on its meaning and significance.

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31

M. Miller, Diane, and Kim Pinkerton. "Standards Revisions and Teachers’ Voices: A Story of Participation, Politics, and Passion." Language Arts 95, no. 1 (September 1, 2017): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/la201729211.

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Following a sustained involvement with the English language arts and reading standards revision process in their state, the authors reflect upon the political process, passionate determination, and participatory advocacy that shaped the work with their state affiliate. In this article, they discuss the events that occurred as the standards were revised under the leadership of the state board of education and the state education agency in conjunction with teacher workgroups and professional organizations. A chronological timeline is contextualized by the authors’ professional journeys toward advocacy and the future directions for implementing the revised standards in the state of Texas with general suggestions for how advocacy efforts could be implemented in other settings.

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32

David, Deirdre. "“Art's a Service”: Social Wound, Sexual Politics, and Aurora Leigh." Browning Institute Studies 13 (1985): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0092472500005393.

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Elizabeth Barrett Browning's Aurora Leigh has become a key text for feminist critics concerned with nineteenth-century women writers. For some, Aurora Leigh is a revolutionary poem, a passionate indictment of patriarchy that speaks the resentment of the Victorian woman poet through a language of eroticized female imagery. For others, the poem is less explosive, and Barrett Browning's liberal feminism is seen as compromised by Aurora Leigh's eventual dedication to a life governed by traditionally male directives. In my view, however, Aurora Leigh is neither revolutionary nor compromised: rather, it is a coherent expression of Barrett Browning's conservative sexual politics, and I shall argue that female imagery is employed to show that the “art” of the woman poet performs a “service” for a patriarchal vision of the apocalypse. In Aurora Leigh woman's art is made the servitor of male ideal.

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33

Hofmeyr, H. M. "Passionate Theology - Desire, Passion and Politics in the Theology of J B Metz - Part I." Verbum et Ecclesia 23, no. 1 (September 6, 2002): 92–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v23i1.1207.

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The author argues that a theory of concupiscence (desire), the subject of much of Metz’s early work (during his “transcendental phase”) implicitly plays a decisive role in his Political Theology. The implied concept of concupiscence is explicated with the aid of the major categories of a theory of reification as developed by Lukács, Benjamin and Adorno. The main categories of Metz’s Political Theology (notably asceticism, theodicy, negative theology and praxis) are linked to the (implied) central concept of concupiscence, eventually described as the might of what is. As this might seems to be absolute, the problem of the praxis of the believer becomes acute. Metz calls for a theology that integrates into its concepts societal, historical and cultural contexts. His notion of praxis as privation is interpreted in terms of longing and resistance.

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34

Van der Stockt, Luc. "Book review: The Passionate Statesman: Eros and Politics in Plutarch’s Lives, written by Beneker, J." Mnemosyne 68, no. 1 (January 20, 2015): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12301837.

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35

Kong, Sui Ting, Stevi Jackson, and Petula Sik Ying Ho. "Seeking Love and Justice Amid Hong Kong’s Contentious Politics." Feminist Encounters: A Journal of Critical Studies in Culture and Politics 7, no. 2 (September 1, 2023): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.20897/femenc/13547.

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Hong Kong women activists’ understanding of love and justice has shaped, and been shaped, by their political engagement under changing circumstances through two phases of mass protest: in 2014 and 2019. This article is focused on the sentiments of love and justice and how they evolved over time, from the peaceful protest of the Umbrella Movement in 2014 to the violent confrontations of 2019 in the context of the rise of ethno-nationalism. This shift reflects a changed understanding of justice – revenge against China – and a specific version of passionate love for Hong Kong and protective love for their comrades. Women activists’ experiences offer insights into how a social movement has engaged women’s emotional energies in particular gendered ways, while persistently marginalising gender issues. In the aftermath of the movement, when protest was effectively banned by both COVID-19 restrictions and the 2020 National Security Law, these women’s emotions have found a new object of their fierce love for Hong Kong: the boy band Mirror<i>,</i> which has come to symbolise Hongkonger pride, belonging and resistance.

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36

Rahmouni Elidrissi, Yousra, and David Courpasson. "Body Breakdowns as Politics: Identity regulation in a high-commitment activist organization." Organization Studies 42, no. 1 (September 9, 2019): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840619867729.

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Recent studies on identity regulation emphasize the significance of the body in mediating individuals’ responses to cultural control within organizations. However, little is known about how such responses are concretely enacted by individuals through their bodies. Based on an ethnography of an activist organization, this study discusses the culture of self-sacrifice through which activists’ identity is regulated. It reveals the everyday tensions between passionate commitment and vulnerable bodies, exploring how body breakdowns lead activists to separate their passion for a cause from the organizational culture and ultimately make their exit. We thus aim to contribute to research on identity regulation by highlighting the precariousness of this process and demonstrating the political potential of bodies to resist controlling regimes. We interpret breakdowns as political events emerging at the interface between the docile enactment of a bodily norm and its concrete physical violence.

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37

Benton, Lauren. "Making Order Out of Trouble: Jurisdictional Politics in the Spanish Colonial Borderlands." Law & Social Inquiry 26, no. 02 (2001): 373–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2001.tb00182.x.

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Jurisdictional fluidity was a central feature of early modem Iberian law, and jurisdictional tensions were exacerbated by overseas conquest and colonization. Contests over the legal status of conquered peoples featured both jurisdictional jockeying among colonial factions and widespread preoccupation with the symbols and rituals marking cultural and legal difference. This article examines the dynamics of jurisdictional politics in seventeenth-century New Mexico, where church and state officials carried on a bitter feud over legal authority during most of the century. Rather than viewing this contest as either transparently political or a mask for deeper processes defining hegemony, the article argues that seemingly dry legal distinctions were the focus of passionate and persistent struggle precisely because they merged institutional and cultural concerns of missionaries, settler elites, and Indians. The analysis leads to broader, more speculative claims about the role of jurisdictional fluidity in creating an “orderly disorder” that spanned diverse regions within Spanish America and, more broadly, across colonial regimes in the early modern world.

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38

Ferree, Myra Marx. "Gender Politics in the Berlin Republic: Four Issues of Identity and Institutional Change." German Politics and Society 28, no. 1 (March 1, 2010): 189–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280110.

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This article traces four contested identity claims that carry gender meanings into politics and express the gendered tensions awakened along specific dimensions of institutional change across the past twenty years. The cultural definition of the German nation in the face of immigration, the integration of the German state in a transnational project of making a single Europe, the economic restructuring of unification and its effects on the resources and opportunities available on each side of the former wall, and political changes in the representation of women in state offices, by parties and in national policy-making all reflect continuing struggles over the institutionalized boundaries of inclusion and exclusion as a nation, an imagined community. All of these processes engage passionate feelings about gender relations and have implications for the ordinary lives of women and men as citizens and family members in the new Berlin Republic.

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39

Cosgrove, Serena. "Karen Kampwirth, ed. Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics. Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics. Edited by Karen Kampwirth. University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010. Pp. xiv, 254. Index. $65.00 cloth." Americas 69, no. 02 (October 2012): 288–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500002212.

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40

Cosgrove, Serena. "Karen Kampwirth, ed. Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics - Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics. Edited by Karen Kampwirth. University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010. Pp. xiv, 254. Index. $65.00 cloth." Americas 69, no. 2 (October 2012): 288–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2012.0081.

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41

Fana Gebresenbet and Yonas Ashine. "Performing Guzo Adwa: Power, Politics and Contestations." Ethiopian Journal of the Social Sciences and Humanities 17, no. 1 (March 3, 2022): 71–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ejossah.v17i1.5.

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This paper documents a history and politics of memory project called Guzo Adwa. It highlights how, over the last eight years, Guzo Adwa emerged as a popular, performative commemoration of the battle of Adwa. Organised spontaneously by ambitious young men, who are passionate about history and adventure, culture and national politics, art and memory, Guzo Adwa emerged as a political performative, poetic and symbolic pilgrimage of the victory of Adwa. In its multiplicity, Guzo Adwa, which could be roughly interpreted as ‘Journey Adwa’, added to the already contested memory landscape pertaining to Adwa. The particularity of the project is that it has been organised neither as a mode of rule nor as an instrument of resistance. Moreover, the paper highlights how even this annual ritualized journey, as the memory project, embraced official and marginal political narratives, serving as a stage where varied economic interests and political issues surrounding national history were transpired. The paper is based on both primary and secondary sources. A total of ten formal interviews were conducted with key informants participating in Guzo Adwa in addition to informal discussions with others who have played some role in in the event , and other related memory projects. Newspaper archival research was conducted considering Addis Zemen reporting of Adwa commemoration as an ethnographic site. An attempt is made to attend events organised by the Guzo Adwa, especially the farewell ceremony of the eighth journey to Adwa. Finally, we try to locate the particular history of this memory project into national politics of memory and theoretical and conceptual debates in memory studies.

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42

Andrew Rose. "The Unknowable Now: Passionate Science and Transformative Politics in Kim Stanley Robinson's Science in the Capital Trilogy." Science Fiction Studies 43, no. 2 (2016): 260. http://dx.doi.org/10.5621/sciefictstud.43.2.0260.

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43

Vidal, D. Xavier Medina. "Fires on the Border: The Passionate Politics of Labor Organizing on the Mexican Frontera by Rosemary Hennessy." Journal of Latin American Geography 13, no. 2 (2014): 243–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lag.2014.0037.

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44

Swanger, Joanna. "Fires on the Border: The Passionate Politics of Labor Organizing on the Mexican Frontera - by Hennessy, Rosemary." Bulletin of Latin American Research 35, no. 1 (December 9, 2015): 108–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/blar.12397.

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45

Sandoval, Marisol. "From passionate labour to compassionate work: Cultural co-ops, do what you love and social change." European Journal of Cultural Studies 21, no. 2 (August 11, 2017): 113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549417719011.

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This article focuses on the relation between work and pleasure in the cultural sector. I first unpack the concept of passionate work, situating it within four possible ways of relating work and pleasure. I argue that the work ethic of do what you love, contrary to what it promises, limits the prospects of loveable work. As part of a neoliberal work culture, do what you love transfers the battleground from society onto the self. It favours self-management over politics. Drawing on findings from interview research with members of worker co-operatives in the UK cultural industries, I then go on to explore the relation between work and pleasure within cultural co-ops. I discuss how cultural co-ops might inspire and contribute to a movement for transforming the future of work by turning the desire for loveable work from a matter of individual transformation and competition into a practice of co-operation and social change.

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HÄBERLEN, JOACHIM C., and RUSSELL A. SPINNEY. "Introduction." Contemporary European History 23, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000289.

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It might seem trivial and mere common sense to note that revolts and revolutions are deeply emotional moments. In history books and newspapers, we read about the tense and emotionally charged atmosphere that leads to violence when protestors confront police forces, or about furious and passionate crowds acting in defiance of the ideal of rational and coldblooded politics. But rage and anger are not the only emotions involved in the politics of protest. Consider the iconic photographs of the summer strikes during the French Popular Front in 1936, depicting smiling workers occupying their factories and construction sites, or the cheering crowds storming the Berlin Wall in November 1989. Or consider the genre of protest songs, telling stories of solidarity and hope as well as deep sorrow. At times, social and political movements even made feelings their central concern, such as the hippy movement with its calls for free love. On the other side of the political spectrum, conservative as well as social democratic observers often denounced protests and riots as politically irrelevant outbreaks of hatred, or mocked the ‘hysterical’ fear of the peace movement during the 1980s. Somehow, these examples suggest, feelings mattered, yet how precisely they mattered is rarely investigated. The essays in this special issue will address this question in order to enrich our understanding of protest movements, revolts and revolutions. Collectively, they intend to open a theoretical and methodological debate on the role of emotions in the politics of protest and resistance.

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Deha, Daniel. "REPRESENTASI IDEOLOGI POPULISME DALAM PEMBERITAAN TEMPO CO." Interaksi: Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi 10, no. 2 (December 7, 2021): 150–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/interaksi.10.2.150-165.

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This research discusses about the representation of populist ideology in the Tempo.co’s reporting on #2019GantiPresiden social movement. It uses a critical constructivist paradigm with a qualitative-descriptive approach. The research method used is the framing analysis method with Robert N. Entman’s framing analysis model. The results show that Tempo.co uses a language that is unique and synonymous with the concept of populism through words, sentences and images. These dictums not only show Tempo.co’s ideology, but simultaneously represent a populist ideology in its reporting. Tempo.co described the mass demonstration (social movement) as a dualism of the Indonesian political democracy system. On one side, Indonesia’s political climate is not yet familiar and passionate about populism issues, but on the other side, Tempo.co actually anticipates disruption due to the radicalism of religious-fundamentalists group. Tempo.co’s ideology represents the whole face of media politics in Indonesia which regards populism as a deviant ideology.

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Miller, Trudi C. "The Duality of Human Nature." Politics and the Life Sciences 12, no. 2 (August 1993): 221–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400024175.

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To update the view of human nature that undergirds eighteenth-century British/American political economy, this article reviews literature from diverse subfields of psychobiology. Findings on the structure, function, and evolution of the human brain confirm the duality between reason and passion that is at the core of the science of Hobbes. Contemporary findings across fields indicate that people become emotionally attached to objects, including verbal abstractions, through experiences with pleasure and pain. In contrast, human reasoning is essentially scientific. The duality between passionate motivation and humanity's unique capacity for reasoning makes political science important. By applying the scientific method to the subject of politics, people can design institutions that channel quasi-rational behavior toward outcomes that are mutually beneficial, rather than mutually destructive. Defining human nature correctly is the key to political science, and Smith's addition of the passion of sympathy to Hobbes's narrow definition of human motivation is essential.

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Cau, Maurizio. "Alcide De Gasperi: a political thinker or a thinking politician?" Modern Italy 14, no. 4 (November 2009): 431–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903237516.

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Historiography has mainly focused on the pragmatic and realist character of Alcide De Gasperi's politics, whilst substantially overlooking the purely intellectual dimension of his lengthy political experience. The publication of a critical edition of his writings allows us to enrich the traditional image that has been developed of this Italian politician, whose interventions in public life were also expressed by way of significant cultural reflections. In this respect his writings from the 1930s, written during his so-called ‘internal exile’ inside the Vatican, are particularly significant. These pages bear witness to De Gasperi's close attachment to the political culture of European Catholicism. His passionate defence of Catholic constitutionalism and Catholic-Liberal goals, the revival of the political traditions of the Zentrum and the development of the Church's social doctrine in a corporativist direction testify to De Gasperi's often underestimated analytical capacity and intellectual breadth.

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Daszyk, Krzysztof K. "Michał Bobrzyński kontra Roman Dmowski: historiograficzno- -polityczny dwugłos na temat wskrzeszenia państwa polskiego." Prace Historyczne 147, no. 3 (2020): 543–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.20.030.12484.

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Michał Bobrzyński vs. Roman Dmowski: A historiographical-political duet on the resurrection of the Polish state Just as the year 1795 was traumatic – the year of removal of the Polish-Lithuanian Republic from the political map of Europe – and it rekindled a passionate dispute on the reasons of the fall of the previously spacious and powerful monarchy, so was the year 1918 happy for the Poles – the year of regaining independence, which marked the beginning of another great, and no less passionate, dispute upon the merits in the task of the resurrection of the Polish state. That dispute went beyond the frame of historical debates or schoolbooks, evoking unflagging political emotions during the two decades of the Second Republic’s existence. It was a kind of a settlement of accounts with the recent (for the people of the time) national past, while the question on merits in the task of reviving the state was, at the same time, a question on the moral right to rule the state and control its fate. Two voluminous publications issued shortly after Poland regained independence played a particularly important role in the aforementioned dispute: a two-volume “historical essay” Wskrzeszenie państwa polskiego (Resurrection of the Polish state), published anonymously by Michał Bobrzyński in the period 1920–1925, and a piece by Roman Dmowski entitled Polityka polska i odbudowanie państwa (Polish politics and rebuilding of the state), published in 1925 and followed by two more editions within the author’s lifetime: the second edition in 1926 and the third one in 1937. This text analyses both works in the context of the above-mentioned historiographical-political dispute upon merits in the restoration of the Polish state.

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