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Journal articles on the topic 'Party professionalization'
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1
Vliegenthart, Rens. "The Professionalization of Political Communication? A Longitudinal Analysis of Dutch Election Campaign Posters." American Behavioral Scientist 56, no. 2 (November 21, 2011): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211419488.
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This article provides an analysis of Dutch election posters in the period from 1946 to 2006. Based on the literature on the professionalization of political communication, several hypotheses are formulated regarding changes in textual and visual elements of those posters. These hypotheses focus on over-time changes in the presence and prominence of the party leader and party logo’s as well as references to specific political issues and ideology in these posters. In total, 225 posters for 23 parties in 19 elections are analyzed. Results reveal that changes in visual elements are in line with the hypotheses, with an increased use of party logo, an increasing presence and prominence of the party leader, and a decreasing focus on ideology. The textual parts of the posters, however, show no or opposite trends. The results call for a more nuanced scientific treatment of the consequences of the professionalization of political communication and demonstrate the necessity to analyze both visual and textual elements of political parties’ communication.
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Lynch, Peter. "Professionalization, new technology and change in a small party: The case of the Scottish National Party." British Elections and Parties Yearbook 6, no. 1 (January 1996): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13689889608412981.
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Green-Pedersen, Christoffer, and Karina Kosiara-Pedersen. "Continuity and change: The Danish party system." Politica 52, no. 3 (October 9, 2020): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/politica.v52i3.130816.
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The landslide election of 1973 could have been the beginning of the end for the Danish party system established with the introduction of parliamentary democracy. “Crisis” was written all over it. However, almost fifty years later, there is a continuity within the Danish party system that is possibly unexpected in light of the drastic changes in 1973. The core of the Danish party system remains the same. New parties have been established; some have been successful additions, some have waned. New issues have been added to the political agenda, but the competition for government power between a left-wing and a right-wing bloc remains the structuring principle of the Danish party system. Party organizations have lost traditional party membership but thrive as organizations on public financing and professionalization. Continuity and change characterize the Danish party system since the landslide election; also in the last 25 years, on which this article focuses.
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Bentancur, Verónica Pérez, Rafael Piñeiro Rodríguez, and Fernando Rosenblatt. "Efficacy and the Reproduction of Political Activism: Evidence From the Broad Front in Uruguay." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 6 (October 22, 2018): 838–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018806528.
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The professionalization of politics and the disappearance of party organizations based on activists seems an inescapable trend. This article shows, by studying the Broad Front of Uruguay as a deviant case, the relevance of organizational rules for explaining the reproduction of party activism. Using data from both an online survey of people differing in their levels of engagement with the Broad Front and in-depth interviews with party activists, we show that those with relatively low levels of engagement—“adherents”—and activists differ in their willingness to cooperate with the party and in the time they devote to party activities. Also, we find that reducing the perceived efficacy of political engagement strongly decreases activists’ self-reported willingness to engage with the party, while this reduction has no effect upon adherents. These findings suggest that the design of organizational rules that grant a political role to grassroots organizers can promote party activism.
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Shambaugh, David. "Civil-Military Relations in China: Party-Army or National Military?" Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 16 (March 10, 2002): 10–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v16i0.3.
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This article examines the changing dynamics of relations between the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) and the People's Liberation Army (PLA). It argues that
while the PLA remains politically loyal to the CCP, there is evidence of important
changes in the institutional relationship between the two institutions. The partyarmy
relationship is no longer as intertwined and symbiotic as it has historically
been; rather, this article argues that there is evidence of a 'bifurcation' between the
two. The catalysts for this change have been the professionalization and relative
depoliticization of the military, as well as the leadership transition in the CCP.
These changes raise important and central issues for the future of Chinese politics.*
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Shea, Daniel M. "The Development of State Legislative Campaign Committees: A Second Look." American Review of Politics 15 (July 1, 1994): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1994.15.0.213-234.
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One of the most important recent developments in state politics has been the rapid emergence of legislative campaign committees (LCCs), now found in 40 states. A persistent theme in the literature is that the growth of these new organizations has been directly linked to party decline. More specifically, as traditional party organizations failed to respond to changing environmental conditions. LCCs were created. The analysis presented here rejects the functionalist perspective and argues that their development has occurred independent of party dynamics, and perhaps as a response to strengthening state party committees. Legislative professionalization is found to be the most telling exogenous variable, suggesting a good deal about LCC activities and goals. Contrary to expectations, these powerful organizations may not be interested in or capable of performing many of the functions historically undertaken by traditional party organizations.
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Law, Randall D. "Progressive Educators and the Professionalization of Educational Research in the USSR, 1917-1927." Canadian–American Slavic Studies 47, no. 2 (2013): 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04702004.
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This article examines the efforts made by Soviet progressive educators to accommodate themselves to the new Soviet government and the consequences thereof. Russia’s pre-revolutionary progressive education community sought to indirectly transform state and society by encouraging the creation of “schools of citizenship” that would educate all – regardless of class, creed, and gender – for lives of “harmonious development” and active engagement. Bolshevik victory in 1917 presented progressive educators with an ironic dilemma: the party that most progressives rejected as coarse, violent, and undemocratic embraced their ideas with a passion and energy unseen from every previous government. Could progressive educators work for such a benefactor? They could and they did, in great numbers. But to distance themselves from a ruling party they disdained, progressives wrapped themselves in the language of professionalism and retreated into self-contained institutes, governmental bureaucracies, and experimental schools. These developments warped the content of Russian progressive education, distanced progressives from the schools they sought to transform, and hastened the demise of educational progressivism in the Soviet Union. This article makes extensive use of archival documents, published primary sources, and both Russian and English-language secondary sources.
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Hung, Chang-tai. "The Dance of Revolution: Yangge in Beijing in the Early 1950s." China Quarterly 181 (March 2005): 82–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005000056.
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Yangge is a popular rural dance in north China. In the Yan'an era (1936–47) the Chinese Communist Party used the art form as a political tool to influence people's thinking and to disseminate socialist images. During the early years of the People's Republic of China, the Communists introduced a simpler form of yangge in the cities. In three major yangge musicals performed in Beijing, the Party attempted to construct “a narrative history through rhythmic movements” in an effort to weave the developments of the Party's history into a coherent success story, affirming various themes: the support of the people, the valour of the Red Army, the wise leadership of the Party and the country's bright future. However, urban yangge's simplicity as an art form, the professionalization of art troupes, the nation's increasing exposure to a variety of alternative dance forms and, worse still, stifling government control all contributed to the rapid decline of this art form in urban China.
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Gheboianu, Matei. "The Evolution of the Faculty of History at University of Bucharest (1970-1989). Case Study: A look into the professionalization of history graduates through the analysis of study programmes." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 65, no. 2 (May 26, 2021): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2020.2.05.
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"The Evolution of the Faculty of History at University of Bucharest (1970-1989). Case Study: A look into the professionalization of history graduates through the analysis of study programmes. In this article I will analyse the evolution of the Faculty of History within the University of Bucharest from 1970-1989, from the perspective of the admission process, the changes that have occurred among the study programs, the number of students and the provision of the skills necessary for graduates to become good professionals in the domain. Keywords: history, history-philosophy, students, education, Romanian Communist Party "
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Xu, Songtao, Zhifang Zhou, and Ke Liu. "Multi-Evolutionary Game Research on Heavy Metal Pollution Control in Soil: Based on a Third-Party Perspective." Sustainability 12, no. 13 (June 30, 2020): 5306. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12135306.
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The introduction of third-party governance models for the treatment of soil heavy metal pollution has promoted the marketization, professionalization, and efficiency of pollution treatment, but also can result in distortions of relevant stakeholder relationships and conflicts of interest. The game relationship among the government, soil-polluting companies, and third-party governance companies may solve the practical dilemma of comprehensive management of soil heavy metal pollution and establish a good cooperative mechanism. We constructed a three-party evolutionary game model to analyze the interaction mechanism of each agent’s strategy choice as well as the evolution of each agent’s strategy choice under different parameter trends and simulation analyses. The research showed that the amount of fines and supervision costs, rent-seeking costs and governance costs, and government subsidies and rent-seeking benefits were key factors affecting the evolution and stability strategies of government departments, soil-polluting companies, and third-party governance companies. By cooperating with third-party governance companies, the government can effectively suppress the improper behavior of soil-polluting companies. The conclusions of the study are helpful to broaden the research boundary of soil heavy metal pollution treatment and provide theoretical guidance for the treatment of soil heavy metal pollution in China.
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Genevaz, Juliette. "Political indoctrination in the Chinese military: Towards a post-revolutionary People’s Liberation Army." China Information 31, no. 1 (September 23, 2016): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x16668294.
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This article examines the role played by the political indoctrination of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) during China’s socio-economic reforms of 1987–2007. This period was a time of political transition during which the Chinese Communist Party transformed its ideology from a focus on revolution to a self-proclaimed unrivalled single-party regime. This article looks at how the party conveyed this ideological change to the armed forces. One of the four PLA general headquarters/departments, the PLA General Political Department (中国人民解放军总政治部), was responsible for the indoctrination of servicemen and -women. Examining the work of this agency over the 20 years following its major ideological effort in 1987, this article challenges the dominant literature according to which political indoctrination hinders military professionalization. The crux of this argument is that the General Political Department’s purpose behind indoctrination of the armed forces was not only to assert party control but also to build esprit de corps. Based on a series of previously untapped periodicals published by the General Political Department, this analysis contributes to understanding processes of authoritarian resilience in the contemporary Chinese state.
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Tenscher, Jens, Juri Mykkänen, and Tom Moring. "Modes of Professional Campaigning." International Journal of Press/Politics 17, no. 2 (February 6, 2012): 145–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161211433839.
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In recent years, political parties have reacted to far-reaching transformations in their media and sociocultural environments. These changes and adaptations, often assembled under the catchword “professionalization,” become most apparent during electoral campaigns. However, the campaign professionalism of political parties has not yet been systematically “measured,” having been examined mostly in single case studies. Against this background, we present an empirical test of the party-centered theory of professionalization. Ours is a four-country comparison of the campaign structures and strategies of political parties during the most recent European parliamentary elections. Our analyses demonstrate a wide variety in professional electoral campaigning. There are differences in campaign structures that not only point to country specifics but also to the impact of the size of the parties. We also ask whether there are differences between parties owing to their position on a right–left scale. Our findings point to some general trends in electoral campaigning that seem to be typical of societies with democratic corporatist media systems. Those similarities and country-specifics should be taken into account in future empirical analyses, which might benefit from our methodological approach.
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Joshi, Devin K., and Rakkee Thimothy. "Long-term impacts of parliamentary gender quotas in a single-party system: Symbolic co-option or delayed integration?" International Political Science Review 40, no. 4 (June 29, 2018): 591–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118772852.
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In recent years scholars have shifted their attention from the causes behind parliamentary gender quotas to their consequences for women’s descriptive, substantive, and symbolic representation. We contribute to this literature by focusing on long-term effects of gender quotas in the context of an authoritarian one-party system. Here we contest dominant theoretical explanations which posit that gender quotas in authoritarian states primarily serve the goals of symbolic co-option and window-dressing. Rather, we argue that while authoritarian adaptation may motivate the introduction of gender quotas, these quotas may result over time in what we call a delayed integration process featuring a gradual rise of women into arenas of power alongside increasing professionalization and capabilities of women within parliament. This argument is tested and supported via a 72-year longitudinal analysis of over 6000 female and male representatives of the Vietnamese National Assembly, a single-party parliament with long-standing gender quotas.
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Lin, Fen. "A Survey Report on Chinese Journalists in China." China Quarterly 202 (June 2010): 421–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741010000317.
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AbstractThis report presents a portrait of contemporary liberal Chinese journalists. Compared with the national average ten years ago, a typical journalist in Guangzhou is younger, better-educated and more likely to be female, and less likely to be a Communist Party member. The survey shows that the literati value coexists with both the modern professional and Party journalism value during the current journalistic professionalization. Such coexistence results in a complexity in journalists' attitude and behaviour. Journalists tend to be inactively liberal: possessing liberal attitudes but not engaging themselves in action. The survey also reports evidence on the contingency of journalistic behaviour logic. Professional logic shows its popularity when journalists encounter conflicts involving legal, economic and political concerns, but not in cases involving moral or cultural conflicts. Neither professional nor commercial logic is strong enough to oppose political logic when journalists are handling severe political issues.
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Rütters, Peter. "Die AfD in den Parlamenten – die „zweite Runde“." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 3 (2020): 597–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-3-597.
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The AfD was successful in each of the six elections held in 2019/20 (European Parliament, Bremen, Hamburg, Brandenburg, Saxony, and Thuringia) . The right-wing party either renewed or in most cases managed to enlarge its parliamentary representation . These successful elections were accompanied by a new adjustment of AfD’s ideological performance since its split in 2015 . The result of this split was the dominance of right-wing and national conservative, right-wing populist as well as folkish-nationalist positions within the party . Whether and if so, how, those shifts are reflected in the reand newly elected AfD MPs is studied by analyzing their social profiles . Some of them strengthened the “movement oriented” and anti-parliamentary focus of the AfD factions: (1) Only some of the former MPs managed to get re-nominated . It was mostly these politicians who shaped the ideological changes, represent these and are now the politically and parliamentary experienced core of the parliamentary parties . (2) They are accompanied by new MPs, who had been in the staff of the party, the parliamentary party or a single MP before they were nominated as candidates; in that way they are part of the process of political professionalization and the party’s self-recruitment . (3) Some of the new MPs were nominated as candidates because of their former commitment to the AfD’s youth organisation (JA) . (4) Furthermore, some of the new AfD-MPs were members of rather small right-wing parties (i .e ., DSU, Die Freiheit) and gained their political experience especially in municipal councils . However, most of the new AfD-MPs - in particular of the three state parliaments (Brandenburg, Saxony, and Thuringia) and also of the EP - can be characterised as lacking political and parliamentary experience before becoming AfD members . As to constructive activities of a parliamentary party in the opposition, the AfD MPs are partly missing the political willingness, partly the parliamentary experience .
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Verhelst, Tom, and Eric Kerrouche. "Family, Ambition, Locality and Party. A Study of Professionalization in the Activation and Apprenticeships of Local Councillors in Europe." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 10, no. 1 (January 25, 2012): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/10.1.37-62.
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It is widely acknowledged that elected representatives have often benefited from a variety of steppingstones in their passage to power. This article comparatively studies a selection of such steppingstones amongst local councillors in Europe. More specifically, it takes account of family ties, ambition, the entrenchment in the locality and the political party as elements of activation and apprenticeship in the process of political recruitment. In doing so, it sets out ideal-typical laymen from their professionalized counterparts. The article shows that at this early stage of recruitment, local councillors still generally tend towards the layman archetype. Furthermore, some assets, such as the inclusion in the local community and the enrolment in a political party, seem necessary to enter on a political career. Others are more provisional (e.g. family, motivations, social background, municipal size, ideology and function) or dependent upon the institutional provisions in place (e.g. quota, electoral system). Finally, professionalization patterns do not depend directly from traditional country types, but rather from the specific combination of factors in each country.
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Thomas, Clive S., and Ronald J. Hrebenar. "Interest Group Politics in the New South." American Review of Politics 12 (July 1, 1991): 80–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1991.12.0.80-112.
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In this study, a consistent mix of quantitative and qualitative methods is applied to the study of the interest group systems of twelve southern states. It is found that recent transformations of southern life and politics have affected surface aspects of southern interest group systems, such as the range of interests represented and the style of representation, but have not altered the fundamental dominance of the policy process by traditional economic and institutional interests that enjoy advantages in the resources of influence. Existing theories of an inverse relationship between interest group power and party development, socioeconomic development, and government professionalization, respectively, are thus thrown into question.
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Ahl, Björn. "The Politicization of the Chinese National Judicial Examination, 2007–2012." Modern China 44, no. 2 (November 15, 2017): 208–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700417737720.
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The introduction of a unified judicial examination marked an important step toward legal professionalization in China. Following a conservative turn in judicial reforms between 2007 and 2012, political content was included in the exam. On the basis of exam texts, model answers, and legal and other documents, this article investigates the content of political questions on the judicial exam. The analysis of exam questions reveals the party-state’s perception of the law-politics nexus and the significance of the political content of the exam for aspiring legal professionals. Candidates learn that they have to grasp the current party ideology in order to be able to deliver the correct interpretation of the law for serving the “overall political situation.” The article argues that the examination questions imply that political guidelines serve as an instrument for fine-tuning the application of law according to new policy aims as well as social and economic change.
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Adamik-Szysiak, Małgorzata. "SOCIAL MEDIA AS A TOOL OF POLITICAL PERMANENT CAMPAIGN ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE ACTIVITY OF POLISH POLITICIANS." SWS Journal of SOCIAL SCIENCES AND ART 1, no. 2 (November 21, 2019): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/ssa2019/issue2.01.
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In the context of the processes of professionalization and modernization of political communication and mediatization of politics, the aim of the article is to show how to use social media in strategies for communicating of party leaders on the Polish political scene.
The research questions concerned attempts of the politicians to use social media to implement communication marketing strategies, in particular in the aspect of engaging and mobilizing Internet users not only in the periods of electoral campaigns, but also in the long-term perspective.
The messages disseminated by politicians in social media (mainly on Facebook and Twitter) were analysed primarily from the point of view of their effectiveness (measured by the popularity of entries and their media visibility). It was important to pay attention to the ways of presenting and creating the political reality by politicians through the media.
The empirical research covered the years 2015-2017 and were of the longitudinal nature.
The basic research method is the analysis of the content, both quantitative and qualitative. Examining the way of the presentation of specific issues I am using the concept of framing the media messages.
According to the first hypothesis (H1), the use of social media by Polish politicians proves the growing professionalization of political communication, especially through the prism of its Americanization based on the concept of a hybrid style of communication, thus adapting selected solutions tested on the American political scene to Polish realities.
The second hypothesis (H2) indicates that in the communication strategies of political party leaders, social media are perceived as a communication tool which primary function is not only to inform but also to maintain relations with a potential electorate, in accordance with the assumptions of relationship marketing.
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Slipetska, J. M. "Electoral parties: the ideological positioning of parliamentary parties in Ukraine." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, no. 12 (February 4, 2019): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1718159.
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The article defines the main theoretical and methodological approaches to the analysis of the concept of «electoral party», investigates how this political institution evolved and which subspecies can be distinguished. Revealed that the electoral political party is a modern type of political party, characterized by erosion of the boundaries of the social base, professionalization and personalization of politics, de-ideologization of the party program, and recognition of the leading role of the electoral function. The main sub-types of electoral parties include: electoral-professional parties, cartel parties, strataghia, modern personnel parties, program parties, business-party parties, and «big tents».The ideological component of parliamentary parties in Ukraine according to the results of the last elections in 2014 has been analyzed. The methodology of content analysis of party programs by the Bloc of Petro Poroshenko, the Narodnyj Front, Samopomisch, the Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko, the Radical Party and the Opposition Bloc, using the formula of Chi Min Kim and Richard Fording, determined the ideological positioning each of them. Revealed that parliamentary parties in Ukraine have weak ideological articulation, the vast majority of parliamentary parties tend to centralism.According to a number of formal signs, determined that modern parliamentary parties in Ukraine are electoral in their essence - with blurred ideological positions, the main purpose of which is to reach the widest possible electorate and gain maximum representation in parliament. Determined that Ukrainian political parties are «parties for all» with a blurred social base and de-ideologization. Analyzing the programs of Ukrainian parliamentary parties, was found common to all parties, namely, the abuse of populism and attempts to take a centrist stand.
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Lepingwell, John W. R. "Soviet Civil-Military Relations and the August Coup." World Politics 44, no. 4 (July 1992): 539–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010487.
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This paper tests the objective (professionalization) and subjective (party penetration) models of Soviet civil-military relations. The objective model is found to provide the best fit and is used to investigate further the factors leading to military participation in, and withdrawal from, the coup of August 1991. The objective model points to the importance of threats to professional autonomy and national unity, the politicization of the military, and declining regime legitimacy as the primary causal factors in the participation of the military in the coup. It also stresses the importance of military professionalism as a barrier to intervention and as a cause of military paralysis during the coup. Furthermore, the model points to the importance of democratic legitimacy in future civilian control and to the need for increased military professionalism to forestall threats to the post-Soviet regime.
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KLUVER, RANDOLPH. "The Architecture of Control: a Chinese Strategy for e-Governance." Journal of Public Policy 25, no. 1 (February 2, 2005): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x05000218.
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The rapid development of the Peoples' Republic of China has put increasing strains on an overwhelmed administrative and bureaucratic structure that was already hobbled by persistent inefficiency and corruption. In addition to anti-corruption and professionalization campaigns, the government has devised a system of e-governance with the goal of adding stability and order to a chaotic governing process. This includes re-establishing the control of the governing authorities, including improving the quality of surveillance and data gathering and hence policy-making; the elimination of corruption; and ultimately, the re-legitimation of the Communist Party of China. This paper discusses the critical administrative and political problems facing the government, demonstrates ways in which e-government has been designed to meet these, and discusses the problems presented by a reliance on e-government in a developing country.
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Slipetska, Julija, and Mykola Speresenko. "Cath-all-party: theoretical-methodological framework of learning and ideology position on the example of parliamentary elections of 2019." Grani 23, no. 4 (July 5, 2020): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172040.
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The article highlights the basic scientific approaches to understanding the concept of "electoral party", identifies trends in the evolution of understanding of the term and the change of scientific paradigms in its interpretation. The authors conclude that the electoral party is a modern kind of party characterized by blurring the boundaries of the social base, the lack of a clear ideology and professionalization and personalization of its internal structure.The article reveals the historical evolution and formation of modern approaches to the interpretation of the "electoral party", identifies their varieties. The main subtypes of electoral parties include: electoral-professional parties, cartel parties, stratarchies, modern personnel parties, program parties, business firm parties, "big tent".Content analysis of the programs of the parliamentary parties in 2019, namely, "Sluga narodu", OPHZ, "Batkivshyna", "Golos" and "European Solidarity", using the formula of Hee Min Kim and Richard Fording, determined the ideological position of each of them. Authors conclude that most of 2019 parliamentary parties tend to be centrist and don’t have clear ideological position.Thus, it has been found that by most attributes, parliamentary parties in Ukraine can be classified as electoral, because by eroding the social base and trying to get support from the widest possible electoral circle, parliamentary parties lose their ideological attachment. It allows them to get maximum electoral resalt (Sluga narodu? 2019), but is counterproductive in terms of abuse of populism and inability to fulfill all program promises. The most conservative political forces include European Solidarity and the Voice. At the same time, it is the least liberal in terms of the ideological content of the OPZZ.
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Montemagno, Francesca, and Rossana Sampugnaro. "Quanto influiscono i sistemi elettorali sulle campagne?" Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 81, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 43–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-8524.
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The demand for specific expertise to manage strategically election campaigns is growing. However, their use depends on the history of political party, on their values and on their economic resources and to the context in which the election campaign takes place. In this sphere, the electoral system produces constraints and incentives for the development of the electoral campaigns.This study aims to examine the influence of electoral system on electoral campaign style and on its management. In particular, the focus is on professionalization and personalization of electoral campaigns within a comparative approach among the European states. The data are from a comparative study on candidates (CCS).The study focuses on the candidates who participated in the most recent general elections included in the database. In particular, we selected nine countries with different electoral systems: for Candidate-based electoral system, we choice Romania, United Kingdom, Ireland and Malta; for Party-based electoral system, we examined Norway, Portugal and Italy; we also included in our analysis Hungary and Germany, which have a Mixed system with single-member constituency and closed List, which can be placed between the two previous systems.The results of the study show that the electoral systems influence the election campaigns of candidates, producing different models of mobilization.
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Lin, Li-Wen. "Reforming China's State-owned Enterprises: From Structure to People." China Quarterly 229 (February 1, 2017): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741016001569.
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AbstractThe Chinese Communist Party has recently unveiled its new agenda for state-owned enterprise (SOE) reform. Most attention to date has focused on structural reform through the so-called “mixed ownership” policy. This article is to direct attention to a critically important yet much less analysed item on the SOE reform agenda: the professionalization of the SOE executive personnel. This article provides an empirical study on the managerial elite of China's financial and non-financial SOEs. The findings suggest a politically constrained management approach in the Chinese state-owned sector. Moreover, an innovative analysis of the SOE executive career patterns reveals that the state-controlled banks and industrial SOEs employ divergent human resource management methods. The anatomy of the SOE managerial elite in this article provides a timely evaluation of the recent SOE reform policy and a richer understanding of China's state-owned sector from a comparative capitalism perspective.
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Walter, Aaron T. "The Good, Bad, and Ugly of Populism: A Comparative Analysis of the U.S. and Slovakia." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 17, no. 2 (April 25, 2017): 166–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2017-0007.
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Abstract The dynamics of political campaigning is as unique as the people and party platforms that inhabit the campaign period. The progress of certain political personalities or of political parties themselves insure a positivity to the political process in contrast to statism. Not all change is welcome surely, but the fact that such activity occurs within pluralist democracy is a sign of vitality in both practice and principle. One such change in recent political campaigns has been the increased popularity of candidates and parties espousing populist platforms and rhetoric. While in the United States, such represented interest is historically based from the late nineteenth century, in Slovakia it is more recent, but no less significant in its historical roots. In the following paper the methodology of a comparative analysis is employed to investigate populism within the United States and Slovakia while utilizing the theoretical context of neoclassical realism that has populism in the national context: personalization of politics, catch-all policies, media centricity, professionalization and political marketing.
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Król, Joanna. "Reformy dyktuje system – o naradzie oświatowej KC PZPR z 24 października 1958 roku." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 30 (February 8, 2019): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2013.30.6.
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The system dictates the reforms – on the educational conference of the Central Committee of the Communist Party on 28 October 1958The subject of the article is the educational conference which was held on 28 October 1958. It is believed that this meeting, in particular W. Gomulka’s speech, designated the main directions of future educational policy. Gomulka’s speech contained the following conclusions: the extension of compulsory education, the development of vocational education, professionalization of education and ideologisation of teacher training. A very important part of Gomulka’s speech was the issue of teaching religion. Although Gomulka promised to comply with the agreement concluded with the Church on teaching religion, he on the other hand criticized the conduct of the clergy on emblems and religious practices. The participants of the conference were more radical than Gomulka and advocated the total elimination of religious education in school. Strangely enough, all of the main conclusions of the meeting were subsequently turned into legislation. The crowning achievement of the speakers of 1958 became the law on the development of the system of education in 1961, which introduced secular schools and socialist educational ideals.
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Melikidze, Giorgi. "Election Campaigning: The Case of Georgia." TalTech Journal of European Studies 10, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 117–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2020-0018.
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Abstract Preparing for elections during election campaigning has been topical in every era. In the 19th century, new methods for carrying out election campaigns were developed in the United States. The Americanization of election campaigns is characterized by political personalization, the special role of the media in a pre-election period, brittle ideological grounds and particular specialization of the political campaign. A plethora of different concepts have been coined to explain this process, including ‘Americanization’ and ‘professionalization’. As the uS is identified as the origin of election campaigning trends, these assumed convergences came to be known in academic writing as ‘Americanization’. Election campaigning was in need of professionals hired to navigate the campaign’s strategy. With the emergence of campaign advisors, the term ‘professionalization’ was introduced. In Georgia, the first steps on the way to statehood were made at the beginning of the 1990s, following the 70 years of Soviet rule. in post-Soviet Georgia, multiparty and competitive elections enabled political parties to use foreign experience in political campaigning. The goal of the present article is to define the existing election campaign model in Georgia, and especially, to examine the tendencies of Americanization in the election campaigns in Georgia in the period of 1990–2016. According to the research hypothesis, the weak institutionalization of the party system creates a favorable ground for the Americanization of political campaigning. in the 1990s, the weak representativeness of Georgian parties played an important role in political campaigning since the very beginning. in the research process, the characteristics of political campaigns in post-Soviet Georgia were analyzed. This study makes use of qualitative research methods, including: (a) expert interviews with political consultants; (b) in-depth interviews with representatives of political parties; and (c) in-depth interviews with the selected electorate. Qualitative research methods were chosen for the work for the purpose of understanding the tendencies of the Americanization of election campaigning in Georgia from the respondents’ perspective. Qualitative methods are more explicit and descriptive, and by gathering responses like these, it is possible to gain a deeper understanding of the subject.
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Sarma, Pratysush Paras, and Tanaya Hazarika. "Social Media and Election Campaigns: An Analysis of the Usage of Twitter during the 2021 Assam Assembly Elections." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 6, no. 2 (January 30, 2023): 96–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v6i2.857.
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Election campaigning in India shows increasingly more sophisticated and widespread use of digital technologies like mobile phones and social media platforms, including Twitter for broadcasting messages and WhatsApp for creating political communities. Political parties hire workers to work for their social media campaigns, generally spreading negative campaigns about their opposition and glorifying their own agendas. At the same time, parties have mobilized campaign strategies around the personality of the leaders. Accordingly, Indian politics mirrors existing trends in western democracies, but these changes in election campaigning have occurred later and for many Indian voters, seem to have appeared out of nowhere. Hence this study may pave the way to gain a comprehensible understanding of the parties’ dominant political ideologies and identities, and especially the various issues that they may focus upon. It uses theories of professionalization, and social media campaigning for the 2021 election campaigns of the two dominant parties in Assam, an Indian state with more than 30 million residents. Primarily the study will try to explore the role of Twitter in the election campaigning process in the state of Assam. It will use qualitative content analysis to categorize the dominant techniques used by the two dominant political parties of Assam and finally percentage analysis will be performed to churn out the dominant issues used by the two political parties on Twitter. By analyzing the dominant issues this study also tries to explore which party was able to use Twitter significantly and how its role as a political communication strategy was effective.
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Vermeiren, Hildegard. "What Interpreters in the EU Should Know About Legislation: The Case of Belgium and the Netherlands." FITISPos International Journal 6, no. 1 (April 30, 2019): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/fitispos-ij.2019.6.1.200.
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Abstract: The interpreting profession weaves its way through a tangled web of legal provisions. Especially in the areas of immigration, the court, the police or social services, third-party rights play an important role, and language assistance is needed to act following the law. Freelance interpreters are contracted. These interpreters have opted for entrepreneurship and private-law relationships with their clients. The public-law sphere, however, is very much a part of their activities, through their training, certification, fees they earn, but also taxation. Due to growing professionalization, higher demands are being placed on interpreters. Requirements nowadays are much stricter than an oath of faithful translation. This paper discusses what starting public service interpreters need to know about legal provisions when starting their career as entrepreneurs in Belgium and the Netherlands.Resumen: En la profesión de intérprete se cruzan numerosas disposiciones legales. Especialmente en los sectores de inmigración, tribunales y servicios policiales o sociales, los derechos de terceros desempeñan un papel esencial, y la asistencia lingüística es importante para la legalidad de las acciones. Se contrata a intérpretes freelance. Estos han optado por hacerse autónomos y por las relaciones de derecho privado con sus clientes. Sin embargo, la esfera del derecho público está muy presente en sus vidas, a través de su formación, certificación, despliegue, tarifación e impuestos. Debido a la creciente profesionalización del sector, el nivel exigido a los intérpretes es cada vez superior. Hoy en día, los criterios son más estrictos que el tradicional juramento de fidelidad. Comentamos lo que los jóvenes intérpretes necesitan saber al lanzarse como emprendedores en Bélgica y los Países Bajos.
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Djerf-Pierre, Monika. "Journalistikens kön. Fältets struktur och logik under 1900-talet." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 24, no. 2 (June 15, 2022): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v24i2.4153.
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The basictheme of this artide is gender and power in the field of journalism in Sweden. It is not controversial to assert that journalism, historically speaking, evolved as a male-dominated field. Despite the high level of gender quality in Sweden, however, this pattern remains the case. Drawing on Bourdieu's theories on habitus, capital and field and Toril Moi's "appropriation" of Bourdieu, the artide looks at the structure of the field of journalism during three time periods: the party press phase (1900-1950), the professionalization phase (1950-1985), and the commercialization and feminization phase (1985 onwards). The field of journalism is defined at the nexus of three overarching social forces - political, economic, and professional forces and dynamics— and the gender order of the field reflects the relative weight of these forces at any given point in time. The empirical analysis of the field is centered around four main questions: (1) which positions men and women have been given access to during different time periods, (2) what forms of capital men and women have accumulated, (3) how images and perceptions on what constitutes "good" journalism have become gendered over time and which positions, media and genres of journalism have been associated with status/ prestige as well as to what extent this social status branding has become gendered, and (4) to what extent the struggle in the field has been gendered and what strategies and tactics have been employed in that struggle. In closing, the article discusses some tentative conclusions about the logic of the field of journalism. The main finding is that status, prestige and power have been associated with conceptions of masculinity and these conceptions, in turn, have been associated to the beliefs that underpin the field—the image of the journalistic "mission".
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Huzhalouski, Alexander A. "Museums of the Soviet Belarus during the Khrushchev’s ‘Thaw’ (1953–1968)." Issues of Museology 12, no. 1 (2021): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu27.2021.104.
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The historical perspective allows us to take a fresh look at a complex and contradictory period in the development of museum affairs in the USSR, which entered into historiography under the name of Khrushchev’s ‘thaw’. Using archival sources that are part of the Ministry of Culture of the Byelorussian SSR record, published statistical data, as well as periodicals, the article attempts to show the growth of the museum network in the BSSR and trace the process of its profile differentiation and museum branch development during this period. Using the specified source base, an analysis of state policy and public initiatives in the field of museum work was carried out. The public discussion of the early 1960s on the role of an artist in the process of museum display design is considered. While listing and analysing museum innovations during the ‘thaw’, the author pays special attention to the legalization of the activities of Belarusian private collectors. The emergence of museum architecture as a material embodiment of socio-cultural ideas about the museum is considered separately. The transformation of Belarusian museums into a subject of international relations in 1953–1968 is presented as an important new trend in their development. Appreciating the positive changes in the life of museums during the ‘thaw’ period, the author points out that it was in those years that the subordination of all activities of Belarusian museums to the tasks of glorifying Soviet society at the expense of other historical periods was finally established at the normative level. All areas of museum activities were filled with ideological content, which reflected the general cultural policy, invariably pursued by the party leadership. The article significantly expands the museological interpretation of the ‘thaw’ era and its role in the expansion, democratization, and professionalization of museum activities.
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Alibabić, Šefika. "Profesionalizacija menadžmenta u obrazovanju." Obrazovanje odraslih/Adult Education 9, no. 2 2009 (2009): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.53617/issn2744-2047.2009.9.2.9.
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The purpose of this paper is to, considering the educational system as an ''educational market'', identify and describe new directions for paradigm of management in education, and on that basis to emphasize the importance of professionalization of management in education. The structure of this paper is made of three research parts. In the first part the educational system is presented in the whole as an ''educational market'' whose development cannot be supported by ''conducted'' managing patterns, but just managing styles and models based on knowledge and skills. The second part the deals with the analysis of the present condition of the ''educational offer'' for the leaders/managers in education, either in the terms of in-servis education. In the third part the results of empirical research about the needs of school principals are analyzed (using the modern andragogical models for research of educational needs) and on that basis the strategies and models of continues development of professional competence among leaaders/managers in education are suggested.
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Tev, Denis. "Legislature Speakers of Subjects of the Russian Federation: Recruitment Paths and Career." Sociological Journal 27, no. 1 (March 26, 2021): 52–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/socjour.2021.27.1.7844.
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This article analyzes the channels for recruiting speakers for the legislatures of subjects of the Russian Federation, as well as the specifics of their career, both before election and after resignation. The empirical basis of the study is a biographical database of chairmen of regional legislative assemblies of all convocations from the time when the last councils of people’s deputies were disbanded and until February of 2019. It is shown that speakers tended to be strongly rooted in the political power structures of Soviet society, but over time the share of nomenklatura among them – primarily party cadres – saw a significant decline. The most important channel for recruiting speakers – which was also their place of work after resignation – was representative bodies, primarily regional legislatures. Electing relatively experienced professional deputies as speakers might indicate a certain autonomization and institutionalization of legislative bodies, but this tendency is rather limited: close ties with influential external forces that control the legislature often serve as a powerful driving factor for a legislative career, freeing speakers from the need to first go through “political apprenticeship” in parliament. One of the main channels for recruiting speakers is administrative bodies, primarily regional and local, which, in many respects, reflects the dependence of the formation and functioning of legislatures on governors, who strive to appoint persons from their clientele to run said legislatures. Less often speakers work in administrations after resigning, primarily as governors. A significant source for recruiting speakers is business, but there’s a relatively small number of people who came directly from that environment (most often from large firms by regional standards), which may reflect both the importance of preliminary political professionalization in order to attain the post, and control over legislatures by governors, for whom private businessmen may seem too independent of figures to be speakers. Speakers are much less likely to end up in business after resignation, and their return to the enterprises where they previously worked is common.
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Penn, Roger, and Mary Kiddy. "Impresa sociale e assistenza sanitaria nella Gran Bretagna contemporanea: una nuova prospettiva?" SOCIOLOGIA DEL LAVORO, no. 113 (July 2009): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sl2009-113010.
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- The difficult professionalization for the jobs related to the services to the person The authors divide their reflections on the process of professionalization into two parts: the first one identifies the activities carried out by employees who work in the field of the services to the person, the grouping of these activities into structured professions, the characteristics of the employees; the second part focuses on the difficult professionalization process for such activities. The people working in this services sector generally possess low qualifications and therefore the challenge of their professionalization is real. The second part of the essay examines the relationship between education and occupation and analyzes the opportunities for and obstacles to the professionalization through education.
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Tenório, Giliard Gomes. "Propaganda Partidária Gratuita: dilemas e implicações sobre os partidos políticos e a comunicação política brasileira." Compolítica 1, no. 2 (October 24, 2011): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.21878/compolitica.2011.1.2.20.
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<p>Este trabalho busca destacar as características de Propaganda Partidária Gratuita (PPG), espaço oferecido pelo Estado aos partidos brasileiro em cadeia nacional de rádio e televisão, em período não-eleitoral. Este é um objeto de caráter eminentemente partidário, cujo objetivo é oferecer uma oportunidade para as siglas apresentem sua identidade e programa político para a população. Por outro lado, a PPG também deve ser percebida por seu viés de propaganda, cuja aplicação ao mundo da política (notadamente por meio das campanhas políticas e eleitorais) tem sido definida pelas práticas de valorização da imagem dos candidatos – em detrimento de elementos coletivos. Em razão disso, questões como declínio partidário, personalização e profissionalização da política, tornam-se mais relevantes, orientando este estudo.</p><p> </p><p>This paper seeks to highlight the features of Brazilian Partisan Propaganda (BPP), a kind of advertisement offer by the Brazilian State to the political parties on national radio and television network, in the non-electoral period. This is an object of character eminently partisan, whose goal is to provide an opportunity for the parties to present its identity and political program to the population. On the other hand, the BPP should also be perceived by its bias propaganda, whose application to the world of politics (notably through political and election campaigns) has been defined by the practices of image enhancement of the candidates – at the expense of collective elements. As a result, issues such party decline, personalization and professionalization of politics, become increasingly relevant, guiding the study developed here.</p>
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Cândido, Renata Marcílio, and Arlindo Da Silva Lourenço. "Entre a moral, a ciência e a doutrina: os discursos educacionais e a profissão docente." Cadernos de História da Educação 17, no. 2 (August 1, 2018): 531. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/che-v17n2-2018-15.
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O artigo analisa os discursos veiculados pela Revista de Ensino (1902-1918), especialmente, aqueles relacionados à formação e à identidade dos professores, comparando-os aos da grande mídia produzidos a partir do que se convencionou chamar de “Escola sem Partido”, no início deste século. Trata-se de um relato de pesquisa fundamentado em estudiosos da área que almeja retomar como se definiram as características relacionadas à docência num contexto considerado fundamental para a constituição do campo educacional paulista: finais do século XIX e início do XX, e das temáticas que figurariam como definidoras dos debates na área pelos anos seguintes. Organizaram-se os textos selecionados em categorias de análise relacionadas às características profissionais e pessoais dos professores e as formas pelas quais deveriam compreender e atuar no âmbito do ensino. As análises empreendidas revelam o discurso dual e ambíguo definidor da profissão, ora apresentada como um sacerdócio, ora fundamentando sua profissionalização nos métodos científicos. Palavras-chave: Profissão Docente; História da Educação; Escola sem Partido. AbstractThe article analyzes the discourses of the Revista de Ensino (1902-1918), especially those related to the formation and identity of teachers, comparing them to those of the mainstream media produced from what has been called the "School without Party" at the beginning of this century. This article is a report of research based on scholars in the area who intends to retake how the characteristics related to teaching were defined in a context considered fundamental for the constitution of the educational field of São Paulo: late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and themes that would appear as defining to the debates in the area for the following years. The selected texts were organized into categories of analysis related to the professional and personal characteristics of the teachers and the ways in which they should understand and act in the teaching context. The analysis carried out reveals the ambiguous discourse that defines the profession, at times presented as priesthood, and other times basing its professionalization on scientific methods.Keywords: teaching profession; history of education; school without party. ResumenEl artículo analiza los discursos informados en la Revista de Ensino (1902-1918), en especial aquellos relacionados a la formación y la identidad de los profesores, comparándolos a los de los grandes medios producidos a partir de lo que se convenció llamar "Escola sem Partido", a principios de este siglo. Se trata de un relato de investigación fundamentado en estudiosos del área que anhela revivir como se definieron las características concernidas a la docencia en un contexto estimado fundamental para la constitución del campo del educación en São Paulo: finales del siglo XIX e inicio del XX, y de las asuntos que figurarían como definitorias de los debates en el área por los años siguientes. Se organizaron los textos seleccionados en clases de análisis referidas con las calidades profesionales y personales de los educadores y las formas en que deberían comprender y actuar en el ámbito de la enseñanza. Los análisis emprendidos revelan el discurso dual y ambiguo declarante de la profesión, ora presentada tal un sacerdocio, ora asentando su profesionalización en los métodos científicos.Palabras clave: Profesión docente; historia de la educación; Escuela sin partido.
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SUŁKOWSKI, Łukasz, Robert SELIGA, Piotr BUŁA, and Katarzyna KOLASIŃSKA-MORAWSKA. "Professionalization of university management in Poland." ADMINISTRATIE SI MANAGEMENT PUBLIC 1, no. 35 (November 27, 2020): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/amp/2020.35-11.
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The professionalization of university management takes place in many countries and is part of the transformation of the higher education sector. Professionalization of university management in the USA, Great Britain, many EU countries and other parts of the world includes the implementation of the concept of strategic management of public and private universities, as well as strengthening and improving the administration and professional development of managers in the higher education sector. The adoption of Law 2.0 creates an organizational space for the introduction of various management solutions. The basis of organizational changes is the increase in competition, diversity of the university's mission and internationalization. It can be argued that greater freedom in the application of various organizational solutions and increased competition will favor the professionalization of management. Numerous strategic, structural and managerial solutions will be tested at universities and adjusted to their needs.
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Adi, Ana. "#publicrelations on Twitter: Pushers, Talkers, Influencers on Spamming PR and Job Hunting." Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 17, no. 3 (December 1, 2015): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2015.3.167.
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<p>A space generally associated with marketers and breaking news (Hobsbawn, 2009 cited in Evans, Twomey & Talan, 2011), Twitter has also become a space debate, community building and legitimization for companies and social movements alike. The academic literature has seen a rise in interest in the micro-blogging platform. For instance, Adi and Moloney (2012) assess the strategic uses of Twitter by protest groups, Adi, Erickson and Lilleker (2014) reflect on the networks and use pattern of the same platform by politicians, namely UK Labor party representatives in the House of Lords while Adi and Grigore (2015) analyze the strategic uses of social media by corporations. Bajpai and Jaiswal (2011) on the other hand propose a framework for analyzing collective action events on Twitter and so do the creators behind visual analysis platforms like NodeXL, Gephi, Linkurious and Socioviz. Public Relations research too has provided several reflections and analyses of Twitter. Verhoeven et al (2012) and Sweetsner and Kelleher discuss how practitioners use social media; Lovejoy, Waters and Saxton evaluate how NGO are engaging stakeholders though the new medium, while Saffer, Sommerfeldt and Taylor (2013) suggest that Twitter interactivity influences the quality of organization–public relationships. With questions about the professionalization of Public Relations as well as about the portrayals and perceptions of the profession continuing to intrigue researchers, it is surprising that only Xifra and Grau (2010) looked into the type of information shared in tweets about public relations. Using the Twitter data collection and analysis option from Socioviz this paper provides an exploratory account of the #publicrelations on Twitter. Using the visualizations provided by the platform and automated data analysis to gain insight into over 10,000 tweets published during June 15-24 and July 15-24, this paper qualitatively assesses the emerging themes about public relations focusing on association of hashtags and type of messages shared and identifies the most active and most influential users within the issue topic. The paper reveals that the #publicrelations is often associated with #jobs or is hijacked and associated with tags such as #gossip or #entertainment. The paper also shows that conversation in the #publicrelations issue network is limited and that the hashtag only partially includes content relevant to the practice. In doing so the paper raises important questions about the nature of dialogue and symmetry on social media and their assessment and suggests that further research should explore twitter chats as well as continue to apply similar data collection methods as used for the study.</p>
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Wilson, Jennifer. "Professionalization and Gender in Local Emergency Management." International Journal of Mass Emergencies & Disasters 17, no. 1 (March 1999): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/028072709901700107.
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There is no doubt that women are in short supply as emergency managers at the local level. In many parts in our society women still do not hold positions of leadership, authority or management. Emergency response agencies are no exception. Indeed, contemporary county offices of emergency management evolved from the traditional local offices of civil defense which were predominately occupied and operated by men. Thus, there is a long history of emergency management being considered a male domain. Although the number of women involved in the process of local emergency management is increasing, there Iras been little research on women's and men's different experiences in this environment. This exploratory study examines women in local emergency management by looking at how gendered expectations, roles, and relationships might affect local offices of emergency management.
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Tarvydas, Vilia M., Michael J. Leahy, and Stephen A. Zanskas. "Judgment Deferred: Reappraisal of Rehabilitation Counseling Movement Toward Licensure Parity." Journal of Applied Rehabilitation Counseling 39, no. 4 (December 1, 2008): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0047-2220.39.4.19.
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Fifteen years have passed since an analysis of the position of rehabilitation counselors in the national counselor licensure movement by Tarvydas and Leahy. This article addresses the question of how well their efforts to achieve licensure parity with other counselors have fared. This question will be addressed by discussing (a) rehabilitation counseling developments that have influenced licensure progress, (b) shifts in the nature of professionalization and efforts toward rehabilitation counseling parity, and (c) counselor licensure trends and rehabilitation counseling status within them. Specific recommendations are provided that would assist the field of rehabilitation counseling in meeting the urgent challenges that confront them in consolidating its position in the maturing counselor licensure movement before it is further disadvantaged.
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Malcolm, Dominic, and Kenneth Sheard. "“Pain in the Assets”: The Effects of Commercialization and Professionalization on the Management of Injury in English Rugby Union." Sociology of Sport Journal 19, no. 2 (June 2002): 149–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.19.2.149.
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This paper examines the management of injuries in men’s elite rugby union in England and, in particular, how this has altered as a consequence of the (formal) professionalization of the game in 1995. Data are drawn from 42 in-depth, semistructured interviews, conducted with seven coaches/directors of rugby, nine rugby club doctors, ten physiotherapists, and sixteen players. Partly as a consequence of examining pain and injury developmentally, our findings contrast with much of the existing sociological research in the area. The professionalization of rugby union, we argue, has not led to a greater acceptance of pain and injury in the sport or to a higher level of pressure upon, or “coercion” of, players to play under such conditions. Rather professional players receive markedly better medical backup and seem increasingly disposed to utilizing it.
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Kunneman, Harry. "HUMANISTIC INFORMATION STUDIES: A PROPOSAL. PART 2: NORMATIVE PROFESSIONALIZATION." Logeion: Filosofia da Informação 2, no. 1 (September 24, 2015): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21728/logeion.2016v2n1.p11-32.
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Beginning from a preliminary explanation in Part 1 (Logeion, v.1, n.2) about the transitional zone between system and world of life, this paper discusses the enrichment of the production of informational knowledge, focusing on the crucial role of normative professionalization and organizational cultures in Humanistic Information Studies. The concept of normative professionalization, initially constructed from Habermas analysis of ‘system’ and ‘world of life’, and Foucault’s analysis of ‘truth’ and power in the social sciences, was enriched by the dialog with Freidson about "good works", Ricoeur's ethical perspective, the ethics of craftsmanship developed by Sennett, and Schön's analysis of professional reflexivity. Today it is possible to view the initially referred to transitional zone as a dynamic place where contemporary organizational theory and normative professionalization may open perspectives to wider moral values. Great conceptual efforts are needed. But the greatest challenge lies in the normative aspects which require new forms of cooperation based on radical equality between academic researchers and professionals working in organizations to connect the different forms of knowledge on the basis of equality, and characteristics established on the practice-based character of normative professionalization. ESTUDOS HUMANÍSTICOS DA INFORMAÇAO: UMA PROPOSTA.PARTE 2: A PROFISSIONALIZAÇÃO NORMATIVA ResumoPartindo do entendimento de uma zona de transição entre sistema e mundo da vida, apresentado na Parte 1 (Logeion, v.1, n.2), este texto discute o enriquecimento da produção de conhecimento informacional, enfocando o papel crucial da profissionalização normativa e das culturas organizacionais nos Estudos Humanísticos da Informação. O conceito de profissionalização normativa, inicialmente construído a partir da análise de 'sistema' e 'mundo da vida' de Habermas e da análise de Foucault sobre a relação entre verdade e poder nas ciências sociais, foi enriquecido pelo diálogo com Freidson sobre o "bom trabalho", a perspectiva ética de Ricoeur, a ética do artesanato desenvolvida por Sennett, e a análise da reflexividade profissional de Schön. Hoje podemos ver referida zona de transição inicial como um lugar dinâmico, onde a teoria organizacional contemporânea e a profissionalização normativa podem abrir a perspectiva de valores morais mais amplos. São ainda necessários grandes esforços conceituais. O maior desafio reside no lado normativo, que pede novas formas de cooperação com base na igualdade radical entre pesquisadores acadêmicos e profissionais que trabalham em organizações, para conectar as diferentes formas de conhecimento sobre uma base da igualdade e nas características, situadas e baseadas na prática, da profissionalização normativa.
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Schrank, Andrew. "Professionalization and Probity in a Patrimonial State: Labor Inspectors in the Dominican Republic." Latin American Politics and Society 51, no. 2 (2009): 91–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2009.00049.x.
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AbstractAre international labor rights campaigns making a difference in Latin America? This article reveals that Dominican policymakers and bureaucrats are responding to foreign pressure by redoubling their commitment to a distinctively Franco-Iberian model of labor law enforcement, in which skilled labor inspectors use their discretion to balance society's demand for protection with the economy's need for efficiency. In so doing, they provide an alternative to traditional collective bargaining practices—which at least partly decouples both the intensity of the enforcement effort and the degree of worker protection from the level of unionization—and an example for the rest of the region. The article therefore concludes by reconsidering the Central American experience in light of the Dominican findings and discussing their joint implications for our understanding of administrative reform, industrial relations, and globalization, not only in the so-called CAFTA countries but in Latin America more generally.
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Valeev, Emil N. "Research Libraries to the Provincial Scientific Archival Commissions." Bibliotekovedenie [Library and Information Science (Russia)], no. 3 (May 24, 2010): 99–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/0869-608x-2010-0-3-99-105.
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Research libraries of the provincial scientific archival commissions had been established at the first committee meetings. The collection was born from donated books of the first chairmen and honorary members of the commissions. Firstly conceived with the aim to assist staff in their research activities they partly increased demands of the provincial nobility and students. The identifiers of the library collections were in the availability of manuscripts, official publications of supreme and local authorities, works of the scientists of local lore, the regional press. Inadequate financing of the commissions and the problem of professionalization of personnel did not allow libraries to realize all social functions.
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Stockmann, Daniel. "Evolução e condições do trabalho docente no Brasil do século XX / Evolution and conditions of teaching work in Brazil of the twentieth century." Revista de História e Historiografia da Educação 3, no. 9 (December 30, 2019): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rhhe.v3i9.68496.
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Este texto aborda os principais acontecimentos da educação brasileira ao longo do século XX. Trata-se de uma análise bibliográfica das transformações político-econômicas e sua correlação com a educação e o trabalho docente. Parte-se de uma abordagem histórico-critica, para compreender as condições de profissionalização ou proletarização da atividade docente, passando pela consolidação de suas representações de classe até o final do século. Apesar da história da profissionalização docente, assim como toda a história, não transcorrer de forma linear, a consolidação de direitos laborais expressam, em maior ou menor grau, a gradativa expansão dos direitos sociais, especialmente os que têm no investimento em educação enquanto politica pública, uma esperança de desenvolvimento econômico.***This text addresses the main events of Brazilian education throughout the 20th century. It is a bibliographical analysis of political-economic transformations and their correlation with education and teaching work. It starts from a historical-critical approach, to understand the conditions of professionalization or proletarianization of the teaching activity, passing through the consolidation of its class representations until the end of the century. Although the history of teacher professionalization, as well as all of history, does not proceed in a linear way, the consolidation of labor rights express, to a greater or lesser extent, the gradual expansion of social rights, especially those that have in the investment in education as a public policy , a hope of economic development.
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Ojala, Jari, Jari Eloranta, Jaakko Pehkonen, and Anu Ojala. "Young Lads and Old Tars: Changing Age Structure of the Nordic Sailors, 1750s–1930s." Social Science History 46, no. 4 (2022): 861–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2022.16.
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AbstractThis article analyzes the changing age structure of Swedish and Finnish sailors for almost 200 years. We show that the proportion of the youngest men increased during the age of sail (i.e., the older technology). The average age increased significantly during the early twentieth century as steam (i.e., the newer technology) replaced sail in Nordic shipping. Thus, a technological revolution did not displace the older workers, but rather diminished the demand for the younger ones. This study shows, however, that technological changes were not the only drivers of changes in the age structure of Nordic sailors. Institutional and societal changes also played an important role, though they were at least partly coevolving with the technological changes. This study also shows that the maritime industry experienced professionalization especially during the latter part of the period.
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Stasiuk-Krajewska, Karina. "Provider versus navigator. News values and the journalistic professionalism." Media Biznes Kultura, no. 1 (10) (2021): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25442554.mbk.21.007.13973.
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The text examines the condition of contemporary journalism in the context of professionalization and values. Presenting the analysis of different ways of defining journalism as a profession, the author notes that contemporary journalism operates within two sets of values. Those that are normally associated with the so-called “professional journalism”, which are referred to the fractographical pact (mainly constituted by such values as: truth, objectivity and independence). The second set of values is called news values. They are fundamentally different and inconsistent with the norms that are considered constitutive for journalism as a profession. In this situation, journalism as a profession and journalists as its representatives are obliged to perform simultaneously two, partly at least contradictory, functions the information provider and the navigator who guides his / her recipients through information for him / her for attractive, noteworthy.
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Safonov, Yurii Mykolaiovych, Evgen Ivanovych Maslennikov, and Viktoriia Ihorivna Borshch. "INNOVATION TRAINING AND DEVELOPMENT TECHNOLOGIES FOR MANAGERIAL PERSONNEL." SCIENTIFIC BULLETIN OF POLISSIA 1, no. 2(14) (March 1, 2018): 154–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.25140/2410-9576-2018-2-2(14)-154-159.
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Urgency of the research. Implementation of the innovation training and development technologies is the basis for the effective human resources use and their effectiveness increasing. Target setting. Interest in the professionalization process of managerial staff is gradually growing. Determination of the main tendencies in the management education and eliminating the problems of effective use of training and development technologies for managerial personnel, requires detailed consideration. Actual scientific researches and issues analysis. The scientific works of R. Ansoff, M. Armstrong, E. Kuznietsov are devoted to the analysis of theoretical and practical aspects of managerial personnel professionalization. Uninvestigated parts of general matters defining. The development of the complex education technology of personnel training and development is still uninvestigated scientific issue. The research objective. Innovation training and development process of managerial personnel is the subject of the article. The main goal of the article is to research existent educational technologies for managerial personnel development, to analyze their effectiveness and to propose the most useful one. The statement of basic materials. The problems of management education in Ukraine are viewed. The ways of addressing challenges were suggested. Also the main tendencies of Ukrainian business education market are researched. Issues and challenges of business education area were examined. The comparative analysis of the traditional and non-traditional educational methods was conducted. The degree of effectiveness of their implementation was defined. Conclusions. Unique innovation educational technologies for managerial personnel are proposed, such as implementation of soft skills’ development, learning organization conception, corporate university and knowledge center. But the problems of legal, financial and methodological maintenance still exist. It was proposed complex education technology.
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Gardner, Nathan Daniel. "All as One to One for All." Journal of Chinese Overseas 18, no. 1 (March 18, 2022): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341454.
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Abstract The recent racism toward Chinese Australians arising from the COVID-19 pandemic recalls the shape and scale of racism last seen during the “Hanson debate” of the late 1990s – so-named for the anti-Asian immigration and anti-multicultural positions Pauline Hanson advanced in Australian politics and society. Further linking these two moments are the responses to racism coming from Chinese Australian individuals and community organizations. In each period, the different backgrounds of various Chinese Australian communities and their representative organizations influenced their modes of responding to racism. Over the years, however, the prominence of a small number of “community leaders” and organizations responding to racism has increasingly eclipsed grassroots responses to racism. I argue that this shift represents a “professionalization” of Chinese Australian responses to racism; partly explaining the form that present responses take, while also problematizing the relationship between the “community representatives” and the “communities being represented.”