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Published: 14 March 2023

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1

(Organization), African Rights, ed. Zimbabwe, in the party's interest? Kigali, Rwanda: African Rights, 1999.

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2

United States. Congressional-Executive Commission on China. Unofficial religion in China: Beyond the Party's rules : roundtable before the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, One Hundred Ninth Congress, first session, May 23, 2005. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2005.

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3

1948-, Bakvis Herman, and Canada. Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing., eds. Canadian political parties: Leaders, candidates, and organization. Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1991.

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4

Alain, Gagnon, and Tanguay Brian, eds. Canadian parties in transition: Discourse, organization, and representation. Scarborough, Ont: Nelson Canada, 1989.

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5

Piero, Ignazi, and Ysmal Colette, eds. The organization of political parties in southern Europe. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1998.

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6

Panebianco, Angelo. Political parties: Organization and power. Cambridge, [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1988.

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7

Members, organization and performance: An empirical analysis of the impact of party membership size. Aldershot, Hampshire, England: Burlington, VT, 2000.

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8

Nacional, Venezuela Asamblea, ed. Cualidades del dirigente: En vivo y directo. [Caracas]: República Bolivariana de Venezuela, Asablea Nactional, 2015.

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9

Kay, Lawson, and Merkl Peter H, eds. When parties fail: Emerging alternative organizations. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1988.

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10

Party transformations in European democracies. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2012.

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11

P, Cotter Cornelius, ed. Party organizations in American politics. Pittsburgh, Pa: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1989.

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12

Karsten, Grabow, ed. Political parties: Functions and organisation in democratic societies. Singapore: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, 2011.

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13

S, Katz Richard, and Mair Peter, eds. How parties organize: Change and adaptation in party organizations in Western democracies. London: Sage Publications, 1994.

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14

Siyasi partilerde örgütsel iletişim: Bazı siyasi partilerin Eskişehir İl kongre delegeleri üzerine bir araştırma. Eskişehir: T.C. Anadolu Üniversitesi, 2000.

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15

1953-, Green John Clifford, Ray C. Bliss Institute of Applied Politics., and University of Akron, eds. Politics, professionalism, and power: Modern party organization and the legacy of Ray C. Bliss. Lanham, Md: University Press of America, 1994.

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16

Schwartz, Mildred A. Continuity and change in the organization of political parties. Orono, Me: Canadian-American Center, University of Maine, 2011.

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17

Maltzman, Forrest. Competing principals: Committees, parties, and the organization of Congress. Ann Arbor, Mich: University of Michigan Press, 1997.

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18

Invernizzi, Giovanna Maria. Inside Political Parties: Factions, Party Organization and Electoral Competition. [New York, N.Y.?]: [publisher not identified], 2021.

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19

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, ed. Women's minimum demands to political parties and organizations. Kampala, Uganda: UWONET, 2004.

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20

Pribylovskiĭ, Vladimir. Dictionary of political parties and organizations in Russia. Moscow: PostFactum/Interlegal, 1992.

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21

Saiz, Martin, and Hans Geser. Local Parties in Political and Organizational Perspective. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429037351.

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22

Poguntke, Thomas, Susan E. Scarrow, and Paul D. Webb. Political Party Organizations. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.227.

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How political parties organize directly affects who is represented and which policies are prioritized. Political parties structure political choice, which is one of the main functions generally ascribed to them. Their roles as gatekeepers for policies and political careers are closely linked to their nature as membership-based organizations, and to the extent to which they empower members to directly or indirectly influence these crucial choices. Parties also play a crucial role as campaign organizations, whose organizational strength influences their electoral success. The literature often summarizes differences in how parties organize and campaign by identifying major party types, which can be regarded as “classic models” of party organization. Yet, actual parties must adapt to changing environments or risk being supplanted by newer parties or by other political actors. For instance, in recent years one popular adaptation has involved parties opening their decision-making processes by introducing party-wide ballots to settle important questions. Changes like these alter how parties act as intermediaries in representation and political participation. Thanks to the increasing availability of comparable data on party organizations in established and new democracies, and in parliamentary and presidential systems, today’s scholars are better equipped to study the origins and impacts of parties’ organizational differences.
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23

Unofficial Religion in China: Beyond the Party's Rules: Roundtable Before the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, One Hundred Ninth Congres. Government Printing Office, 2005.

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24

Erlingsson, Gissur Ó., Ann-Kristin Kölln, and Patrik Öhberg. The Party Organizations. Edited by Jon Pierre. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.10.

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This chapter offers a general description of party organizational development in Sweden. We assess to what extent Swedish party organizations have followed the (alleged) transformations from mass parties to “electoral-professional” and/or “cartel” parties. Additionally, we inquire if such transformations may have affected the quality of intra-party democracy. It is demonstrated that mass parties, in principle, have been eradicated. Parties have become increasingly professionalized and less connected with their members. Also, tendencies towards a cartelization of the Swedish party system can be observed, particularly when the generous system of party subsidies is taken into account. However, no conclusive evidence supports the assertion that Swedish party organizations have become less internally democratic.
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25

Katz, Richard S., and Peter Mair. The Rise and Decline of Parties. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199586011.003.0002.

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When they rose to prominence in the régimes censitaires of the nineteenth century, most political parties were based primarily in parliament and had little external organization. With the advent of mass suffrage, these elite parties were challenged by a new type of organization, the mass party ostensibly rooted in particular segments of society and with extensive extraparliamentary membership organizations that were, in theory, the authoritative voice of the party. By the second half of the twentieth century, both mass parties and the remaining elite parties were evolving into catch-all parties, with the party in public office more assertive of its independence and with parties increasingly working as brokers among competing interests rather than as the agents of particular interest. None of these any longer describes the nature of contemporary party politics, however.
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26

Hasan, Zoya. Ideology and Organization in Indian Politics. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192863416.001.0001.

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Abstract This book examines the immense changes in Indian politics over the past decade and its impact on the Indian National Congress. The impact is most apparent in the changing fortunes of the Congress party, which suffered two major defeats in the 2014 and 2019 elections, bringing the party’s crisis to the front and Centre of public debate. This book seeks to understand the reasons for these enormous changes by looking, first, at the underlying conditions that led to the decline of the Congress and, second, the challenges—both external and internal—confronting the Congress and, while doing so, estimating its impact on Indian politics and on the Congress. More specifically, it looks at how important ideological debates provoked by the rise of majoritarianism, the Gujarat model, hyper-nationalism, the secular retreat, and the curbs and restrictions on the opposition influenced the Congress. Exploring ideological shifts and organizational limits that shaped the decline of the Congress make a compelling case for the significance of the Congress story in understanding the larger political transformation underway in India. The argument centres on the Congress party, but comparatively speaking, it has relevance for the experience of centrist and centre-left parties in other countries, which too suffered a decline in the context of the upsurge of populist nationalism and right-wing politics in the past few years. Analysis of political change in India in the past decade affords insights into the processes of transformation and polarization that grounded the Congress party and centrist parties in other countries as well.
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27

Bardi, Luciano, Enrico Calossi, and Eugenio Pizzimenti. Which Face Comes First? The Ascendancy of the Party in Public Office. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198758631.003.0003.

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Recently, students of European parties have come to agree that organizational power has been concentrating in the party in public office (PPO), whose particular interests and objectives shape those of the party at large. This process of growing autonomy of the PPO—hypothesized by Katz and Mair—goes hand in hand with that of party penetration of the state and with a corresponding decline of party presence within civil society. This chapter aims to verify, empirically, if the PPO is indeed moving in the direction of becoming the strongest party organizational ‘face’. It also investigates whether the degree of ascendancy of the PPO varies 1) across parties and 2) across countries. To this end, it analyses persistence and change in party organizations across ten European countries, from the 1970s to 2010, using data from the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) and comparable data from the Party Organizations Data Handbook.
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28

Scarrow, Susan E., and Paul D. Webb. Investigating Party Organization. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198758631.003.0001.

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Political parties in democratic countries use very different procedures to make their most important decisions, and they follow different approaches to mobilizing their supporters. What, if any, are the political consequences of these differences? This chapter argues that we should answer this question by systematically testing causal links in mid-level theories. To this end, the authors present a framework that divides parties’ organizations into three key dimensions: structures, resources, and representational strategies. They further divide these dimensions into sub-dimensions that have been identified as politically relevant by previous research, and show how they relate to specific hypotheses about the impact of parties’ organizational differences. These hypotheses are the basis of key research questions examined in the other chapters of this book. This chapter also introduces the new data source that will be used for all the analyses in this volume, the Political Party Database.
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29

Sandler, Willeke. Gleichschaltung and the Beginnings of a Mass Movement, 1933–1935. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190697907.003.0003.

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This chapter examines colonialists’ response to the Nazi takeover. Many saw the new Third Reich as fertile ground both ideologically and organizationally, and quickly adapted to their new reality. For these colonialists, the Nazi Party’s ostensible support for overseas colonialism, expressed through the 1920 Party Program, encouraged their belief that the Third Reich would also bring the reclamation of the overseas empire. In order to ensure public support for this goal and facing the Nazi regime’s drive to coordinate society through Gleichschaltung, the colonialist organizations underwent Selbstgleichschaltung (self-coordination) in 1933 and created the Reichskolonialbund as their new umbrella organization.. Between 1933 and 1935, German colonialists also established the organizational structure and goal of a mass movement (Volksbewegung) that would continue throughout the Third Reich.
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30

Panebianco, Angelo. Political parties: organization and power. Cambridge a.o., 1988.

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31

Rosenblatt, Fernando. The Theory. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190870041.003.0002.

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This chapter examines in detail the theoretical factors that explain party vibrancy: Purpose, Trauma, Channels of Ambition, and moderate Exit Barriers. Purpose fosters prospective loyalty. A party exhibits Purpose when it intensely defends a more or less coherent set of ideas, ideology, or a general project. Trauma forges retrospective loyalty among party members. It refers to shared emotions derived from the shared suffering of harsh experiences. Channels of Ambition captures the idea of parties as organizations comprising office seekers. More specifically, it builds on Aldrich’s (1995) claim that parties solve collective action problems for ambitious politicians. Finally, it discusses the theoretical effects of Exit Barriers. This factor fosters partisan organization when politicians from a political party perceive moderately high costs of leaving their organization to join a different party or of pursuing a career as an independent. Finally, the chapter also discusses the interaction among these factors.
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32

Little, Conor, and David M. Farrell. Party Organization and Party Unity. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198758631.003.0012.

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This chapter examines the crucial role that political parties play in maintaining a unified voting bloc in parliament. This party-based approach sets it apart from most existing studies in this area. The focus of this chapter is on the factors that incentivize MPs to vote in a unified manner. The chapter tests three hypotheses: (1) whether party unity is improved by greater party organizational strength; (2) whether the greater threat of disciplinary sanctions increases party unity; and (3) whether greater access to resources by MPs reduces party unity. The authors use the Political Party Database (PPDB) dataset to test these hypotheses in thirteen of Europe’s democracies, finding strong support for the third hypothesis, some support for the first hypothesis, but little support for the second hypothesis. This study adds an important new dimension to research on how institutions affect party unity by showing the distinct role party organizations can play in this regard.
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33

Daher, Aurélie. Hezbollah. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190495893.001.0001.

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Almost thirty years after its foundation, Lebanese Hezbollah is an organization that remains difficult to understand. What exactly is Hezbollah? An Islamist terrorist group dedicated to destroying Israel? The first Arab national resistance to have ever defeated Tel Aviv's troops? A patriotic and respectable party or a fascist network having managed to control all levels of Lebanese political life? How did this organization acquire such an important role in the Middle-Eastern game and in Lebanese politics? This book has three purposes. Firstly, to clearly articulate a definition of Hezbollah, presenting a thorough history of the party, describing its internal structure and the large scope of its social and political action. Secondly, to explain the evolution of the party's mobilization. And finally, to illustrate another path, political but mainly identity-related: that of the Shiite community, the main constituent of Lebanese society today. Through a rigorous and richly documented study, based on primary sources including hundreds of interviews with rank and file members, executives and officials of the party, and research material never examined before, the author unveils brand new aspects of this organization, thus completing our understanding of both the "Hezbollah phenomenon" and Lebanese politics of the last two decades.
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34

Rosenblatt, Fernando. Party Vibrancy and Democracy in Latin America. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190870041.001.0001.

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How do political parties remain vibrant organizations? This qualitative study of political parties in Chile, Costa Rica, and Uruguay explains how party vibrancy is maintained and reproduced over time. A vibrant party is an active organization that operates beyond electoral cycles, has clear symbols, and maintains a significant presence in the territory. The study identifies the complex interaction between four causal factors that account for the reproduction of party vibrancy: Purpose, Trauma, Channels of Ambition, and moderate Exit Barriers. Purpose activates retrospective loyalty among members. Trauma refers to a shared traumatic past that engenders retrospective loyalty. Channels of Ambition are routes by which individuals can pursue a political career. Moderate Exit Barriers are rules that set costs of defection at reasonable levels. The case studies suggest that, after a process of consolidation and stability, the presence of the four causal factors explains party vibrancy. The presence of the factors then sustains the reproduction of this vibrancy over time. The four causal factors are observed during a party’s “golden age.” Vibrant parties are resilient. Yet the study also shows that the ability of Trauma to forge loyalty decreases over time and that the long-term reproduction of Purpose can be elusive, as has been shown in Latin America. Older vibrant parties thus exhibit a combination of only Channels of Ambition and moderate Exit Barriers, and are less resilient than those that also have Purpose and/or Trauma.
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35

Castledine, Jacqueline. Cold War Legacies. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037269.003.0006.

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This chapter illustrates how African American women remained active at both the highest levels of the Progressive Party (PP) and its base, where interracial grassroots networks attempted to bring the ideals of national figures like Eslanda Goode Robeson, Shirley Graham Du Bois, and Charlotta Bass to life. The American Labor Party (ALP)—which served as the PP organization of New York in 1948—was an important vehicle for women fighting racism and U.S. militarism in their local communities. Historians who have documented the ALP's important contributions to New York's early civil rights campaigns often overlook the significance of the party's linkage between peace, racial justice, and women's rights. An examination of the ALP, therefore, offers the opportunity to consider the challenges progressive women's networks encountered in the struggle to keep the hope of positive peace alive.
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36

Koger, Gregory, Seth Masket, and Hans Noel. No Disciplined Army. Edited by Jennifer Nicoll Victor, Alexander H. Montgomery, and Mark Lubell. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190228217.013.18.

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Just what are political parties? If they are not strictly hierarchical organizations but nonetheless manage to coordinate and control much of politics, how do they do so? This chapter looks at the use of network theory and methodology to examine modern political parties. The authors survey the history of research utilizing a network approach to studying parties. They suggest how a network model surpasses some of the limitations of the familiar tripartite party model of the parties in government, in elections, and as organization. The authors advocates further research on how network parties make collective decisions, why American parties are organized as networks, and how they evolve.
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37

Webb, Paul D., and Dan Keith. Assessing the Strength of Party Organizational Resources. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198758631.003.0002.

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This chapter provides a survey of four types of party organizational resources in the PPDB: members, money, staff, and territorial units. Findings include that around 3 per cent of voters now join political parties across the democratic world; that German and Spanish parties seem to be the richest in terms of absolute levels of funding, but parties in countries such as Austria and Norway are even stronger relative to the size of their economies or electorates; that party staffing levels are generally quite modest; and that countries where there is an emphasis on what is local tend to have the highest relative concentrations of party branches. Moreover, country differences consistently seem to outweigh party family differences in explaining variation in party organizational resources. The chapter concludes by proposing a composite index of party strength which enables us to construct a rank-ordering of 112 parties according to their overall organizational strength.
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38

Biezen, Ingrid van, and Petr Kopecký. The Paradox of Party Funding. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198758631.003.0004.

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This chapter addresses the role of public funding in party organizational transformation. Focusing mainly on European democracies, and using the new systematic data obtained from the Political Party Database, this chapter makes two contributions to the party politics literature. First, a range of existing findings about the importance of state subsidies for party life are re-examined, probing in particular the extent to which party incomes depend on public funding, as opposed to private donations and membership fees. Second, the association between parties’ dependence on state subsidies and party organization is explored, probing in particular the relationship between public monies and the size of parties’ memberships. Unlike the first exploration, which largely confirms most existing conclusions about the patterns of party financing, the findings from the second exploration appear to be more challenging: contrary to usual expectations, state funding of political parties does not necessarily undermine party membership.
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39

Tan, Alexander C. Members, Organizations and Performance: An Empirical Analysis of the Impact of Party Membership Size. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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40

Tan, Alexander C. Members, Organizations and Performance: An Empirical Analysis of the Impact of Party Membership Size. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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41

Tan, Alexander C. Members, Organizations and Performance: An Empirical Analysis of the Impact of Party Membership Size. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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42

Organizing Political Parties: Representation, Participation, and Power. Oxford University Press, 2017.

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43

Sorace, Christian P. Shaken Authority. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501707537.001.0001.

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This book examines the political mechanisms at work in the aftermath of the 2008 Sichuan earthquake and the broader ideological energies that drove them. The book takes Chinese Communist Party ideas and discourse as central to how that organization formulates policies, defines legitimacy, and exerts its power. It argues that the Communist Party has never abandoned its conviction that discourse can shape the world and the people who inhabit it. It demonstrates how the Communist Party's planning apparatus continues to play a crucial role in engineering the Chinese economy and market construction, especially in the countryside. It takes a distinctive and original interpretive approach to understanding Chinese politics, and demonstrates how Communist Party discourse and ideology influenced the official decisions and responses to the Sichuan earthquake. The book provides a clear view of the lived outcomes of Communist Party plans, rationalities, and discourses in the earthquake zone. The three case studies presented each demonstrates a different type of reconstruction and model of development: urban–rural integration, tourism, and ecological civilization. The book emphasizes the need for a grounded literacy in the political concepts, discourses, and vocabularies of the Communist Party itself.
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44

Christian, Tomuschat. Part III Observance and Application of Treaties, 13 International Organizations as Third Parties under the Law of International Treaties. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199588916.003.0013.

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The rule providing that treaties do not produce rights or obligations for third states was taken from Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties I (Article 34) and inserted into Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties II with the appropriate modification ratione personae to international organizations. The rule was seen as a logical consequence of the fundamental principle of consent in international relations. Hence, according to the text, international organizations are protected against interference by third parties in the same way as states. However, no consideration was given to the question of whether the states members of an international organization stand in a special relationship to that organization. Practice shows that treaties elaborated within an international organization, although generally having a more restricted circle of parties, often impose specific duties on that organization. This chapter seeks to clarify the reasons justifying this practice and its limits.
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45

Merkl, Peter H., and Kay Lawson. When Parties Fail: Emerging Alternative Organizations. Princeton University Press, 2014.

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46

Lawson, Kay. When Parties Fail: Emerging Alternative Organizations. Princeton Univ Pr, 1988.

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47

Lawson, Kay. When Parties Fail: Emerging Alternative Organizations. Princeton Univ Pr, 1988.

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48

Merkl, Peter H., and Kay Lawson. When Parties Fail: Emerging Alternative Organizations. Princeton University Press, 1988.

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49

Merkl, Peter H., and Kay Lawson. When Parties Fail: Emerging Alternative Organizations. Princeton University Press, 2016.

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50

Wanted: High school organizations and parties. Pensacola, FL: A Beka Book, 2005.

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