To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Party's organization.
Journal articles on the topic 'Party's organization'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Party's organization.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Park, Kyungmee. "Party Mergers and Splits in New Democracies: The Case of South Korea (1987–2007)." Government and Opposition 45, no. 4 (2010): 531–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2010.01324.x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis study explores how a party's organizational mode affects its stability in new democracies. A party organization was stable under these three conditions: when the relationship from lower to upper organizations has institutionalized a strong vertical organization mode; when the central party power is concentrated on the leadership; and when the leadership has been safely shifted after elections. In the case of two ruling parties in South Korea, each mode produced differences in party stability. The dissimilar organization modes of two parties resulted in different organizational stability.
2
Thornton, Patricia M. "The Advance of the Party: Transformation or Takeover of Urban Grassroots Society?" China Quarterly 213 (March 2013): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741013000039.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWhile existing scholarship focuses attention on the impact of state control and repression on Chinese civil society, the increasingly independent role of the Communist Party has been largely overlooked. This article reviews the Party's drive to “comprehensively cover” grassroots society over the previous decade against the theoretical debate unfolding among Chinese scholars and Party theoreticians regarding the Party's role with respect to civil society. Focusing on greater Shanghai, frequently cited as a national model of Party-building, I describe the Party's advance and the emergence of Party-organized non-governmental organizations (PONGOs), a new hybrid form of social organization sponsored and supported by local Party committees. I argue that these developments invite a reconsideration of our understandings of the ongoing “associational revolution” and of the Party's relationship to China's flourishing “third realm.”
3
Aminuddin, M. Faishal, and Romel Masykuri. "Genealogi dan Transformasi Ideologi Partai berbasis Islam di Indonesia Pasca Orde Baru." ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman 10, no. 1 (August 29, 2016): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/islamica.2015.10.1.27-55.
Full textAbstract:
<p>Study of political Islam did not paid attention to observing the patterns of thought and its transformation in political organization. Even though some studies conducted and brought analysis with case study against specific in their respective political parties. This article departs from the question of how the genealogy of political Islam thought and how it transformed into Islamic-base political parties in democratic Indonesia? The unit of analysis of this study is Islamic-based parties, having a main support base from Islamic religious organizations and had seat in parliament since 1999 election. This study reveals an important finding that Islamic-based parties had been undertakes adaptation and transforming political Islam doctrinaire with more flexible. This is proven through the tracing of consistency between values, platform and the party's work program either in parliament or the public. This study combines historical discursive approach and genealogy as an analytical framework.</p>
4
FEARNLEY, ANDREW M. "THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY'S PUBLISHING STRATEGIES AND THE FINANCIAL UNDERPINNINGS OF ACTIVISM, 1968–1975." Historical Journal 62, no. 1 (September 11, 2018): 195–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000201.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractHistorians of America's post-war social movements have said little about the financial underpinnings of activism, and this article aims to address this oversight. It focuses on the Black Panther Party, which was formed in Oakland, California, in 1966, and was soon one of America's most visible, and controversial, black power organizations. The article sketches the array of funding sources from which the party drew, and reconstructs the apparatus it fashioned to steward those resources. It condenses the discussion to one of the organization's most lucrative streams, that of book publishing, and relates this to the period's literary culture, which, in the US, witnessed a ‘black revolution in books’. Between 1968 and 1975, members of the party published some ten books, which together raised $250,000 in advances, and additional sums through their sale, serialization, and translation. The production of these works relied on the assistance of several freelance writers, and was guided by the party's commercial agency, Stronghold Consolidated Productions. By recovering the role of these groups and the infrastructure they fashioned, the article shows how publishing was connected to the wider financial structure of the organization, and prompts us to see that the Panthers’ books were not just accounts of their activism, but examples of it.
5
Putri, Gusti Agung. "Pemecatan Anggota Partai Politik Karena Menjadi Pengurus Organisasi Kemasyarakatan." Acta Comitas 3, no. 2 (October 1, 2018): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/ac.2018.v03.i02.p12.
Full textAbstract:
Members of have the right submitted by political parties as candidates for Legislative Assembly in accordance with what is meant by article 12 of Law Number 2 of 2008 jo Law Number 2 of 2011, that political parties have the right to nominate candidates to fill the membership of the Nation Assembly and the Regional Local Assembly in accordance with the legislation; propose a change of time between its members in the Nation Assembly and the Local Assembly in accordance with the legislation. Instead members of political parties must submit and comply with the provisions in Law No. 2 of 2008 jo Law No. 2 of 2011 and the articles of association and bylaws of political parties, accompanied by good sanctions from Law No. 2 of 2008 jo Law No. 2 of 2011 and sanctions on political party organizations. This means that members of a political party can be dismissed from their membership if they become members of other political parties. Substitution between time as a member of the House of Representatives is permitted as long as the interim replacement is in accordance with the prevailing laws and regulations, including participating as members of other Political Parties. Ishak Liputo is listed as the administrator of the Democratic National Community Organization which is not listed as a political party, but Isaac Liputo was replaced through a replacement between times because he was the administrator of a community organization. But in this case Ishak Liputo was fired because he had previously served as administrator of the National Democratic Community Organization before the Organization was officially inaugurated as a Political Party. Research shows the dismissal of Isaac Liputo from membership of the Golongan Karya Political Party because of being the administrator of the National Democratic Community Organization (Nasdem) in terms of Law No. 2 of 2008 jo Law No. 2 of 2012 concerning Political Parties is not appropriate, because: Ishak Liputo became the administrator of the Nasdem Mass Organization, which has not been in the form of a party, so it cannot be said to be a member of a political party. Liputo when warned by the Golkar Party's Management of his actions as a Nasdem administrator, has resigned, so he is no longer a Nasdem administrator.
6
Angga, Vicky Verry, and Juwita Anggraini. "Dinamika Menjelang Pendirian Partai Rakyat Demokratik di Masa Orde Baru." ASANKA: Journal of Social Science And Education 1, no. 2 (September 22, 2020): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21154/asanka.v1i2.2198.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThe Orba government in carrying out its power is almost always repertive acts of the people. The Orba government also practiced an all-out democracy in the political practice of the day. The condition is inflicting discontent of young men and activists. In the 1992, the action committee began to appear and continue to evolve in the next years. The alliances of student alliances then flourished the role of the action committee. Student alliances evolved into a sectoral student organization, laborers, farms, and culture. Sectoral organizations make a struggle against Orba into boxes. The gathering of sectoral organizations then formed the Democratic People's Unity together in 1994, the Democratic People's Unity on its journey didn't go well, there was a difference of opinion between members. The Democratic People's Unity experiences split and delivers the idea of the party's establishment of members. The party's establishment through an uneasy process in the organization. The Extraordinary Congressman 1996 decided the Democratic People Party's foundation. Party is expected to make the movement get radical. Party as a symbol of resistance to your formal democracy system applied by Orba. The party can also be used as a media resistance against the Orba Hegemoni.ABSTRAKPemerintah Orba dalam melaksanakan kekuasaanya hampir selalu melakukan tindakan represif terhadap rakyat. Pemerintah Orba juga mempraktikkan demokrasi semu dalam praktik politik masa itu. Kondisi ini menimbulkan ketidakpuasan dari pemuda dan aktivis. Pada 1992, komite aksi mulai muncul dan terus berkembang di tahun-tahun berikutnya. Aliansi-aliansi mahasiswa kemudian berkembang mengantikan peran komite aksi. Aliansi mahasiswa berkembang menjadi organisasi sektoral mahasiswa, buruh, tani, dan kebudayaan. Organisasi sektoral membuat perjuangan melawan Orba menjadi terkotak-kotak. Kumpulan dari berbagai organiasi sektoral kemudian membentuk Persatuan Rakyat Demokratik sebagai wadah bersama pada 1994. Persatuan Rakyat Demokratik dalam perjalanannya tidak berjalan lancar, terjadi perbedaan pendapat antar anggota. Persatuan Rakyat Demokratik mengalami perpecahan dan melahirkan ide pendirian partai dari sebagian anggota. Pendirian partai melalui proses yang tidak mudah di dalam organisasi. Kongres Luar Biasa 1996 memutuskan pendirian Partai Rakyat Demokratik. Berdirinya partai diharapkan membuat pergerakan menjadi semakin radikal. Partai sebagai simbol perlawanan terhadap sistem demokrasi semu yang diterapkan Orba. Partai juga dapat digunakan sebagai media perlawanan terhadap hegemoni Orba.
7
Chambers, Paul W., and Aurel Croissant. "Monopolizing, Mutualizing, or Muddling Through: Factions and Party Management in Contemporary Thailand." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 29, no. 3 (September 2010): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341002900301.
Full textAbstract:
In democracies throughout the world, intra-party factions manifest themselves in parties and governments. Formal and informal institutions have, however, proved crucial in managing factionalism. This is especially true in Thailand's emerging parliamentary democracy where the management of factionalism has become a major objective for Thai parties. This study explores factions and factionalism as well as how different types of parties try to manage intra-party dissension especially in the case of Thailand. The findings suggest that management style tends to be a function of a party's organization, with parties which practice a collegial style tending to be the more successful in controlling intra-party cliques over time. At the same time, the most important tools which party leaderships can use to control factions are the careful use of constitutional provisions and manipulation of party finance.
8
Naumov, Serhii. "The «Rout» of the Rup in 1903: The Scale and Factors of the Government's (Un)Success." Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. Series: History, no. 61 (June 27, 2022): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2220-7929-2022-61-04.
Full textAbstract:
The article is the first special study of the Gendarmerie operation of the end of 1903 – the beginning of 1904, aimed at the liquidation of the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party. Until now the historiography of the issue is limited to several mentions of operation’s individual episodes in publications with a broader content. The source base of the study is comprised of archival documents of Gendarmerie offices and security departments, periodicals of the RUP and memories of its activists. Based on the author's reconstruction of the state and personal composition of party structures in 1903–1904, an attempt was made to determine the consequences of the operation for the central, regional and local organizational levels of the RUP. Attention is paid to the factors that determined the ambiguous course of events and different positions inside party organizations (personnel, management bodies, material and technical base, connections, scope of activities, etc.). The historiographical assessment of these consequences as “a catastrophe for the RUP” has been subjected to a critical review. Being based on the opportunistic statements of the party leader M. Porsh and its “archivist” and historian A. Zhuk it is not confirmed by empirical material. As a result of the Gendarme operation of 1903 the RUP really suffered great losses the latter being partial and temporary. A significant part of the party network at all levels managed to avoid failures and ensure the continuity of the party's activities. Crushed organizations were able to resume their work in a few months. The change of the party leader and the split at the “unheld” congress of the RUP in 1904 contributed to a clearer definition of the party's ideology and organizational structure. This gives reason to qualify the events of that time rather as an (un)success of the government: having delivered a striking blow to the leading organizational centres of the RUP on the territory of the empire, it was unable not only to implement its plan to destroy the whole party, but even to liquidate any local organization.
9
U, Eddy. "Third Sister Liu and the Making of the Intellectual in Socialist China." Journal of Asian Studies 69, no. 1 (February 2010): 57–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911809991550.
Full textAbstract:
Through an analysis of Third Sister Liu, a popular musical of the early 1960s, this article illustrates how the Chinese Communist Party mobilized state and society to express disparaging ideas about the intellectual during the Great Leap Forward. The Chinese intellectual was not any specific social type, group, or individual, but a substrate upon which the party organized and promoted its vision and division of society. Official representations, organization, and the threat of punishment underpinned the party's efforts and produced local resistance toward the party's understanding of the intellectual. The author's analytical approach stresses the social work of construction that reproduced the intellectual as a major political subject, an official classification, and an embodied identity in socialist China. The analysis illuminates heretofore obscured dimensions of Communist Party rule and experiences of those affected by the classification.
10
Chin, Gregory T. "Innovation and Preservation: Remaking China's National Leadership Training System." China Quarterly 205 (March 2011): 18–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741010001372.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article details the reorganization of China's national leadership training system, and analyses the reforms as an integral element of the Chinese Communist Party's efforts to adapt institutionally to a rapidly changing environment. Three main findings are presented. First, the national leadership training system is being remade under the direction of the Party's Central Organization Department to give greater emphasis to the “spirit of reform and innovation,” as seen especially in the creation of the China Executive Leadership Academy in Pudong, Shanghai, and in the formation of sister academies in Jinggangshan and Yan'an. Second, China's political elite have given greater priority to leadership innovation, although they are trying to balance this with ensuring that sufficient attention and resources are also given to preserving the ruling status of the CCP. Third, by establishing the new group of training academies under the COD, the Party is diversifying beyond the Party School system for leadership research and training. The article suggests that the guiding logic behind these reforms is to promote enough innovation in managerial training and research to enable the Party to meet the changing governance requirements of the market transition and economic globalization, while at the same time putting in place institutional measures that help to preserve the Party's rule.
11
Koop, Royce. "Professionalism, Sociability and the Liberal Party in the Constituencies." Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 4 (December 2010): 893–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910000740.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract.Studies of the local organizations of Canadian political parties often neglect those organizations' small leadership groups, the local executives. This article explores and develops a classification of constituency association executives. Interviews and participant observation in the Liberal party's constituency associations reveal that executives differ in their personnel, internal relations, organization, leadership and permeability. The result of this analysis is the development of two distinct types of executives: professional and sociable. Preliminary analysis suggests that political factors—local electoral strength and the presence of members of Parliament—play a crucial role in determining the development of professional executives.Résumé.L'étude des organisations locales des partis politiques canadiens tend à négliger le leadership de ces petites organisations, soit les comités exécutifs de comté. Cet article explore le sujet et établit une classification de ces comités. La conduite d'entrevues et une observation participative au sein des associations de circonscription du Parti libéral révèlent que les comités exécutifs diffèrent dans leur gestion des ressources humaines, leurs relations internes, leur organisation, leur leadership et leur perméabilité. Les résultats de ces analyses permettent de dégager deux types de comité exécutif de comté, soit le type social et le type professionnel. Des analyses préliminaires permettent aussi de suggérer que des facteurs politiques – la force du parti dans la circonscription et la présence d'un élu au Parlement – jouent un rôle crucial dans la formation d'un comité exécutif de type professionnel.
12
Gaus, Gerald F. "BACKWARDS INTO THE FUTURE: NEOREPUBLICANISM AS A POSTSOCIALIST CRITIQUE OF MARKET SOCIETY." Social Philosophy and Policy 20, no. 1 (December 18, 2002): 59–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201047.
Full textAbstract:
Socialism, understood as the rejection of markets based on private property in favor of comprehensive centralized economic planning, is no longer a serious political option. If the core of capitalism is the organization of the economy primarily through market competition based on private property, then capitalism has certainly defeated socialism. Markets have been accepted—and central planning abandoned—throughout most of the Third World and in most of the formerly Communist states. In the advanced industrial states of the West, Labor and “democratic socialist” parties have rejected socialism, by deregulating markets and privatizing industries, utilities, and transport. The U.K. Labour Party's 1945 manifesto declared the party to be a “Socialist Party, and proud of it. Its ultimate aim is the establishment of the Socialist Commonwealth of Great Britain.” Today the Labour Party insists that markets are a given.
13
Needell, Jeffrey D. "Provincial Origins of the Brazilian State: Rio de Janeiro, the Monarchy, and National Political Organization, 1808–1853." Latin American Research Review 36, no. 3 (2001): 132–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100019208.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis study addresses the provincial origins and role of the reactionary party that legislated the reconstruction of the Brazilian monarchy, perhaps Latin America's most stable nineteenth-century political regime. The study locates the party in terms of regional power, taking into account social, economic, and political factors. It analyzes the party's ideology in the historical context of the Regency (1831–1840) and its immediate aftermath, an era of destabilization, social war, and secessionism. The study also demonstrates how the party mobilized partisan support nationally to consolidate party and state power, the unexpected impact of patronage, and the increasingly autonomous quality of state power over time.
14
Schoenhals, Michael. "China's New Rulers: The Secret Files (Second, revised edition). By Andrew J. Nathan and Bruce Gilley. [New York: New York Review Books, 2003. 280 pp. £8.99. ISBN 1-59017-072-5.]." China Quarterly 179 (September 2004): 811–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004210608.
Full textAbstract:
China's New Rulers purports to represent what “lengthy internal investigation reports prepared by the [Chinese Communist] Party's highly trusted Organization Department” say about China's “new leaders' personalities, how they came to power, and what they intend to do in office” (pp. 3–4). It claims to provide its readers with “evidence from the internal reports of the Party's Organization Department [that] allows for a major advance in our understanding of Chinese politics” (p. 5). And yet its authors, as they themselves admit in their introduction, have never seen – much less read – even a single such report. All they have is faith in a particular “consistent” “version of Chinese politics” shared with them by a pseudonymous Chinese informant “Zong Hairen” (his name can be read as a strangely ominous-sounding pun on “invariably doing harm to people”) who, they explain, has told them that he was at one time given access to “long sections of working drafts” of such reports (pp. 29, 32–33). What Nathan and Gilley's book amounts to, then, is a rendition into “more accessible English” of what “Zong” convinced them of and has himself either written and published in Hong Kong or “broadcast in Chinese on Radio Free Asia” (p. 30, 38). China's New Rulers, in other words, is neither a book the contents of which are the “secret files” mentioned in its subtitle, nor a book by political scientist authors who themselves have accessed such files.
15
PEKKANEN, ROBERT, BENJAMIN NYBLADE, and ELLIS S. KRAUSS. "Electoral Incentives in Mixed-Member Systems: Party, Posts, and Zombie Politicians in Japan." American Political Science Review 100, no. 2 (May 2006): 183–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055406062095.
Full textAbstract:
How do electoral incentives affect legislative organization? Through an analysis of Japan's mixed-member electoral system, we demonstrate that legislative organization is strongly influenced not only by the individual legislators reelection incentives but also by their interest in their party gaining power and maintaining a strong party label. Electorally vulnerable legislators are given choice legislative positions to enhance their prospects at the polls, whereas (potential) party leaders disproportionately receive posts with greater influence on the party's overall reputation. Members of Parliament elected from proportional representation (PR) lists and in single member districts also receive different types of posts, reflecting their distinct electoral incentives. Even small variations in electoral rules can have important consequences for legislative organization. In contrast to Germany's compensatory mixed-member system, Japan's parallel system (combined with a “best loser” or “zombie” provision) generates incentives for the party to allocate posts relating to the distribution of particularistic goods to those elected in PR.
16
Delius, Peter. "Sebatakgomo and the Zoutpansberg Balemi Association: The ANC, the Communist Party and Rural Organization, 1939–55." Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (July 1993): 293–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700033363.
Full textAbstract:
Sebatakgomo — a migrant worker-based movement – was founded in 1954 and went on to play a central role in the Sekhukhuneland Revolt of 1958. It was launched from within the ANC, and a number of its leaders were also members of the Communist Party. This article explores the roles played by these wider political movements in the formation of Sebatakgomo. It argues that, while ANC networks and individuals within its central leadership made an important contribution, the rural presence of the ANC was fragmentary in this period and that its central organizational strategies had been effectively checkmated by an increasingly authoritarian state. It suggests that the crucial initial impetus and strategy behind Sebatakgomo came from Communist Party members living in a migrant world and trained in the Party's history and methods of organization. In particular Alpheus Maliba, who led the Zoutpansberg Balemi Association in the northern Transvaal in the early 1940s, provided a mentor and model for Flag Boshielo, who was the driving force in the establishment of Sebatakgomo. The article also suggests that the history of Sebatakgomo provides an example of the impact of Communist Party activists in transforming the ANC into a mass organization in the early 1950s.
17
FUJIMURA, NAOFUMI. "Executive Leadership and Fiscal Discipline: Explaining Political Entrepreneurship in Cases of Japan." Japanese Journal of Political Science 10, no. 2 (August 2009): 175–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109909003521.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article discusses the effects of executive leadership on fiscal policies and performance. I propose that executive leadership, as a political entrepreneur who provides collective goods for organization, has incentives to maintain fiscal discipline so that he or she can stay in office by developing his or her party's reputation and leading party legislators to electoral success. This article argues that executive leadership with stronger public support is more likely to restrain fiscal expenditure and maintain fiscal discipline. I demonstrate this argument by showing that the prime minister who receives higher public support is more likely to restrain fiscal expenditure in Japan.
18
Heersink, Boris, and Jeffery A. Jenkins. "Southern Delegates and Republican National Convention Politics, 1880–1928." Studies in American Political Development 29, no. 1 (March 6, 2015): 68–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x14000157.
Full textAbstract:
Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Republican Party dominated American elections in all geographical areas except the former Confederacy, which remained solidly Democratic. Despite this, Southern states were consistently provided with a sizable delegation to the Republican National Convention (as much as 26 percent of the total). This raises the question: Why would a region that delivered no votes on Election Day be given a substantial say in the selection of the party's presidential candidate? Previous research on the role Southern delegates played in Republican conventions has been limited to individual cases or to studies only tangentially related to this question. We explore the continuous and sizable presence of Southern delegates at Republican conventions by conducting a historical overview of the 1880–1928 period. We find that Republican Party leaders—and particularly presidents—adopted a “Southern strategy” by investing heavily in maintaining a minor party organization in the South, as a way to create a reliable voting base at conventions. We also show that as the Republican Party's strength across the country grew under the “System of 1896,” challenges to the delegate apportionment method—and thereby efforts to minimize Southern influence at Republican conventions—increased substantially.
19
Wuhs, Steven T. "Inclusion and its moderating effects on ideas, interests and institutions." Party Politics 19, no. 2 (March 2013): 187–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068812472571.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the moderation of the Mexico's National Action Party in the context of democratization. Founded in 1939 as a confessional party, by the 1990s the PAN had moved toward the political center – retaining its Christian-Democratic identity and ideals but also making institutional appeals to the broader voting public in Mexico. This article explains the segmented process through which the PAN moderated in response to inclusionary reforms promulgated by Mexico's authoritarian regime. In some cases, those reforms merely aggravated internal tensions in the party. But other reforms repositioned the PAN vis-à-vis its competitors, Mexican civil society, and the Mexican voting public, and triggered institutional changes that enabled the PAN to build political momentum in advance of the country's 2000 democratic transition. Employing an institutional process-tracing approach, this article examines how shocks in the PAN's competitive environment reverberated inside the organization: how they affected the relative power of factions in the party, how they were mediated by existing party institutions, and how they related to the party's ideological goals. Those crucial intra-party processes, I argue, influenced whether the PAN, as an organization, responded to those exogenous shocks in terms of its competitive behavior, and conditioned how the PAN responded when it did so. The case of the PAN demonstrates that parties may respond to inclusionary reforms or other exogenous shocks in relatively uncoordinated and unsystematic manners.
20
SEREDIUK, Mariia. "FROM INDEPENDISTS SLOGANS TO NORMALIZATION: THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF VOLODYMYR TSELEVYCH (1931–1939)." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 32 (2019): 274–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2019-32-274-283.
Full textAbstract:
The author provides an analysis of the organizational and political work of a well-known figure of the Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance (UNDO). Specific examples show the struggle of one of the leaders of Ukrainian national democracy for raising the national consciousness of Galician Ukrainians, establishing in the public mind the idea of the unity and statehood of Ukrainian lands, and also highlight the contribution to the normalization of Polish-Ukrainian relations in the second half of the 1930s. The study demonstrated that Volodymyr Tselevych not only joined the Central Committee of the Party, but was elected Secretary-General (1925–1928, 1932–1937), and later became Deputy Chairman (1928–1930, 1937–1939). The UNDO leader has made great efforts to rebuild UNDO county organizations, to rebuild the activities of the party centers in villages and the party movement in general. At numerous meetings, V. Tselevych explained the main political line of the party –- to acquire an independent unite Ukrainian state, called on members for intensive work, organization of county congresses and local elections of the party leadership. It has been found out that the UNDO II and III congresses unreservedly approved the political line and tactics of the organization, expressed confidence in D. Levitsky and V. Tselevych. However, in the first half of the 1930s, the party's tactics underwent a fundamental change – has evolved towards finding ways of understanding with the Polish authorities based on the idea of Western Ukraine's autonomy within Poland. This was evidenced by the IV People's Congress, which intensified intra-party confrontation. From the perspective of V. Tselevych's political biography, the author shows the complex combination of political, social, and national aspects of the Ukrainian socio-political movement in the studied period. Keywords Volodymyr Tselevych, UNDO, Poland, social and political activity, normalization.
21
Hilton, Adam. "The Path to Polarization: McGovern-Fraser, Counter-Reformers, and the Rise of the Advocacy Party." Studies in American Political Development 33, no. 1 (February 18, 2019): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x19000014.
Full textAbstract:
American politics has been transformed by the emergence of the advocacy party—a form of organization in which extraparty interest groups, advocacy organizations, and social movements substitute for the diminished institutional capacity and popular legitimacy of the formal party apparatus. Many scholars have rightly pointed to the presidential nomination reforms made by the Democratic Party's post-1968 Commission on Party Structure and Delegate Selection (known as the McGovern-Fraser Commission) as a key contributor to polarization by increasing the influence of ideological activists. However, I argue that polarization is not the direct result of the actions of McGovern-Fraser reformers, but rather the outcome of their pitched battle with intraparty opponents of reform, who, while failing to prevent changes to presidential nominations, were ultimately successful in defeating the party-building dimension of the reformers’ project of party reconstruction. The product of their intraparty struggle was a hybrid institutional amalgam that layered new participatory arrangements over a hollow party structure, thus setting the Democratic Party on a path toward the advocacy party and its polarizing politics.
22
Hirslund, Dan V. "Militant collectivity." Focaal 2015, no. 72 (June 1, 2015): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2015.720104.
Full textAbstract:
A stubborn, anticapitalist movement, Maoism has persisted in the global periphery for the many past decades despite its tainted image as a progressive alterpolitical platform. This article seeks to ponder why this is the case by looking at a recent and popular example of leftist radical politics in the MLM tradition. I argue that contemporary Nepali Maoism is offering a militant, collectivist, antiliberal model for confronting capitalist and state hegemony in an effort to forge new class solidarities. Responding to a changed political environment for continuing its program of socialist revolution, I trace how the Maoist party's efforts at building a mass movement become centered on the question of organization, and in particular the requirements of what I term an ethical organization. Through an analysis of how caste and gender equalities are institutionalized within the movement, and the various ways in which collectivity becomes linked to concrete practices, the article offers an ethnographic analysis of contested egalitarian agency within a movement undergoing rapid change.
23
Sullivan, Lawrence R. "Reconstruction and Rectification of the Communist Party in the Shanghai Underground: 1931–34." China Quarterly 101 (March 1985): 78–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000015824.
Full textAbstract:
Recently scholars have shown that Mao's accusations against the Russian Returned Students stemmed from his need to bolster his own legitimacy by discrediting their role in the 1931–34 period. According to the 1945 “Resolution on questions in the history of the Party,” the Returned Students were “doctrinaire sectarians” whose “‘offensive line’ for the Party” and “repeated failures in political work” caused “serious damage to the Party in the White areas.” But closer investigation indicates that in the bastion which they are accused of weakening and decimating, the Returned Students devoted considerable attention to strengthening Party organization, educating cadres and mobilizing mass support. Although factional struggles and aggressive tactics characterized the policies of the Twenty-Eight Bolsheviks in the 1931–34 period, their contributions to the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) eifort to maintain a viable organization in the cities cannot be ignored. That the urban Party, hurt severely by the Kuomintang (KMT), survived at all can be attributed to efforts that Mao later denigrated.
24
A. Prihantoro, Hijrian. "Al-faskh al-qada'iy wa atsaruhu fi istimrar al-uqud: dirasah tahliliyah min khilal al-qanun al-madani al-urduni (Judicial annulment and its effects on the continuation of contracts: An analytical study through the jordanian civil law)." Ijtihad : Jurnal Wacana Hukum Islam dan Kemanusiaan 18, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijtihad.v18i2.251-264.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this research is to investigate the issue of the continuation of the contract after judicial annulment through an analytical study within the Jordanian civil law. The contract contains a force binding on its sides by its respect. The contract also, for both parties, within the framework of the organization of relations governed by the law, can not be vetoed by one of the amendments, unless the agreement or the law so authorized. This basic principle in the theory of contract, which is called binding force, or the basis of the contract of the law of the deceased, according to this rule is that no one of the contracting parties can revoke the contract or modify its provisions individually, unless the law permits it or there is agreement between it And between the other. However, there are cases in which the law allows a contractor to reach a contract revocation despite the other party's right to contract in the binding contracts of the two sides to request the judge to award the contract if the other party fails to fulfill its obligation, with the discretion of the judge in this case. These cases are exceptions to the rule of contract of the law of contracting, which is the subject of our research.
25
Taji-Farouki, Suha. "Islamic Discourse and Modern Political Methods." American Journal of Islam and Society 11, no. 3 (October 1, 1994): 365–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v11i3.2416.
Full textAbstract:
On 17 November 1952, Taqi al Din al Nabhani submitted an applicationto the Jordanian Interior Ministry for permission to establish a newpolitical party: Hizb al Tahrir.' 'Ihis was in accordance with the newconstitution, which permitted party organization provided that every partysubmitted to an official investigation. Soon after its promulgation, severalideologically-based opposition parties sought official permission toorganize openly. Al Nabhhi's application was rejected on the groundsthat the party's platform was incompatible with the constitution. Thislaunched the new party on a collision cotuse, which continues even untilthis day, with the Jordanian authorities.The new party has, as its final goal, the reestablishment of the Islamiccaliphate in one of the Arab countries. In its ideological formulations,program, and stmctmc, it conformed to the pattems of similarity discernibleamong Jordan's new parties? Like the other parties, it reflectedcharacteristics of the btoader trend of modern revolutionary-cum-ideologicalparties that developed throughout the Arab Middle East fromthe 1930s onwards.Broadly speaking, these parties were vehicles through which the newsecular ideologies of nationalism and socialism, radiating from Europeand Sweeping the region, were articulated. These ideologies were ofgrowing appeal to an emerging interwar generation that was disillusionedwith the old order of liberal democratic regimes. By participating in thenew political fields that had developed under these regimes in relation tothe newly established nation-states, this new generation sought to gaincontrol of the state through a revolutionary program that had the creationof a utopian social and political order as its ultimate goal ...
26
Kojima, Kazuko, and Ryosei Kokubun. "The 'Shequ Construction' Programme and the Chinese Communist Party." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 16 (March 10, 2002): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v16i0.6.
Full textAbstract:
In recent years, the community development programme called 'Shequ
Construction' has been making rapid progress in China. The discussion
surrounding the programme focuses on how to adjust the relationship between
the street offices (which fall under the jurisdiction of the government) and the
shequ residents' committees (defined as the people's self-governing entity).
The programme has also led the debate over the position and role of the
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the newly reconstructed shequ. While the
party's Organization Department proposes the unification of the shequ party
branches and shequ residents' committees, others maintain that the shequ party
branch should be differentiated from the shequ residents' committee, which is
still viewed as an agent of government. They say 'the greatest advantage of the
CCP is that it is the embodiment of social power and it is not a non-socialist
external force like the administrative organ'. Their proposal raises further
questions: How should the party change its direction and guidance within the
framework of the separation of government and society? Will this affect the
party's ability to continue to provide society with effective 'guidance' and
become representative of society? This paper will provide some clues to help
answer these questions.
27
O'Driscoll, Declan. "TIER 3 RESPONSE CENTRES—THE CHALLENGE OF OPERATING IN A TIER 2 ENVIRONMENT1." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2005, no. 1 (May 1, 2005): 913–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-2005-1-913.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT East Asia Response Limited (EARL) in Singapore is a regional Tier 3 centre that provides response services throughout the Asia Pacific region. The Tier 3 response centres are designed to provide external international support to members. When these resources are used, the management of the response and the logistics support are drawn from the receiving organization. When a spill occurs in the Singapore Straits, particularly involving a shipping company or a P & I club, a whole new set of expectations and responsibilities need to be recognized both from the Government and the responsible party's point of view. The Port Authority has the jurisdiction over Singapore Port and is responsible for managing the clean-up under the guidance of the National Contingency Plan. The responsible party is looking for a comprehensive spill response service. EARL has put in place various additional arrangements to meet the new expectations of authorities and responsible parties. These include the training of external manpower sources, development and testing of booming plans for sensitive sites and logistics plans to support response crafts and waste management. This paper will highlight preparedness, response planning and activation in what is one of the world's busiest ports.
28
Nofriadi, Nofriadi, Effendi Hasan, Ubaidullah Ubaidullah, and Helmi Helmi. "Strategi Pemenangan Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan pada Pemilu Tahun 2019 di Kabupaten Aceh Tengah." Jurnal Public Policy 7, no. 2 (December 14, 2021): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.35308/jpp.v7i2.4123.
Full textAbstract:
A political party is a political organization that adheres to and is based on a certain ideology or can also be interpreted as an organization that accommodates the interests and voices of the people who want their interests to be heard by the authorities. Political marketing and political strategy are the most important part of selling and getting a positive response from the community so that people support certain parties or certain candidates. The research method with a qualitative approach, this strategy or method of winning has been thought out and also planned long before the election day arrives, but this strategy is also inseparable from the cooperation and contribution of the political parties it carries in achieving common goals. there are several ways and strategies carried out by the PDI-P party in the 2019-2024 period and it became one of the extraordinary events so that the PDI-P party won with the most votes. The strategy carried out by the PDI-P party in Central Aceh Regency is the collaboration between legislative candidates and the community. Cooperation carried out by the PDI-P party legislative candidates is one very good way to do it, so that work plans through the voice of the community can be carried out easily because of this collaboration. The next strategy is to improve good communication with the community, increase socialization, and have a competition event held by the PDI-P party to the community. With the competition event held by the PDI-P party legislative candidates to the community, so that people know more about the nature, character, behavior and know more about who the legislative candidates are. As well as improving the system and the way the PDI-P party's legislative candidates campaign openly and privately
29
Hilgers, Tina. "Causes and Consequences of Political Clientelism: Mexico's PRD in Comparative Perspective." Latin American Politics and Society 50, no. 4 (2008): 123–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2008.00032.x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractPRD politicians and officials widely use clientelism to structure their relationships with citizens. This is due not only to the entrenchment of clientelism in Mexican politics or to high rates of poverty and inequality, but also to the limited institutionalization of democratic rules inside the party. The last stems largely from the party's electoral strategy in its formative years, and has resulted in uncontrolled factional battles that play out through clientelism. The Brazilian PT faced external and internal conditions quite similar to those of the PRD, but its early focus on organization building and policy change allowed it to avoid clientelism to a greater degree. This analysis problematizes the trend of using minimalist definitions that assume clientelism to be nondemocratic because these approaches result in conceptual stretching and decreased explanatory power.
30
GOODIN, ROBERT E., WERNER GÜTH, and RUPERT SAUSGRUBER. "When to Coalesce: Early Versus Late Coalition Announcement in an Experimental Democracy." British Journal of Political Science 38, no. 1 (December 7, 2007): 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000094.
Full textAbstract:
In multi-party democracies, several parties usually have to join together in coalition to form government. Many aspects of that process have been fairly fully investigated, others less so. Among the latter is the timing of the formation and announcement of coalitions.While the dominant popular image may be one of parties meeting together after the election to hammer out a coalition agreement, pre-election coalitions of one sort or another are actually quite common. In almost half of the elections in OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries since the Second World War, at least one pair of parties had pre-announced their intention to join together in government. A quarter of governments formed were based wholly (and another quarter in part) on pre-election agreements.To date, such studies as there have been of pre-election coalitions have concentrated primarily on system-level explanations – features of the electoral system (majoritarian or proportional, and so on) that make such arrangements more or less likely.3 Here we shall instead look more at the agent-level logic of ‘early’ (pre-election) versus ‘late’ (post-election) coalition formation, from the point of view of voters and parties.hypotheses concerning coalition timingIn the tradition of Downs and Riker and their coalition-theorist progeny, we shall assume that voters are interested primarily in getting policies adopted which are close to their ‘ideal points’ in policy space, and that parties are interested primarily in winning office to implement policies as close as possible to their ‘ideal points’ in policy space. That leads parties to strive for ‘minimal connected winning coalitions’: ‘connected’ in the sense that they link parties adjacent in policy space; ‘minimal’ in the sense that they involve the party's sharing power with the fewest parties backed by fewest voters that it can and still win.
31
Nadeau, Richard, Richard G. Niemi, and Timothy Amato. "Expectations and Preferences in British General Elections." American Political Science Review 88, no. 2 (June 1994): 371–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944710.
Full textAbstract:
We address two questions: How do people form their expectations about the likely winner of the next general election? and What are the links between expectations and votes? Using data collected by the Gallup organization in Great Britain, we find that the expectations formation process (1) has a significant inertia component but also a rapid adjustment to current information; (2) reflects voters' ability to translate economic expectations into political forecasts; and (3) is “time-bounded,” possessing special characteristics immediately before and after a general election. The analysis also confirms the existence of a small bandwagon effect, whereby expectations that one party will win inflate that party's vote. The ability of voters to make reasonable forecasts without being unduly influenced by their own preferences suggests that under normal circumstances voters are expressing real preferences and not simply following the crowd.
32
Do, Bien Van. "The organization system of the Propaganda Unit of the Central Office for South Vietnam in the resistance war against America (1961-1975)." Science and Technology Development Journal 17, no. 2 (June 30, 2014): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v17i2.1322.
Full textAbstract:
The Communist Party's propaganda plays an important role and holds a special position for the development paths of the people's war. In the Southern revolutionary war, the Propaganda Unit of the Central Office for South Vietnam or the Southern Propaganda Unit is the specialized agency of the Central Office for South Vietnam, responsible for giving advise and assisting the Central Office for South Vietnam in directing political, ideological and cultural activities for the implementation of the political, ideological, cultural arts and education in the war against America in the south of Vietnam from 1961 to 1975 to implement the goal of liberating the Southern Vietnam to unify the country. This paper presents the organizational system of the Propaganda Unit through the development stages of the resistance war against America. Thereby, the paper highlights the process of formation, changes and development of the Propaganda Unit through different stages; at the same time, evaluating the important roles of the propaganda in the leadership of the Central Office for the South Vietnam in the resistance war against America.
33
Short, Nicholas. "The Politics of the American Knowledge Economy." Studies in American Political Development 36, no. 1 (March 22, 2022): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x21000134.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe American knowledge economy (AKE) is not a foreordained transition in the organization of economic production, nor is it a form of political economy shaped predominately by the political demands of highly educated workers. It is a politically generated consensus for producing economic prosperity and economic advantage over other nations in which intellectual property (IP), and the businesses that produce it, play a leading role. The history of AKE development reveals as much. In the AKE's formative period, from 1980 to 1994, IP producers and a faction of neoliberal Democrats (the “Atari Democrats”), not decisive middle-class voters, played a pivotal role in reconfiguring institutions of American political economy to hasten the AKE transition. Their vision of AKE development inherently complicated the Democratic Party's attitude toward rising market power and continues to shape contemporary disputes within the party over antitrust enforcement and the validity of the AKE project itself.
34
Nedo, Maria Susana. "INTERAKSI FRAKSI DALAM PROSES PENGAMBILAN KEPUTUSAN PUBLIK (Studi Organisasi DPRD Kota Malang 2010, Atas Kasus Pasar Tradisional Dinoyo Dan Blimbing Menjadi Pasar Moderen Di Kota Malang)." Interaksi: Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi 6, no. 1 (December 28, 2017): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/interaksi.6.1.15-28.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:This study aimed at describing the interaction of the factions in the organization's decision-making process DPRD Malang; with a focus on the kind of interaction both internally and externally fraction of the party over government policies Malang in development projects / peralian traditional market status and Dinoyo Blimbing Malang into Modern market in the city of Malang. Based on the results of field research (Member of Parliament Malang in Malang Parliament Office II) and analysis of data regarding political interactions between members of the board in a fraction in DPRD Malang; especially the interactions between the factions with regard to public decision making (policy Making) in the case of market Dinoyo and Blimbing can be seen the political interaction between the factions in the organization DPRD Malang in various forms, including: conflict, Accommodation, Compromise, and the Coalition in the process of pushing or thwart development policy and the transitional status of both markets.Although the final decision through voting; DPRD Malang still approve policies Dinoyo market development and market Blimbing as the modern market, since the beginning of the discussion on the construction of two projects in the city parliament Malang occur Pros and Cons of each-each faction will be the plan. Semuannya behalf of the interests of the people to remain grounded in their respective party platforms. The difficulties in the market building approvals showed adannya interaction among factions in the party's internal and external parties on development projects in both markets. The change of final views and policies fractions as a result of lobbying-lobbying in the political interaction between factions both in the form of cooperation (Pro) and the opposition (Counter) shows the form of interaction in political communication who conducted members of the faction DPRD Malang internal and external parties resulting in a decision together though through a vote to approve the construction of traditional markets and Dinoyo Blimbing into Modern market. Keywords: Fraction of DPRD II Malang, Interaction and Political Communication, Public Decision
35
Abdullayev, Aybek Nazarbayevich. "Organization Of Accounting In Organizations Of The Non-Governmental Education System." American Journal of Management and Economics Innovations 3, no. 06 (June 10, 2021): 130–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajmei/volume03issue06-20.
Full textAbstract:
The article discusses the procedure, stages of organization of accounting in business entities providing non-governmental educational services and the parties involved in this process. The article also examines the responsibilities of the participants in the organization of the account, the organizational, technical and methodological aspects of this process.
36
Yeh, Wen-Hsin. "Dai Li and the Liu Geqing Affair: Heroism in the Chinese Secret Service During the War of Resistance." Journal of Asian Studies 48, no. 3 (August 1989): 545–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058639.
Full textAbstract:
The nationalist military intelligence service has long been a controversial topic in the history of the Chinese Republic (1912–49). This organization, known as the Military Bureau of Statistics and Investigation (Junshi Weiyuanhui Tongji Diaocha Ju, or Juntong), first impinged on civilian society in the 1930s, when it carried out violent deeds against urban-based intellectuals critical of the Nationalist party's rule. Newspaper writers and editors subsequently compared Juntong to the infamous Eastern Depot and Embroidered Guards of the despotic Ming emperors, denouncing the “feudal” and “fascist” nature of Nationalist rule in political tracts and assemblies. During the Pacific War the image of Juntong's chief, General Dai Li (1897–1946), was blackened when he was compared to the Nazi Heinrich Himmler by the Western press. In the bitter and protracted civil struggles between the Chinese Communist party (CCP) and the Guomindang (GMD) after 1941, the Communists focused sharply on the atrocities committed by Juntong and portrayed Dai Li as a monstrous instrument of Chiang Kai-shek's dictatorship.
37
Keshavarzian, Arang. "REGIME LOYALTY AND BĀZĀRĪ REPRESENTATION UNDER THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN: DILEMMAS OF THE SOCIETY OF ISLAMIC COALITION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 2 (May 2009): 246a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809090965.
Full textAbstract:
Tracing the political trajectory of the Society of Islamic Coalition Association (SIC) since the Islamic Revolution, this paper explains the party's poor electoral performance and its increasingly apparent divergence from its assumed social base, the bazaar (bāzārī) community. The article argues that SIC organization and behavior are influenced by the experiences of the prerevolutionary era and state institutions of the Islamic republic. SIC's initial position of power was associated with its members' long-standing relations with the founders of the regime. However, this ultimately laid the foundation for its unwillingness and inability to develop an institutionalized party structure with a social base. As a consequence, bāzārīs have increasingly been alienated from the party leadership and unable to represent their group interests in institutional politics. The analytical narrative incorporates insights from institutionalist approaches to authoritarian politics and presents a view of Iranian political history that stresses contingency, fluidity, and pragmatism in political decision making by elites.
38
Cantore, Carlo Maria. "“How Does it Feel to Be on Your Own?” - Mutual Recognition Agreements and Non-Discrimination in the GATS: A Third Party's Perspective." German Law Journal 11, no. 7-8 (August 1, 2010): 705–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200018812.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this working paper is to analyze the compatibility between two relevant provisions of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) under the World Trade Organization (WTO). The first is art. VII, Recognition, which seems to allow a Member to recognize standards of one or more Members—and not of others—without violating its GATS obligations, although this freedom should not be abused. The second is the general Non-Discrimination provision as of GATS art. II, since the aim of the GATS, at least as it reads in its preamble, is to provide a multilateral framework to trade liberalization in the services market on a non-discriminatory basis. Through the following pages, I will try to explain the rationale to sign Mutual Recognition Agreements (MRAs) and their impact on the GATS system. It is true that there is a general principle of transparency and openness of the MRAs, but it is necessary to get our hands dirty with the reality and understand if and how such an openness clause works.
39
Carpenter, David O. "The Need for Global Environmental Health Policy." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 13, no. 1 (May 2003): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/gpn8-df42-dt0m-9bv4.
Full textAbstract:
The world economy has been growing by an average of 3.5% a year. Continued global development is sustainable if overall social assets remain constant or rise over time, including manufactured, human, and environmental capital. Sustainable development requires that society not decrease its overall assets. But unregulated global trade may result in long-term loss of environmental capital. Multilateral governance is needed. Classical business models tend to view environmental damage as an externality—an impact on a third party's welfare that is neither compensated nor appropriated. The Rio Declaration on Environment and Development clearly states that economic development must err on the side of environmental integrity. Whereas UN Environmental Program policy requires precaution in the face of scientific uncertainty, World Trade Organization policy requires scientific certainty before precaution can be used. The conflict is obvious. In fact, there is gross lack of policy coordination across institutions. This article looks at some environmental strains and concludes that trade policy must address all aspects of human welfare, not merely the economic.
40
REID, COLIN. "STEPHEN GWYNN AND THE FAILURE OF CONSTITUTIONAL NATIONALISM IN IRELAND, 1919–1921." Historical Journal 53, no. 3 (August 17, 2010): 723–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000269.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThe Irish Party, the organization which represented the constitutional nationalist demand for home rule for almost fifty years in Westminster, was the most notable victim of the revolution in Ireland, c. 1916–23. Most of the last generation of Westminster-centred home rule MPs played little part in public life following the party's electoral destruction in 1918. This article probes the political thought and actions of one of the most prominent constitutional nationalists who did seek to alter Ireland's direction during the critical years of the war of independence. Stephen Gwynn was a guiding figure behind a number of initiatives to ‘save’ Ireland from the excesses of revolution. Gwynn established the Irish Centre Party in 1919, which later merged with the Irish Dominion League. From the end of 1919, Gwynn became a leading advocate of the Government of Ireland Bill, the legislation that partitioned the island. Revolutionary idealism – and, more concretely, violence – did much to render his reconciliatory efforts impotent. Gwynn's experiences between 1919 and 1921 also, however, reveal the paralysing divisions within constitutional nationalism, which did much to demoralize moderate sentiment further.
41
MASON, ROBERT. "CITIZENS FOR EISENHOWER AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, 1951–1965." Historical Journal 56, no. 2 (May 3, 2013): 513–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000593.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTFounded in support of Dwight D. Eisenhower's 1952 presidential candidacy, Citizens for Eisenhower took on an ambitious mission to revitalize the Republican party by expanding its activist ranks and by supporting the moderation of its conservative policy agenda. The organization proved unable to sustain the impressive momentum that it achieved during the 1952 campaign, however, instead helping to fuel factional opposition that informed the intraparty upsurge of conservatism during the 1950s and afterwards. The Eisenhower administration's efforts to encourage Citizens activists to join the party were flawed, and existing Republican activists often viewed such newcomers with hostility. More significantly, despite recruitment initiatives, in most cases activism in support of Eisenhower did not translate into enthusiasm for the party cause. The history of Citizens for Eisenhower therefore demonstrates the seriousness of Eisenhower's interests as president in boosting the Republican party's fortunes, but also the shortcomings of ‘amateur’ political activity in support of the party cause. It also sheds light on goals and activities of this era's moderate Republicans, together with their role in fostering the conservative resurgence that characterized the post-Eisenhower Republican party.
42
Yekelchyk, Serhy. "How the “Iron Minister” Kaganovich Failed to Discipline Ukrainian Historians: A Stalinist Ideological Campaign Reconsidered." Nationalities Papers 27, no. 4 (December 1999): 579–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999108849.
Full textAbstract:
In late February 1947, Stalin's trusted troubleshooter Lazar' Kaganovich arrived in Kiev as the Ukrainian Communist Party's new first secretary. Having served consecutively as the Soviet People's Commissar of Railroad Transport, Heavy Industry, and Construction Materials, the notoriously heavy-handed Kaganovich had earned the epithet of zheleznyi narkom (“iron minister”). His tenure at the head of the Ukrainian party organization in March–December 1947 was marked by intensified coercive intervention in the economy and ideological purges in culture and scholarship. In Ukraine, Kaganovich's brief rule is remembered primarily for his relentless attacks on the alleged remnants of “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism.” In the works of post-Soviet Ukrainian historians, the 1947 crusade against “nationalism” appears as a comprehensive campaign masterminded by Stalin, planned by his envoy Kaganovich, faithfully implemented by the servile republican functionaries, and submissively endured by the terrorized Ukrainian intellectuals. Clearly, modern Ukrainian historians have adopted the traditional Western concept of Stalinism as a successful totalitarian dictatorship, in which society was no more than a passive object of an all-powerful state.
43
Borz, Gabriela, and Carolina de Miguel. "Organizational and Ideological Strategies for Nationalization: Evidence from European Parties." British Journal of Political Science 49, no. 4 (November 3, 2017): 1499–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712341700028x.
Full textAbstract:
How does a party’s organizational structure affect its chances of becoming a national party? While existing explanations of party nationalization focus on country-level institutional and societal variables, we argue that aspects of party organization such as the degree of centralization of authority, ideological unity and leadership factionalism also matter. By bringing the analysis to the party level, this article provides a multilevel analysis of institutional and party organization variables and disentangles the effect of each set of influences. We use original data on party organization and party nationalization for 142 parties across twenty European countries. This research contributes to the literature on nationalization and party development by advancing organizational strategies which parties could adopt in different social and institutional environments.
44
Martin, Cathie Jo. "Sectional Parties, Divided Business." Studies in American Political Development 20, no. 2 (October 2006): 160–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x06000083.
Full textAbstract:
The National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) led the corporate attack on labor organization and government regulation in the early twentieth century. Yet NAM's deep distrust of coordination, in fact, developed years into its organizational life: at its inception, NAM organizers sought mechanisms to coordinate economic and political business activity, and held policy positions that resembled those favored by contemporaneous European manufacturers. Thus, the organization's dramatic shift in policy preferences almost a decade later was something of a sea change: suddenly NAM became committed to laissez-faire liberalism—the antithesis of coordination—and became best-known for its commitment to fighting organized labor.
45
HIJINO, KEN. "Bamboo Shoots and Weak Roots: Organizational Expansion of New Parties in Japan." Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, no. 3 (August 5, 2015): 270–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109915000195.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractRecent research claims that local party organizations are essential for new parties seeking organizational stability and national-level electoral success. Yet new parties which emerged in Japan since the 1990s have failed in building nation-wide networks of local organizations. The article asks how these parties sought to expand locally and why their attempts have been largely unsuccessful. It finds evidence that under certain conditions (in urban areas and multi-member districts, or when controlling local chief executive offices and endowed with inherited resources) new parties have been more successful in standing and winning seats in regional elections. Regions with these favorable conditions are few, however, resulting in the overall weakness of the new parties’ local organizations. The study also disconfirms expectations that a party's control of national government should result in their improved representation at the local level. The article contributes to elucidating the incentives and dynamics of building party organizations in terms of local elected offices for newcomer parties in Japan. It hints at similar challenges for entrepreneurial parties with few social roots in other established democracies.
46
Soesilo, Nining I. "Government of Indonesia’s Battling Strategy to Cope With Pseudo-Cooperatives." Signifikan: Jurnal Ilmu Ekonomi 9, no. 2 (August 14, 2020): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/sjie.v9i2.15547.
Full textAbstract:
By contesting the political spectrum versus the economic side of regulation, it is found that the Indonesian cooperative's performance is influenced more by the first approach. As Golkar's electoral vehicle to protect its ruling party's majority vote, the cooperative apex organization (Dekopin) became a parastatal. As a 'bureaucratic capitalist' with state budget support, Dekopin's 'holdup problem' creates the 'subsidy mentality' and increasing corruption perception that stimulated the formation of pseudo-cooperatives. A bottom-up petition to remove Dekopin's parastatal status failed. By calibrating the 2012-2014 panel data, the pseudo-cooperatives decrease when active cooperatives increase. From the 2015 cross-section exercise, pseudo-cooperatives' number rises along with the growing population. External funding to cooperatives is used as a means to spend it on leisure. Many islands show different tendencies of pseudo-cooperatives' creation. In 2016, a government's economic strategy to create healthy cooperatives was started by closing down 32,778 pseudo-cooperatives. This process continued until 2019.JEL Classification: P13, C21, R51, A13How to Cite:Soesilo, N. I. (2020). Government of Indonesia’s Battling Strategy to Cope with Pseudo-Cooperatives. Signifikan: Jurnal Ilmu Ekonomi, 9(2), 219-240. https://doi.org/10.15408/sjie.v9i2.15547.
47
Asal, Victor, Mitchell Brown, and Angela Dalton. "Why Split? Organizational Splits among Ethnopolitical Organizations in the Middle East." Journal of Conflict Resolution 56, no. 1 (December 25, 2011): 94–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002711429680.
Full textAbstract:
Why do political organizations split? Drawing insight from organizational theory and social movement literature, this article explores the effect of organizational factors on group schism. Using a new data set of 112 ethnopolitical organizations in the Middle East, the article examines to what extent organizational factors such as leadership structure, organizational legality, and tactical intensity, as well as contextual variables such as state violence and external support for the organization, influence group schism. Findings show that organizations with a factional or competing leadership structure and those that use violence as a tactic are at a greater risk to split. Contrary to research on political parties, which highlight the importance of factional leadership structure in relation to the maintenance and growth of the party organization, findings suggest that competing leadership structure, along with the employment of tactical violence, precipitates ethnopolitical organizational fission and eventual splintering.
48
Shaev, Brian. "The Algerian War, European Integration, and the Decolonization of French Socialism." French Historical Studies 41, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254619.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article takes up Todd Shepard's call to “write together the history of the Algerian War and European integration” by examining the French Socialist Party. Socialist internationalism, built around an analysis of European history, abhorred nationalism and exalted supranational organization. Its principles were durable and firm. Socialist visions for French colonies, on the other hand, were fluid. The asymmetry of the party's European and colonial visions encouraged socialist leaders to apply their European doctrine to France's colonies during the Algerian War. The war split socialists who favored the European communities into multiple parties, in which they cooperated with allies who did not support European integration. French socialist internationalism became a casualty of the Algerian War. In the decolonization of the French Socialist Party, support for European integration declined and internationalism largely vanished as a guiding principle of French socialism.Cet article répond à l'appel de Todd Shepard à « écrire à la fois l'histoire de la guerre d'Algérie et l'histoire de l'intégration européenne » en examinant le Parti socialiste. L'internationalisme socialiste, basé sur une analyse de l'histoire européenne, dénonça le nationalisme et exalta le supranationalisme. Ses principes furent durables et fermes. Par contre, sa politique concernant les colonies fut souple. L'asymétrie entre les visions européenne et coloniale du parti encouragea l'application de la doctrine européenne aux colonies françaises pendant la guerre d'Algérie. La guerre divisa les partisans socialistes des communautés européennes en multiples partis, dans lesquels ils coopérèrent avec des alliés qui ne soutenaient pas l'intégration européenne. L'internationalisme socialiste français fut une victime de la guerre d'Algérie. Dans la décolonisation du socialisme français, le soutien à l'intégration européenne recula et l'internationalisme disparut comme principe directeur.
49
Little, Thomas H., and Samuel C. Patterson. "The Organizational Life of the Congressional Parties." American Review of Politics 14 (April 1, 1993): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1993.14.0.39-70.
Full textAbstract:
The organizational life of the congressional parties is elucidated by using elite interviews with 65 congressional party leaders and staff to elaborate and explicate the organization and leadership, internal linkages, and activities such as information exchange, agenda management, issue coordination, publicity, recruitment, and campaign assistance. It is concluded that the recent emergence of more substantial congressional party organizations contributes to legislative party cohesion by providing a common information base, more opportunity for participation in the development of party positions and strategies, and more interaction that forewarns of intraparty divisiveness.
50
Carty, Roland Kenneth. "The Politics of Tecumseh Corners: Canadian Political Parties as Franchise Organizations." Canadian Journal of Political Science 35, no. 4 (December 2002): 723–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423902778402.
Full textAbstract:
Canadian political parties are charged with aggregating the interests of a diverse and changing electorate in order to balance particularistic local demands with general national interests. This article asks what kind of organizations have they adopted to do this? How does their organizational character shape their capacities and their practices? The argument outlines a franchise organization model and explores the extent to which it can be used to explain Canadian party behaviour. The article exploits this model to analyze questions of party membership, the place of incumbents, leadership and electoral organization as they are played out in Canadian politics.