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Academic literature on the topic 'Party Rootedness'
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Journal articles on the topic "Party Rootedness"
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Herzog, Marc. "The social rootedness of Turkey’s Islamist party spectrum." Heritage Turkey 2 (December 1, 2012): 13–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18866/biaa2015.036.
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Favero, Adrian. "Rootedness, Activism, and Centralization: The Case of the Swiss People’s Party." Politics and Governance 9, no. 4 (November 24, 2021): 252–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i4.4495.
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The Swiss People’s Party (Schweizerische Volkspartei [SVP]) has increased its territorial extensiveness and organisational intensiveness in recent years, and has professionalised its strategies of communication. This article analyses the dynamics characterising the SVP’s organisation. It shows that with its locally rooted presence and its effort to generate ideological coherence, the party has embraced the “mass party” organisational model. It additionally assesses the extent to which the SVP’s centralised power at the federal level is conducive to the party’s further electoral success. Having considered both the party at national level and three of its most important cantonal branches, the article argues that the organisational dominance of the SVP’s central leadership was beneficial for the party’s electoral strength but will lead to tensions with cantonal and local branches, which are largely in charge, to build and maintain an active base.
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Stokke, Kristian, Khine Win, and Soe Myint Aung. "Political Parties and Popular Representation in Myanmar's Democratisation Process." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 34, no. 3 (December 2015): 3–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341503400301.
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The article examines the role of political parties in Myanmar's democratisation process. We argue that the substance of democratisation depends on popular representation through political parties but question their capacity to provide such representation. Examining capacity through the concept of party institutionalisation, we find that most parties have not been able to build effective organisational structures. However, we also find a degree of party institutionalisation in the form of rootedness in society. Political cleavages between those favouring authoritarian rule over democratic rule and Burman nationhood over ethnic notions of nationhood have produced divisions between state-centred parties associated with Myanmar's authoritarian legacy and society-centred pro-democracy and ethnic parties. Although being less dichotomous than in the past, we argue that these cleavages continue to provide a basis for party identity and rootedness in society. We conclude that further development of political parties and popular representation will be shaped by the relations between parties, the state, and society – where individual parties are shaped according to their tendencies towards state-centred cartel parties or society-centred mass parties.
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Van Kessel, Stijn, and Daniele Albertazzi. "Right-Wing Populist Party Organisation Across Europe: The Survival of the Mass-Party? Conclusion to the Thematic Issue." Politics and Governance 9, no. 4 (November 24, 2021): 365–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i4.5003.
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This article provides a comparative conclusion to the thematic issue on the organisational characteristics of 12 right-wing populist parties (RWPPs) across Europe. We observe that many RWPPs—at least partially—adopt features of the mass party model. This finding illustrates the ideological aspects behind organisational choices: For populist parties, in particular, it is important to signal societal rootedness and “closeness to the people.” It furthermore challenges the idea that there is a one-way teleological movement towards more lean, electoral-professional kinds of party organisation. At the same time, the case studies clearly illustrate that RWPP leaders and executives continue to exercise great power over their members, who are essentially offered “participation without power.”
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Sánchez, Omar. "Guatemala's Party Universe: A Case Study in Underinstitutionalization." Latin American Politics and Society 50, no. 1 (2008): 123–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2008.00006.x.
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AbstractThe article examines the degree of institutionalization of the Guatemalan party universe across four areas: the pattern of interparty competition; the rootedness of parties in society; the legitimacy accorded to parties and democratic institutions; and the nature of internal party organization. Guatemala displays an extremely inchoate party structure across all these variables. There is no stability in the identity of the main parties in the polity. After more than two decades of electoral democracy, no single party has been able to avert a drift into electoral irrelevance or outright disappearance. With respect to the basic facets of internal party organization, Guatemalan parties exhibit a feebleness so pronounced that their very status as parties is questionable. In general, Guatemalan “parties” only fulfill Sartori's minimalist definition as organizations that field candidates for public office, but offer nothing more substantive.
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Goodlad, Lauren M. E. "Trollopian “Foreign Policy”: Rootedness and Cosmopolitanism in the Mid-Victorian Global Imaginary." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 2 (March 2009): 437–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.2.437.
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Focusing on the prolific mid-Victorian writing of Anthony Trollope, this essay takes present-day theoretical interest in “actually existing cosmopolitanism” for its cue. Trollope's works remind us that from a Victorian perspective, the word cosmopolitan was more likely to evoke the impersonal structures of capitalism and imperialism than an ethos of tolerance, world citizenship, or multiculturalism. Trollope wrote novels eulogizing England's rootedness alongside first-person accounts of colonial travel, making him the arch exemplar of a two-party foreign policy discourse. Whereas Barsetshire novels such as The Warden are archetypes of autoethnographic fiction, Trollope's travel writings construct a transportable mode of racialized Anglo-Saxonness. Evoking the asymmetrical play between two notions of property—heirloom “rootedness” and capitalist “cosmopolitanism”—Trollope's foreign policy imaginary illuminates the difficulties of a genuinely negotiated rooted cosmopolitanism. Exploration of the nineteenth century's actually existing cosmopolitanisms offers the opportunity to historicize the transnational contexts and experiences of an era in which capitalist and imperial expansion was as dynamic as the globalizing processes of our own day.
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Pytlas, Bartek. "Party Organisation of PiS in Poland: Between Electoral Rhetoric and Absolutist Practice." Politics and Governance 9, no. 4 (November 24, 2021): 340–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i4.4479.
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The article analyses the organisation of the Law and Justice party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość [PiS]) in Poland. The case of PiS does not only allow us to explore the organisational features of a strongly institutionalized, incumbent party which uses populist radical right (PRR) politics. PiS, we argue, is also an ideal case to contrast what such parties might rhetorically declare and substantively do about their organisational features. Using party documents, press reports, quantitative data, and insights from the secondary literature based on interviews with activists, we evaluate the extent to which PiS has developed a mass-party-related organisation, and centralized its intra-party decision-making procedures. We find that while PiS made overtures to some aspects of mass-party-like organisation for electoral mobilization, the party remained reluctant to actively expand its membership numbers and put little effort into fostering the integration and social rootedness of its members through everyday intra-party activities. Furthermore, despite attempts to enact organisational reinvigoration, in practice PiS continued to revolve around strongly centralized structures and, in particular, the absolutist leadership style of the party’s long-time Chair Jarosław Kaczyński. The analysis contributes to assessing the variety and functions of organisational features and appeals within the comparative study of PRR parties. Most particularly, it invites further research into the still relatively under-researched interactions between PRR party organisation and active party communication.
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Martins, Alexandre Andrade. "THE LEFTIST POLITICAL PARTIES IN LIGHT OF SIMONE WEIL’S CRITICISM: THE WORKERS’ PARTY CASE." Síntese: Revista de Filosofia 46, no. 145 (August 27, 2019): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20911/21769389v46n145p47/2019.
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Given the socio-political context of Latin American countries and their leftist and center-leftist parties that had governed some countries since the beginning of the 2000’s, this essay will present Simone Weil’s anthropology of a rooted people towards social justice guided by a spirituality of supernatural justice. This anthropology supports her criticism of political parties that this essay will use to examine the Brazilian context and its Workers’ Party that governed the country for over thirteen years and ended its tenure after a process of impeachment. Although Simone Weil seems to be pessimistic as to whether multiparty or monoparty political systems are able to promote and maintain a social order able to lead people to find their rootedness, she develops a critical anthropology that allows us to understand when a political party abandons its commitment to develop social policies for the poor and working class. Consequently, the political party assumes an agenda of maintaining power, no matter the means that must be used to achieve this goal.
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Fionna, Ulla, and Dirk Tomsa. "Changing Patterns of Factionalism in Indonesia: From Principle to Patronage." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 1 (February 3, 2020): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103419896904.
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Party politics in Indonesia’s current democratic regime takes place within the parameters of a heavily fragmented multi-party system. Factionalism exists in most parties, but the influence of factions on internal party dynamics is only weak to moderate. Where factions exist, they are usually driven by clientelism and patronage rather than the representation of social cleavages, ideological differences, or regional affiliations, although traces of programmatically infused factionalism do persist in some parties. The intensity of factional conflicts in Indonesia’s young democracy has varied significantly over time and across different parties. While temporal variations are mostly related to changing institutional incentive structures, disparities between individual parties can be attributed to different organisational histories and structures as well as divergent levels of rootedness in social cleavage structures. It is noteworthy that several Indonesian parties have relatively deep roots in society and, in some cases, close links to long-established civil society organisations that preceded party formation. Given these constraints on more severe factionalism, damaging effects on governance have been fairly limited. The most debilitating effects of factionalism have been felt within the parties themselves, whereas government effectiveness and coalition formation has, ironically, sometimes benefitted from factional disputes.
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Lapina, N. Yu. "Political Leadership in Modern France." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 6 (February 28, 2018): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-6-65-81.
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The paper analyses the relation between political elites and political leaders. It is demonstrated that social shifts in the ranks of the elite are reflected in the profiles of heads of state, and the coming to power of a new president results in the renewal of elites. For years of existence of the Fifth republic several generations of political elite were replaced. At the time of Che. De Gaulle highest public servants were the main political actors. The logic of appointments in the system of executive power changed, a new type of political career was created. During the rule of F. Mitterrand, decentralization expanded the ranks of political elite, strengthened the positions of local elites. The president’s fellow party members came to power, political parties turned into an effective mechanism of recruitment of elite cadres. With E. Macron’s election there was a renewal of the deputy corps; reforms which will lead to further changes in the ranks of elites are planned. The paper investigates political biographies and career paths of presidents of the Fifth republic: the path of a notable, the path of a party functionary and the path of a member of administrative bureaucracy. The path of a notable assumes that the politician starts their career from election in local authorities and gradually works their way up through the ranks of power. The path of a party functionary demonstrates that the politician is rooted in party structures. The path of a bureaucrat assumes ascent to the political Olympus through promotion in the executive power branch and also by entering the immediate environment of the president, prime minister, key ministers. Local rootedness, good knowledge of public administration are characteristic of French presidents. Until recently it was thought that to achieve presidency in France it was necessary to be supported by a strong party. The new French president is an exception to this rule, and the movement he created is not a party in the traditional sense but a network entity. The study further brings to light qualities which the leader has to possess. The role of communication in the life of the French president is explained and it is shown how communication shapes the president’s image and influences public trust in the institution of presidency.
Book chapters on the topic "Party Rootedness"
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dela Santa, Edieser, Mary Anne Ramos-Tumanan, and Chris Ryan. "Protected area tourism in Batanes Islands, Philippines: issues and impacts." In Tourism transformations in protected area gateway communities, 109–23. Wallingford: CABI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/9781789249033.0008.
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Abstract Various frameworks have been employed in the monitoring and evaluation of tourism impacts in protected areas (PAs). Aware of their limitations, this chapter adopts a longitudinal, stakeholder-driven approach to examine the emerging impacts to gateway communities near PAs in Batanes, the Philippines, as part of a larger initiative to establish a sustainable tourism observatory in the islands. Findings show perception of impacts to be interconnected with discourses on the role of tourism in development, conflicts over resource use and place identity, and reveal the strength of a discursive approach. Anchored in stakeholder engagement, eliciting factors that underlie tourism impacts in a PA include weak local governments with strong central administrations focused on maximizing economic growth over other concerns, such as sustainability, and robust place attachment driven by rootedness. They point to the importance of improving governance and raising the possibility of co-management as a mechanism to reform PA management.
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"Building local party organizations in Thailand: strengthening party rootedness or serving elite interests? PUNCHADA SIRIVUNNABOOD." In Party Politics in Southeast Asia, 181–203. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203080689-16.
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Hassoun, Rosina. "Family, Religion, and Relocations: Arab American Burial Practices." In Till Death Do Us Part, 247–70. University Press of Mississippi, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496827883.003.0009.
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Through pioneering research into nineteenth- and twentieth-century Arab American cemeteries, this chapter overlays shifting approaches to burial onto three broad phases of Christian and Muslim Arab immigration to America. Like other immigrants these newcomers buried along denominational lines, whether Catholic, Orthodox Christianity, or Sunni and Shi’a Islam. They also did so in separate sections of extant grounds or later in independent cemeteries as Arab Americans gained communal numbers and means. Looking to the nation’s largest Arab population centers, this chapter traces a rich array of Arab American cemeteries and offers a unique lens to explore communal dynamics among Muslim and Christian Arabs as they intersected with immigration policy, family, socio-economic standing, and a larger sense of rootedness to American society over time.
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Cook, Julia, Helen Cahill, and Dan Woodman. "Housing and Regional Rootedness: Home Ownership beyond the Metropolis." In Youth Beyond the City, edited by David Farrugia and Signe Ravn, 175–92. Policy Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529212044.003.0010.
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Housing affordability and declining rates of home ownership among members of the 25–34 age cohort are key concerns for Australian young adults. However, discussion has focused primarily on the challenges associated with urban housing markets, leaving young adults’ experiences of regional and rural housing markets comparatively under-addressed. This chapter focuses on this topic, presenting the findings of a discussion-based workshop conducted with 19 young adults living in a regional part of Tasmania, Australia. It illustrates the complex work that the participants performed in order to remain in a regional area with slim property and labour markets. Drawing on emerging research focusing on immobility and ‘rural stayers’ who remain in or return to rural and regional areas, this chapter contends that choosing to buy into a regional property market can be read as a key element of the complex ongoing mobility decision-making of young people living in regional and rural areas.
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Mahmudabad, Ali Khan. "Ideas of the Homeland." In Poetry of Belonging, 149–89. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190121013.003.0005.
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The second part of the book begins with Chapter 4. It will trace the importance of the city as a marker of identity, in part using the genre of shahr āshōb. This, in turn, will tie into broader discussions about the peculiarly urban features of Islamic culture, the sense of rootedness in particular spaces, and a geographical imagining that constructed new cartographies of identity, given the changing social, political, and economic exigencies of the time. It will then highlight the impact of the events of 1857 on poetry and subsequently analyse the work produced by members of Anjuman-e Punjab, while also exploring the changes that literary genres underwent.
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Tournadre, Jérôme. "Leaders in the Communities." In The Politics of the Near, 174–93. Fordham University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823299966.003.0010.
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An analysis of the most committed activists shows there are many women and men claiming to be “community leaders” in their neighborhoods. This situation contributes to the rootedness and visibility of the collective in the districts. The UPM draws part of its legitimacy from the aggregation of these individual “capital of autochthony”: popular and local social capital based on neighborly, kinship and friendship relations, and local reputations. The relationship between the UPM and “its” community leaders does, however, go both ways. Indeed, everything leads us to believe that, in a second phase, the fact of belonging to this collective with its growing notoriety has strengthened the position of the activists in their neighborhoods by allowing them to respond to some of the requests made by residents. This all entails a form of circularity or, more exactly, a continuous and mutual reinforcement of the positions of individuals and the position of the collective.
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Wiseman, Sam. "The Pen of a Traveller, the Ink-Blood of Home: John Cowper Powys’ Imaginative Realism." In The Reimagining of Place in English Modernism, 43–72. Liverpool University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9780990895886.003.0003.
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John Cowper Powys’ relationship with the landscapes of Dorset and Somerset is explored in the ‘Wessex novels’. Wolf Solent (1929), A Glastonbury Romance (1933), Weymouth Sands (1934) were written in the United States, and this chapter examines the specific influence of a peripatetic, cosmopolitan existence upon the development of Powys’ literary style. Despite his opposition to increasing urbanisation and mechanisation, Powys’ novels tend to ironise such concerns, recognising the potential epistemological benefits of modernity. He resists essentialist notions of identity and rootedness; despite an intensely nostalgic affection for Dorset and Somerset in his work, there is an ever-present recognition that our sense of place is always a dreamlike, imaginative creation rather than an authentic mode of belonging. Consequently Powys emphasises the values of movement, marginality, liminality and comedy: his novels are not tragic narratives of human struggles to belong, but jumbled, bathetic, and ‘atmospheric’ worlds that deliberately lack a strong sense of linear direction. They engage with perspectival developments of modernity, and thus represent a distinctively rural form of modernism. Ultimately, this represents a specific type of engagement with place that stems, in part, from Powys’ unique sense of nostalgia, contrast and distance (geographical, temporal and cultural).
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Kolstø, Pål. "The Concept of ‘Rootedness’ in the Struggle for Political Power in the Former Soviet Union in the 1990s." In Strategic Uses of Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict, 74–92. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474495004.003.0004.
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The chapter employs the ‘sons of the soil’-theory which Myron Weiner developed in the 1970s and applies it to three former Soviet political units: Kazakhstan, Bashkortostan, and Tatarstan. In the Soviet Union, each federal unit was named after a particular ethnic group, the ‘titulars’. During perestroika and after independence, these groups presented themselves as ‘rooted’ in the territory: Since they allegedly ‘arrived there first’ they are in a sense the ‘owners’ of the state. This seems to have been a successful strategy which gave the titulars considerable legitimacy and power. The titular elites managed to a surprising degree to dominate public life and prestigious sectors of the job market, also when their share of the population was low (even down to one third). All the while, political stability and social peace was retained. ‘Rootedness’ was successfully applied to provide the titular population with political hegemony and a competitive edge on the labour market – but, in contrast to cases of ‘sons of the soil’-conflicts elsewhere – without unleashing any violence. An important reason seems to be that the ‘non-rooted’ part of the population accepted, albeit often with fists clenched in the pockets, that the state did indeed ‘belong’ to the locals.
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Merry, Sally Engle. "The State of Human Rights Consciousness: Not Yet Endtimes." In The Struggle for Human Rights, 62–69. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868064.003.0005.
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Are we in the ‘end times’ of human rights? Many critique human rights and describe the movement as in crisis. Yet human rights are not disappearing, and they are a resilient concept because of their rootedness in concepts of equality, fairness, and justice. Critiques that narrowly focus on the ‘effectiveness’ of human rights law miss their mark, because human rights should also be judged by the extent to which they express our shared values and goals. It is important to look for human rights outside formal international institutions, and to understand human rights in practice, which requires looking at the way the ideas they promote have become part of everyday life for many people around the world. Local advocates working for social justice can benefit from framing their struggles and demands in human rights terms—doing so adds legitimacy, produces allies in the cause, and renders the issue legible to a broader audience. By examining the human rights system as a social justice ideology with universal aspirations, flexible enough to be reinterpreted and redefined in a variety of contexts and for a broad range of problems, it is possible to develop a more comprehensive and useful understanding of the way human rights work in our contemporary world. Beyond a form of law, this chapter argues that there are two other important functions for human rights: first, they provide an ideology of social justice for social movements, and second, they provide documentation of injustice, making violations of the most vulnerable known to the world.