Academic literature on the topic 'Party's organization'

AbstractThis study explores how a party's organizational mode affects its stability in new democracies. A party organization was stable under these three conditions: when the relationship from lower to upper organizations has institutionalized a strong vertical organization mode; when the central party power is concentrated on the leadership; and when the leadership has been safely shifted after elections. In the case of two ruling parties in South Korea, each mode produced differences in party stability. The dissimilar organization modes of two parties resulted in different organizational stability.

AbstractWhile existing scholarship focuses attention on the impact of state control and repression on Chinese civil society, the increasingly independent role of the Communist Party has been largely overlooked. This article reviews the Party's drive to “comprehensively cover” grassroots society over the previous decade against the theoretical debate unfolding among Chinese scholars and Party theoreticians regarding the Party's role with respect to civil society. Focusing on greater Shanghai, frequently cited as a national model of Party-building, I describe the Party's advance and the emergence of Party-organized non-governmental organizations (PONGOs), a new hybrid form of social organization sponsored and supported by local Party committees. I argue that these developments invite a reconsideration of our understandings of the ongoing “associational revolution” and of the Party's relationship to China's flourishing “third realm.”

<p>Study of political Islam did not paid attention to observing the patterns of thought and its transformation in political organization. Even though some studies conducted and brought analysis with case study against specific in their respective political parties. This article departs from the question of how the genealogy of political Islam thought and how it transformed into Islamic-base political parties in democratic Indonesia? The unit of analysis of this study is Islamic-based parties, having a main support base from Islamic religious organizations and had seat in parliament since 1999 election. This study reveals an important finding that Islamic-based parties had been undertakes adaptation and transforming political Islam doctrinaire with more flexible. This is proven through the tracing of consistency between values, platform and the party's work program either in parliament or the public. This study combines historical discursive approach and genealogy as an analytical framework.</p>

AbstractHistorians of America's post-war social movements have said little about the financial underpinnings of activism, and this article aims to address this oversight. It focuses on the Black Panther Party, which was formed in Oakland, California, in 1966, and was soon one of America's most visible, and controversial, black power organizations. The article sketches the array of funding sources from which the party drew, and reconstructs the apparatus it fashioned to steward those resources. It condenses the discussion to one of the organization's most lucrative streams, that of book publishing, and relates this to the period's literary culture, which, in the US, witnessed a ‘black revolution in books’. Between 1968 and 1975, members of the party published some ten books, which together raised $250,000 in advances, and additional sums through their sale, serialization, and translation. The production of these works relied on the assistance of several freelance writers, and was guided by the party's commercial agency, Stronghold Consolidated Productions. By recovering the role of these groups and the infrastructure they fashioned, the article shows how publishing was connected to the wider financial structure of the organization, and prompts us to see that the Panthers’ books were not just accounts of their activism, but examples of it.

Members of have the right submitted by political parties as candidates for Legislative Assembly in accordance with what is meant by article 12 of Law Number 2 of 2008 jo Law Number 2 of 2011, that political parties have the right to nominate candidates to fill the membership of the Nation Assembly and the Regional Local Assembly in accordance with the legislation; propose a change of time between its members in the Nation Assembly and the Local Assembly in accordance with the legislation. Instead members of political parties must submit and comply with the provisions in Law No. 2 of 2008 jo Law No. 2 of 2011 and the articles of association and bylaws of political parties, accompanied by good sanctions from Law No. 2 of 2008 jo Law No. 2 of 2011 and sanctions on political party organizations. This means that members of a political party can be dismissed from their membership if they become members of other political parties. Substitution between time as a member of the House of Representatives is permitted as long as the interim replacement is in accordance with the prevailing laws and regulations, including participating as members of other Political Parties. Ishak Liputo is listed as the administrator of the Democratic National Community Organization which is not listed as a political party, but Isaac Liputo was replaced through a replacement between times because he was the administrator of a community organization. But in this case Ishak Liputo was fired because he had previously served as administrator of the National Democratic Community Organization before the Organization was officially inaugurated as a Political Party. Research shows the dismissal of Isaac Liputo from membership of the Golongan Karya Political Party because of being the administrator of the National Democratic Community Organization (Nasdem) in terms of Law No. 2 of 2008 jo Law No. 2 of 2012 concerning Political Parties is not appropriate, because: Ishak Liputo became the administrator of the Nasdem Mass Organization, which has not been in the form of a party, so it cannot be said to be a member of a political party. Liputo when warned by the Golkar Party's Management of his actions as a Nasdem administrator, has resigned, so he is no longer a Nasdem administrator.

ABSTRACTThe Orba government in carrying out its power is almost always repertive acts of the people. The Orba government also practiced an all-out democracy in the political practice of the day. The condition is inflicting discontent of young men and activists. In the 1992, the action committee began to appear and continue to evolve in the next years. The alliances of student alliances then flourished the role of the action committee. Student alliances evolved into a sectoral student organization, laborers, farms, and culture. Sectoral organizations make a struggle against Orba into boxes. The gathering of sectoral organizations then formed the Democratic People's Unity together in 1994, the Democratic People's Unity on its journey didn't go well, there was a difference of opinion between members. The Democratic People's Unity experiences split and delivers the idea of the party's establishment of members. The party's establishment through an uneasy process in the organization. The Extraordinary Congressman 1996 decided the Democratic People Party's foundation. Party is expected to make the movement get radical. Party as a symbol of resistance to your formal democracy system applied by Orba. The party can also be used as a media resistance against the Orba Hegemoni.ABSTRAKPemerintah Orba dalam melaksanakan kekuasaanya hampir selalu melakukan tindakan represif terhadap rakyat. Pemerintah Orba juga mempraktikkan demokrasi semu dalam praktik politik masa itu. Kondisi ini menimbulkan ketidakpuasan dari pemuda dan aktivis. Pada 1992, komite aksi mulai muncul dan terus berkembang di tahun-tahun berikutnya. Aliansi-aliansi mahasiswa kemudian berkembang mengantikan peran komite aksi. Aliansi mahasiswa berkembang menjadi organisasi sektoral mahasiswa, buruh, tani, dan kebudayaan. Organisasi sektoral membuat perjuangan melawan Orba menjadi terkotak-kotak. Kumpulan dari berbagai organiasi sektoral kemudian membentuk Persatuan Rakyat Demokratik sebagai wadah bersama pada 1994. Persatuan Rakyat Demokratik dalam perjalanannya tidak berjalan lancar, terjadi perbedaan pendapat antar anggota. Persatuan Rakyat Demokratik mengalami perpecahan dan melahirkan ide pendirian partai dari sebagian anggota. Pendirian partai melalui proses yang tidak mudah di dalam organisasi. Kongres Luar Biasa 1996 memutuskan pendirian Partai Rakyat Demokratik. Berdirinya partai diharapkan membuat pergerakan menjadi semakin radikal. Partai sebagai simbol perlawanan terhadap sistem demokrasi semu yang diterapkan Orba. Partai juga dapat digunakan sebagai media perlawanan terhadap hegemoni Orba.

In democracies throughout the world, intra-party factions manifest themselves in parties and governments. Formal and informal institutions have, however, proved crucial in managing factionalism. This is especially true in Thailand's emerging parliamentary democracy where the management of factionalism has become a major objective for Thai parties. This study explores factions and factionalism as well as how different types of parties try to manage intra-party dissension especially in the case of Thailand. The findings suggest that management style tends to be a function of a party's organization, with parties which practice a collegial style tending to be the more successful in controlling intra-party cliques over time. At the same time, the most important tools which party leaderships can use to control factions are the careful use of constitutional provisions and manipulation of party finance.

The article is the first special study of the Gendarmerie operation of the end of 1903 – the beginning of 1904, aimed at the liquidation of the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party. Until now the historiography of the issue is limited to several mentions of operation’s individual episodes in publications with a broader content. The source base of the study is comprised of archival documents of Gendarmerie offices and security departments, periodicals of the RUP and memories of its activists. Based on the author's reconstruction of the state and personal composition of party structures in 1903–1904, an attempt was made to determine the consequences of the operation for the central, regional and local organizational levels of the RUP. Attention is paid to the factors that determined the ambiguous course of events and different positions inside party organizations (personnel, management bodies, material and technical base, connections, scope of activities, etc.). The historiographical assessment of these consequences as “a catastrophe for the RUP” has been subjected to a critical review. Being based on the opportunistic statements of the party leader M. Porsh and its “archivist” and historian A. Zhuk it is not confirmed by empirical material. As a result of the Gendarme operation of 1903 the RUP really suffered great losses the latter being partial and temporary. A significant part of the party network at all levels managed to avoid failures and ensure the continuity of the party's activities. Crushed organizations were able to resume their work in a few months. The change of the party leader and the split at the “unheld” congress of the RUP in 1904 contributed to a clearer definition of the party's ideology and organizational structure. This gives reason to qualify the events of that time rather as an (un)success of the government: having delivered a striking blow to the leading organizational centres of the RUP on the territory of the empire, it was unable not only to implement its plan to destroy the whole party, but even to liquidate any local organization.

Through an analysis of Third Sister Liu, a popular musical of the early 1960s, this article illustrates how the Chinese Communist Party mobilized state and society to express disparaging ideas about the intellectual during the Great Leap Forward. The Chinese intellectual was not any specific social type, group, or individual, but a substrate upon which the party organized and promoted its vision and division of society. Official representations, organization, and the threat of punishment underpinned the party's efforts and produced local resistance toward the party's understanding of the intellectual. The author's analytical approach stresses the social work of construction that reproduced the intellectual as a major political subject, an official classification, and an embodied identity in socialist China. The analysis illuminates heretofore obscured dimensions of Communist Party rule and experiences of those affected by the classification.

AbstractThis article details the reorganization of China's national leadership training system, and analyses the reforms as an integral element of the Chinese Communist Party's efforts to adapt institutionally to a rapidly changing environment. Three main findings are presented. First, the national leadership training system is being remade under the direction of the Party's Central Organization Department to give greater emphasis to the “spirit of reform and innovation,” as seen especially in the creation of the China Executive Leadership Academy in Pudong, Shanghai, and in the formation of sister academies in Jinggangshan and Yan'an. Second, China's political elite have given greater priority to leadership innovation, although they are trying to balance this with ensuring that sufficient attention and resources are also given to preserving the ruling status of the CCP. Third, by establishing the new group of training academies under the COD, the Party is diversifying beyond the Party School system for leadership research and training. The article suggests that the guiding logic behind these reforms is to promote enough innovation in managerial training and research to enable the Party to meet the changing governance requirements of the market transition and economic globalization, while at the same time putting in place institutional measures that help to preserve the Party's rule.

Despite the dramatic evidence of their decline (in terms of membership, trust, and ideological perspective), political parties still represent the most important collective actor in a democratic political system. Their role in representing pluralism and their electoral centrality is not undermined, even if strongly questioned. As organization, parties have to face areas of uncertainty that request suitable answers and efficient organizational choices. Taking the challenge as representative actors, in this work I focused on the capacity of parties to mobilize resources: financial resources in particular. Through the analysis of private financial donations to political parties in Italy –in determinant election years as 1987, 1994, and 2013- I tried to assess their connective capability with specific interests representatives in order to provide evidence of their changing representational role. In addition, personalisation dynamics that involve the electoral and political processes should be evident in financing connections, leading external donors to be progressively more attracted by single candidates than by party's central organization. The project first aim was to update the knowledge on political private financing of Italian political parties and describe the challenges parties are going to face in the next future.

Amidst a considerable body of literature on erotic dance, the voices of third parties, that is, the people who organize, supervise, manage or coordinate the labour of dancers, seldom appear. Yet, these third parties provide a setting and services that are vital to dancers’ entrepreneurial success. Furthermore, perceptions of third parties as exploitative and coercive perpetuate framings of erotic dance – and sex work in general – as harmful, which in turn invisibilize dancers’ work, as well as their skills, labour rights and grievances. Drawing from qualitative interviews with 15 third parties and 15 dancers, as well as regional regulatory texts, this dissertation seeks to trouble these stigmatic assumptions by shedding light on the work of third parties and the organization of labour in Ontario’s erotic dance sector. Mapping the occupational roles and relationships amongst third parties (e.g., managers, bouncers, disc jockeys) reveals the organizational structure and peripheries of the strip club. Through this map, we see how third parties together form the organizational structure, which operates as a parallel entity to dancers who, as independent contractors, are for the most part responsible for their own work activities and income. At the same time, because dancers and third parties must equally provide quality service to their shared customers, they are both interdependent on, and independent of, each other. This relationship ‘plays out’ through occupational and situationally adaptive performances, which reiterate and resist normative gender, racial, and class scripts to produce the ‘party’ environment of the strip club. Simultaneously ambiance and organizational culture, the ‘party’ environment shapes third parties’ and dancers’ occupational performances for, and perceptions of, each other. The continuity of performance required to maintain this environment also results in third parties reproducing certain regulatory discourses and mechanisms in their surveillance and rule enforcement practices, and disregarding and subverting others, which in turn impacts upon dancers’ safety. Third parties’ relationships with each other and dancers are also permeated by stigma, stereotypes and perceptions of risk that echo regulatory and broader social discourses. These findings demonstrate that third parties’ engagement with regulation and normative discourses are deeply inter-related and impact the quality of the services they provide to dancers. On this basis it is argued that the context and conditions of dancers’ labour will be improved by rethinking narrow-minded regulatory frameworks and social norms.

Most recent literature that analyzes parties from an organizational perspective focuses often on the concepts of intra-party democracy and party organizational democratization (Scarrow, 1999a; Scarrow and Kittilson, 2003; LeDuc, Niemi and Norris, 2002; Bosco and Morlino, 2007). Le Duc (2001) and Rahat and Hazan (2007) underline that the most used instrument for implementing this ‘democratization’ process is the enhancement of the inclusiveness of the methods for candidate and party leadership selection. The actors endowed with candidate and leader selection powers are the central actors in the functioning of the party according to many authors (Gallagher and Marsh 1988, Marsh 1993; Massari, 2004; Hazan and Rahat, 2010). At the moment, the most inclusive method identified by the literature for selecting candidates for elections or the party leader is represented by party open or closed primaries, i.e. internal direct elections by party members and, in the case of open primaries, supporters and voters (Cross and Blais, 2011; Kenig, 2009b).<p>In this study, we explore two specific dimensions of party politics: membership and internal activisms, on the one hand, and on the other hand the internal democratization processes and in particular those dealing with broadening the inclusiveness of leadership selection procedures. Therefore, this study integrates in particular the debate on the nature and consequences of party organizational democratization. The debate finds its origins both in the influential work of Michels on the “iron law of oligarchy” thesis but has been more recently boosted by the theories of May (1973), Mair (1994) and also the studies on intra-party democracy in the British Labour (Shaw, 1994; Russell, 2005).<p>However, we are interested in the point of view of members themselves on the consequences of internal democratization. We are interested on how members perceive these organizational changes, in whether they are frustrated form the actual consequences on their role and powers and whether they perceive them as a potential threat that could undermine their organizational position within the party. In order to respond to the debate on the consequences of intra-party democracy at individual level, we rely mainly on three questions. The main research questions of this study are thus the following: to what extent party organizational changes in the sense of greater democratization affect the membership role at individual level? How are these organizational changes perceived by members? To what extent members’ perceptions of their own role affect their behaviors and in particular their internal activism?<p>The aim of this study, thus, is to empirically assess the impact on members’ activism of party internal democratization and in particular of the perception of membership role. We are interested in whether party members’ attitudes are changing as a result of parties’ organizational changes, particularly if these changes are giving members more say over outcomes. This is a study of how (and whether) perceived roles affect behaviour. The independent variable is constituted by the members’ perception of their own role within party organizational structures and in particular with regard to the leadership selection methods, whilst the dependent variable is represented by the level of activism of party members, in terms of participation to party activities in general. In fact, the impact of party rules at individual level will be addressed, as well as how the perception of organizational rules affects individual attitudes and behaviors. In particular, the focus is on leadership selection methods that integrate party members at some point in the overall process (Lisi, 2009), such as direct elections (Hazan and Rahat, 2006). The case selection is thus implemented on the basis of the research question: the comparison is developed across parties (and not across time) using different instruments for enhancing intra-party democracy.<p>Therefore, we analyze the role perception, attitudes and behaviors of grass-roots members of three contemporary Western European parties: the Belgian French-speaking socialist party (Parti Socialiste, PS), the British Labour and the Italian Democratic Party (Partito Democratico, PD). Among the selected parties, one (PD) holds primaries open to all voters for selecting their leader and one (Belgian PS), on the contrary, has chosen the closed primary (OMOV) system. The British Labour Party uses an electoral college for electing its leader since 1981. The Electoral College method refers to a system in which specific groups are allocated a specific share of the leadership vote. In the case of the UK Labour, the votes are equally divided among its constituency members, the parliamentary caucus and the trade union members.<p>Concerning the first research question of our study, our empirical results underline that in the three selected cases organizational changes affect indeed the membership role at individual level and that grass-root members perceive very clearly this impact on their status and organizational rights, obligations and privileges. When grass-roots members evaluate their role within the party, in particular with regard to the procedure for selecting the leader and the involvement of non-members and passive members within party organization, their perceptions take into account their organizational power as defined, among other factors, also by their share of votes in leadership selection. Thus, we expect that PD members perceive their role as more blurred than Labour members and particularly than PS members. In the case of parties, such as the PS, adopting direct elections of the party leader only by the affiliates, the majority of the members are expected to perceive clearly the distinction of the position, privileges and functions between members and non-members and the extensive role reserved for the affiliates.<p>Our data show that the perception of own role vary among members, but also that many members perceive their own role as being rather blurred. They display in fact nuanced but generally negative attitudes towards the integration of voters and supporters within the selection of party leader. On the basis of our survey data, the observed variation in the perception of membership role within and between the three parties seems to correspond to what we expected. A higher proportion of PD surveyed members declare to perceive their role as blurred, while smaller proportions of PS and particularly labour respondents share this evaluation. In general, our data confirm that party members do not evaluate positively the fact that these formal privileges are extended not only to all individual members, not only to activists but even to passive ones, but also to party voters and supporters. Mair’s “activists’ disempowerment” thesis (Mair, 1994) seems to be supported by our data, at least in terms of individual perceptions.<p>Moreover, our data show that the degree of satisfaction with intra-party democracy significantly vary among parties and is generally not nearly as high as could be expected on the basis of party politics literature. If in the British Labour survey the responses of grass-roots members seem to form a more positive picture, with a great majority of member declaring that the party leader is not too powerful, the level of dissatisfaction with party functioning is rather higher in the other two parties. Nevertheless, PS members are fairly more convinced than PS members that the party internal decision-making is democratic. This is what we expected to find on the basis of our first hypothesis. In fact, our first hypothesis postulated that the perception of the role of party membership by affiliates in terms of (lack of) distinction between members and non-members affects inversely their level of satisfaction with the internal functioning of the party and their degree of perceived political efficacy. The stronger the perception of the blurred role of membership, the lower will be the level of political efficacy and specific support for the party. According to our data, among PD members the perception of the blurred, undefined role of members is rather high and so is the degree of dissatisfaction with intra-party functioning. On the contrary, within the other two parties and especially within the Labour, the role perception by grass-roots members is rather positive and well-defined and the level of specific support for the party is also higher.<p>The expectations formulated on the basis of our first hypothesis appear to be supported by the empirical data also with regard to the variations in the sense of external political efficacy of members. Our data seem consistent with the hypothesis, developed by several scholars (Katz and Mair, 1995; Carty, 2004; Bolleyer, 2009), that expanding the leadership selectorate and granting formal powers to party members and supporters may hide, on the other hand, the perception by enrolled members to be actually loosing power. On the basis of our data, it is possible to assert that grass-roots members seem to be aware of the possibility of a trade-off between extreme inclusiveness of decision-making procedures and actual centralization of organizational power in the hands of party elites.<p>With regard to the third research question of this study, our results confirm that indeed members’ perceptions of their own role, in relation to internal democratization, affect their behaviors and in particular their internal participation. The three parties appear to have different features in terms of internal activism, at aggregate but in particular at individual level. Secondly, not only the overall level of intra-party activism of grass-roots members vary between and within the three selected parties, but appears to be influenced by members’ attitudes towards the party. In fact, our second hypothesis postulated that the levels of specific support for the party and political efficacy of party members impact directly on their level of activism. The lower the level of political efficacy and specific support for the party, the lower will be the degree of activism of all members (as well as the quality of the activities they perform) and vice-versa. In a party holding open and direct elections to choose its leader, party membership is thought to be divided between a highly active avant-garde and a larger mass of inactive affiliates, feeling inefficacy, frustrated with intra-party democracy and perceiving their own role as blurred and undefined. Consequently, dissatisfied or low efficacy members are argued to participate less.<p>Our data only partially support the expectations. In fact, the impact of the sense of external efficacy is clear and strong in all the three cases, while on the contrary the relationship between specific support and intra-party activism is less clear-cut than expected. The results are therefore nuanced with regard to the expectations formulated in the second hypothesis of this study. The explanatory power of external efficacy and specific support in terms of internal mobilization is only partially supported by our data. Therefore, the evaluation of the consequences of the implementation of party organizational changes such as the adoption of open primaries depends on what party elites are interested in: if the goal is to assure membership loyalty, adopting open primaries is not a good way to strengthen membership involvment in the party.<p>We believe that real intra-party democracy is normatively impossible with regard to the position of members. Organizational power cannot be too dispersed among different units without jeopardizing not only effective functioning of the party, as the old debated on the trade-off between democracy and efficacy asserted (Duverger, 1951; Panebianco, 1988), but also the incentives for internal participation of the party base. Party members are well aware that internal power cannot be too dispersed. From the point of view of members, a party should have a clear chain of command and should be composed by elites, activists and members. Each one of them should also be endowed with clearly defined tasks and responsibilities. In conclusion, we believe that intra-party democracy is a symbolic element of party organization but not as actually implementable.<p>In sum, intra-party democracy does not mean the same for different party units. For party elites, it represents a process for either legitimizing the party, changing party image, mobilizing electoral support, managing internal faction or even indirectly increasing their own organizational room for manoeuvre. For party members, intra-party democracy represents an incentive for mobilizing and a political identification tool until a certain point. After that, it becomes a threat to their rights and their status. For grass-roots affiliates, intra-party democracy is not a value per se, but it depends on its real intensity and actual implementation. In conclusion, at theoretical level, we can conclude that party organization theories should increasingly take into account membership’s point of view. On the contrary, at practical level, we can conclude that parties should adapt their strategies with regard to intra-party democracy according to their goal. If party elites are interested in tightening their grip on internal decision-making while increasing their room for manoeuvre and legitimizing party image at the same time, increasing intra-party democracy could be the best organizational strategy. On the contrary, if the leadership’s aim is to mobilize members and guarantee a stable and loyal membership, then it should be noted that increasing intra-party democracy is not always the best choice. To this regard, it might be useful for party elites to find other and more effective ways to loyalize member.<p><p><br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Thesis (M.A.)--Dept. of Political Science. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2004.<br>"A thesis in political science." Typescript. Advisor: Max J. Skidmore. Vita. Title from "catalog record" of the print edition Description based on contents viewed Feb. 28, 2006. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 123-126). Online version of the print edition.

Since the early 1990s, increasing academic attention has been devoted to party membership. Numerous studies have evidenced a long-term declining trend affecting almost all traditional parties in Western Europe (Mair and Van Biezen, 2001; Van Biezen et al. 2012b). Yet, in recent years, there have been some signs of a revival of party membership (Whiteley et al. 2019). What are the main factors accounting for fluctuations in party membership levels across Western Europe from the 1990s until 2014? This is the main question this dissertation seeks to answer. The main objective of this dissertation is to identify the factors that significantly affect the ability of political parties to recruit members in Western Europe. So far, the academic literature has mainly focused on micro- and macro-level determinants of membership fluctuations and have involved long-term explanations of shifts in party membership. Their general focus has been to ask why citizens join political and not so much why and in which conditions political parties are able to recruit members. The impact of meso-level and short-term factors on party membership variations has been largely underexplored. To shed new light on these issues, this study proposes to apply theoretical perspectives and empirical tools developed by sociological and economical organization studies. Four main theoretical perspectives have been developed by organizational theories to explain variations in organizations’ size and structure: the evolutionary system perspective (ES), the sociological neo-institutionalism (SI), transaction cost theory (TCT) and the resource-based view (RBV). Explanatory insights from each of these perspectives were identified and explored in each of the four empirical chapters of this dissertation. Overall, this dissertation evidences several transformations in party membership. By diversifying temporal perspectives, units of analysis and levels of observation, it shows that the decline of party membership levels is not as universal and as linear as it is often assumed. Membership levels are affected by electoral and organizational lifecycles. Not all parties have been affected by the general decrease in membership levels and some new parties have managed to attract an increasing number of members. Besides, parties that have given their members a greater say in their internal decision making have generally managed to attract new members. By looking at infra-national dynamics of party membership, this dissertation also shows the importance of regional and local context and the heterogeneity of membership trajectories within the same party. It underlines the importance of electoral mobilization at the local level and the importance of individual recruiters for the composition of the membership. By reflecting on the causes of party membership fluctuations, this dissertation sheds light on some important challenges for the future of our representative democracies.<br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.<br>Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xii, 244 p.: ill. (some col.). Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 236-244).

While political parties in Europe are incredibly adaptable organizations, they have varied in the extent to which they are able to adapt to social and political transformations. I explain parties' adaptability in two steps. 1) Adaptability depends on factionalism in a nonlinear way. Giving too much room and no room at all to factions undermines a party's ability to adapt. 2) Factionalism depends on early organizational characteristics. The more centralized the initially introduced leadership selection process is, the more party elites will be incentivized to form factions. This argument applies to political parties that allow for internal competition and elect their leaders according to formal rules. I use statistical tools, a medium- and small-N analysis and systematic process tracing to test my framework against competing explanations. I focus on Christian democracy to use a most-similar system design. The main empirical part of the thesis relies on a structured focused comparison of the Italian DC, Austrian ÖVP and German CDU. It is guided by a nested analysis and builds on a large amount of primary data which has not been analyzed before. I test my theory on the additional cases of the Portuguese, Dutch and Luxembourgian Christian Democrats and the French MRP. My main finding is that early organizational choices matter. The initial form the leadership selection process takes has a decisive impact on the incentives of intra-party actors to form factions. The initial level of factionalism becomes deeply entrenched in the party's organization and internal code of practice. This explains why party elites are unlikely to change it when they realize that their party's level of factionalism undermines its adaptability. Moving beyond the focus of path dependence on a single level has thus important implications for the literature on party politics, factionalism, party organizations and institutional development.

Political Science<br>Ph.D.<br>This dissertation studies political party organization in the United States, Germany and Poland during national election campaigns and regular party operations. According to conventional wisdom, changes in party organization, such as professionalized campaigns and communications technology, have detrimental effects on political parties. Katz and Mair argue (1995) that political parties have become agents of the state and fail to provide linkage between the state and the electorate due to these changes in party organization. As cartel parties, political parties are then financially dependent on the state and do not need the support of the electorate. Katz and Mair further suggest that developing a closer relationship with the state has weakened political parties, especially the party on the ground. This dissertation tests whether Katz and Mair's cartel theory applies to political parties in the United States, Germany and Poland examining the parties' organizations during and in between election campaigns and finds that the political parties do not confirm the cartel theory. American and German political parties do not primarily rely on government financing and possess too strong of an electoral linkage to their voters to be considered cartel parties. Political parties in Poland better fit with the cartel theory due to strong financial ties with the state and insufficient linkage with their electorate, both inside and outside of election campaigns. This dissertation argues that the cartel thesis should not be considered a theory since it cannot explain observations regarding political parties and their organizations in the United States, Germany and Poland. Instead, the cartel thesis should be considered a heuristic tool to characterize political parties, continuing the tradition of prior descriptive party models such as those of the mass and the catch-all parties.<br>Temple University--Theses

The organizations of national and provincial parties in Canada are understood to be separated from one another. However, it is not known whether this separation extends to the constituency-level organizations of those parties. In order to provide a better understanding of how national and provincial parties are linked at the local level (if at all), this thesis describes and accounts for the local organizations of the national Liberal Party and the provincial Liberal parties in sixteen national constituencies selected from the provinces of British Columbia, Ontario, and New Brunswick. Information from interviews with local party activists and participant observation in the ridings is used to develop a continuum of constituency-level party organizations. Descriptions of the activist bases, constituency associations, and local campaigns in each riding allow for each local organization to be placed along this continuum between integrated local organizations, which share important linkages between the national and provincial levels, and differentiated local organizations, where no such linkages exist. The placement of local organizations along this continuum is accounted for by (1) similarities or differences between the national and provincial party systems in the three provinces studied; (2) the actions of incumbent members of the national Parliament and provincial legislatures; and (3) characteristics of the constituencies. The patterns identified lead to a classification of four types of local organizations – One Political World, Interconnected Political Worlds, Distinctive Political Worlds, and Two Political Worlds – that illuminate the different forms of linkages between national and provincial parties that exist at the constituency level. This examination of the local organizations of the Liberal Party calls into question the academic consensus on the separation of national and provincial parties in Canada. Instead, the Liberal Party is characterized as an unevenly integrated party, where the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary parties are separated from provincial counterparts, but where the national and provincial parties on the ground are oftentimes integrated.

Esta tesis doctoral aborda el estudio de las dinámicas entre nivel de un partido de ámbito estatal y se enmarca en el debate académico sobre los efectos de la descentralización política en los partidos. El objetivo de la tesis doctoral es identificar las dinámicas entre niveles de los partidos y entender por qué varían. El diseño metodológico elegido es el caso de estudio, concretamente el caso menos probable. Para ello se ha escogido al Partido Popular al ser clasificado en la teoría como ejemplo de un partido muy centralizado. Dado que el objetivo de la tesis es analizar las dinámicas entre niveles, se ha escogido como unidades de análisis al partido en las regiones de Aragón, Cantabria, Cataluña y Navarra entre las que existe variación en los niveles de fuerza electoral y de heterogeneidad territorial y se ha analizado el partido en las arenas organizativa, electoral y gubernamental durante el periodo de tiempo 1989-2015. Después de ahondar en la discusión sobre cómo se producen las dinámicas entre niveles de los partidos, por qué cambian estas dinámicas y cómo los partidos permiten la asimetría interna, los resultados muestran que las dinámicas que más variación tienen son las que se refieren a la selección de candidatos electorales y de líderes regionales. Respecto a la comprobación de las hipótesis, los datos muestran como la variable heterogeneidad territorial y la variable ejercicio de gobierno a nivel nacional no tienen capacidad explicativa para el caso del Partido Popular. En cambio, el resultado sobre la influencia de las variables fuerza electoral de la entidad territorial y ejercicio de gobierno a nivel regional es positivo. Por otra parte, la existencia de asimetría interna y los diferentes cambios aplicados en los estatutos del PP hacia una mayor descentralización sugieren que la clasificación como partido altamente centralizado no es correcta. Esta tesis ha identificado los problemas de la teoría y ha desarrollado un nuevo marco analítico que permite analizar conjuntamente la estructura formal y su puesta en práctica en los diferentes niveles. El marco analítico une el análisis de la descentralización interna de los partidos con el análisis de la asimetría interna además de crear dos indicadores nuevos que han probado su utilidad. El primer indicador permite analizar los niveles de autonomía y participación de las entidades territoriales de un partido de ámbito estatal y permite comparar la estructura formal y real, y a las diferentes entidades territoriales simultáneamente. El segundo indicador mide la heterogeneidad territorial a través de la presencia y éxito de los partidos de ámbito no estatal, y también ha probado ser una forma satisfactoria de medir la influencia de esta variable. En conjunto, los resultados de esta tesis doctoral muestran la necesidad de continuar estudiando a los partidos de ámbito estatal incluyendo las tres arenas principales y analizando el comportamiento real de los mismos para comprender mejor cómo los partidos se adaptan a la lógica multinivel.<br>This dissertation explores the analysis of the dynamics between levels of a statewide party and it can be framed in the academic debate about the effects of decentralization in political parties. The main purpose is to identify those dynamics between levels and understand its changes. The methodological approach used is the case study, concretely the least-likely case. The case selected is the Partido Popular because the literature has classified this party as a high centralized one. In order to capture the dynamics I have analysed the national organization and politics and the regional branches of the PP in Aragon, Cantabria, Catalonia and Navarre following the criteria of electoral strength and territorial heterogeneity. The analysis comprehends the organizational, electoral and governmental arenas in the period between 1989 and 2015. After delving into a sound discussion on how political parties’ multilevel dynamics occur, why such dynamics change, and how come political parties permit (and foster) internal asymmetry, data confirms the most varying dynamics, so to speak, the dynamics that boost structural tensions between organisational levels, are those related with the selection of electoral candidates and regional party leaders. Regarding the hypotheses, the “territorial heterogeneity” and “incumbency at national government” assumptions are simply not good enough when it comes to the Partido Popular. On the contrary, there are two variables, namely, “electoral strength in regional elections” and “incumbency at the regional level”, that deserve immense merit. This leads to the necessity to modify the traditional view regarding the Partido Popular as a highly-centralised structure, which no longer holds according to the data available in this research. This dissertation has identified the many flaws in the theory, and come up with a novel analytical framework to measure jointly the formal and practical levels. Briefly, the new analytical framework joins together the analysis of intra-party decentralisation with that of internal asymmetry, as well as puts forward two new indicators, which have both proved to be quite helpful. On the one hand, there is an indicator to examine the regional branches’ degree of autonomy and involvement within the national structure, thus paving the way for better cross-regional comparisons. On the other hand, another indicator focuses on the so-called territorial homogeneity by assessing the presence and success of non-state-wide parties. Overall, the results of this thesis show the need to continue studying the statewide parties including the three major arenas and analysing the actual behaviour in order to have a better understanding of the adaptation of political parties to the multilevel logic.

The modern state administration and its bodies and special organizations should act in the field of the rule of law. It is a term that originates from the Anglo-Saxon legal world, but it is also a category and a principle of the Constitution of Serbia from 2006. The paper points out the different understandings of the rule of law and briefly looks at the position of the administration or the phase in its historical course until its subsumption under the principle of legality. In Serbia, state administration bodies consist of ministries, administrative bodies within the ministry and special organizations. Administrative or special organizations are formed by the state in order to perform professional and related administrative tasks. In order to permanently and unhinderedly perform the professional work of these organizations, they can act authoritatively. Special organizations have numerous and diverse administrative powers. The paper points out both the similarities and differences of special organizations in relation to administrative bodies. A review of the activities and organizational structure of all special organizations (secretariats, institutes, directorates and one center) established by the Law on Ministries from 2020 was performed. It was also pointed out that all institutes: the Republic Institute of Statistics, the Republic Hydrometeorological Institute, the Republic Geodetic Institute and the Intellectual Property Institute are special organizations that provide services to interested parties. In one part of the final considerations, the author states that for special organizations (as part of the state administration) it could be concluded that they really operate in the field of rule of law as an order with positive properties as characterized by the Constitution, it is necessary to strictly respect the principles organization of state administration prescribed by the Law on State Administration: independence and legality; expertise, impartiality and political neutrality, effectiveness in exercising the rights of the parties, proportionality and respect for the parties; publicity of work.

The majority of organizations are competing to survive in volatile and fierce market environment, especially these days when the Covid 19 has collapsed most businesses. The essential tools for organizational success in the long run are motivation and job satisfaction on employee performance. There is a strong positive relationship between motivation, job satisfaction and organizational effectiveness. One of the main aspects of management is the measurement of employee satisfaction. The role of the manager is to continuously work towards aligning the aspirations of the employee with the goals of the organizations. The aim of this paper is to analyze the drivers of motivation and job satisfaction towards higher level of employee performance. The objective of the present paper is to focus on the relationship between motivation and job satisfaction and its overall impact on employee’s performance. The theoretical framework of this research includes the concepts of motivation, job satisfaction, and employee’s performance. The empirical component of this research and questionnaire were modeled accordingly. Furthermore, the questionnaire included parts where the questions regarding employee expectations, work environment and job organization were asked, while the analysis of the results of the survey was carried out with the SPSS statistical package. The study examines the value and impact of motivation and job satisfaction on employee performance. A sample of 460 employees from public and private sector was surveyed and empirical analysis showed that motivation and job satisfaction directly impact employee performance.

Many organizations go through the motions of a management review so that they have documentation to pass a third party audit, however the review is often not effective. The reason they are not effective is managers do not take the time to prepare, collect and analysis available data, not enough time is scheduled with Top Management, and what time is available, the participants do not feel it is well spent or value added. A Top Management’s review is intended to ensure the organization’s quality management system is suitable, adequate, effective, and aligned with the strategic direction of the organization. If your management review is not effective, you can expect to have nonconformities in the fulfillment of your calibration and/or test activities. This session will provide recommendations on how to complete a management review so that the process is effective in both function and time, and participants feel the process if value added to the organization while meeting the documented requirements of ISO 9001:2015, ISO/IEC 17025:2017, ANSI-NCSL Z540-1:1994 (2002), ANSI-NCSL Z540-3 2006 and any your accrediting body. Advice on a management review schedule, template, documentation, and follow-up action management will be shared. Participants will have the opportunity to interact throughout this interactive workshop and offer their ideas and experience so that all participants gain knowledge and learn how to prevent pitfalls and obstacles of a successful, meaningful management review. As a requirement of metrology industry Standards, management reviews are a necessity, so why not make the process effective and value added to your organization?

Abstract The digital transformation is key for every oil and gas organization to implement its fourth industrial revolution (Industry 4.0). Digital transformation in procurement uses artificial intelligence, big data, market intelligence, etc. to create self-learning systems; for the procurement of goods and services. This is also known as cognitive procurement or procurement 4.0. The objective of this paper is to examine the methods of implementing cognitive procurement, the impact it creates in the procurement life cycle, and in the supply chain. The paper also provides insight into three governance models of human-machine interaction that is implemented in stages based on procurement requirement and technology adoption maturity of the organization.Human-in-the-loop modelHuman on-the-loop modelHuman out-of-loop model The data for this study is obtained by preparing a list of relevant questions from multiple sources. An online survey questionnaire is sent to the procurement professionals in different organizations in the oil and gas industry. The questions reveal procurement expert's responses for:Potential challenges for the digital transformation in procurement and supply chain.Methods of enabling technologies to leverage procurement procedures and processes. The results and the observations of the study are used to measure the benefits of implementing cognitive procurement in the oil and gas industry 4.0. The new transformed roles of procurement for industry 4.0 are also discussed in the conclusion, which includes:Daily activitiesProcurement decision-making activitiesStrategic SourcingProcurement to drive organizational profitability, effectiveness and efficiency The paper will benefit oil and gas organizations that are planning to implement cognitive procurement as part of the digital transformation. The paper will also benefit any parties interested in understanding more about cognitive procurement.

Gamification is a topical issue through the last decade for researchers and practitioners involved in education, marketing, business, and organizational consulting. Research has shown that gamification has a special role to play in organizations -it helps to select and develop the best talents, thereby developing the organization as well as it helps to achieve individual and collective goals more successfully. Gamification is also used to improve corporate relationships with customers to ensure their loyalty and involvement. There is a lot of discussion about gamification, but at the same time there is often a lack of a common understanding of this concept. This study aims to investigate how the concept of gamification is understood and explained by an ordinary person, as well as where the gamification experience is gained from. The questionnaire developed by the authors consists of three parts: associations regarding the gamification definition, free form interpretation of the gamification concept, as wellas the personal experience of the respondents related to gamification in certain environments such as professional development courses, educational establishments, or work. This mixed-method research includes both qualitative and quantitative data. The questionnaire was sent to the respondents electronically, it was filled in online mode. 436 responses were received. Research shows that the understanding of the gamification concept is very different and contrary to the theorists' assertions –the concept is far from mature at this stage. Gamification is still an untapped resource among the Latvian organisations - therefore it is important to promote this concept within organizational as well as in the educational environment, thus promoting and developing the participants' experience in gamification.

Abstract Operators, service providers, and contractors are improving the well construction system using transformative digital technologies across multiple companies and within levels of disparate organizations. Well plans are managed in a new way with the creation,execution and continuous improvement of processes to materially deliver value from the onset. A typical operator’s well planning process involves developing a well program across multiple internal and external entities in the design and plan stages while various requirements and details are considered and confirmed. As the well gets closer to being drilled, the well plan must also consider the capabilities and technologies supported by the service companies and drilling contractor.This people-based process leads to variability in assumptions and objectives in standardized plans which can result in execution risk and variations in safety, quality, delivery, and cost (SQDC) performance. One major variability source occurs because of the disconnected nature in which people move data between one another in well planning documents and then to field operations. The authors propose a new way to manage this process across organization and discipline boundaries to reduce this variability. This paper details how digital technologies were incorporated into an agile pilot program to create a common framework for the exchange and management of the well plan. It follows the plan from its development to implementation in a unified, seamless process. Further the authors will demonstrate how the solution was developed across multiple organizations to deliver material value to all parties. Three companies created a collaborative business model to deliver a new digital system enhancing well construction planning and execution in terms of speed and completeness of data transfer, ease of access,and availability for building new data-based workflows and reporting. This business model continues to drive alignment throughout the companies’ well delivery business functions. This paper illustrates, "What is the value that digital transformation brings to my organization or job function".The simple answer is that if executed effectively, the transformation should produce a material improvement or outcome for the business. Digital technology creates material business value as a project management tool directly coupled with wellsite technologies. This approach, in turn, will enable improvement of the well design and SQDC performance in the delivery of the well plan.

The aim of this article is to discuss the crisis management from the ergonomics point of view, i.e., presenting useful and applied recommendations, coming from a joint process of diagnostic and conception, conducted by experts capable to produce significant changes in the organizations’ productive processes. The article is structured in three parts. In the first we present the historical evolution of the risk management concepts, since their military-strategic origins up to their actual definitions as a strategic and integrated part of the organizations business management processes. In the second part, we discuss some crisis management models and events from the ergonomics and resilience engineering point of view, i.e., the analysis inside the activity. We conclude this article based on resilience and ergonomic concepts, claiming how essential an adequate crisis management process is for the efficient functioning and even survival of any modern organization.

Corporate social entrepreneurship (CSE) is a recent concept whereby organizations can aim for corporate sustainability in the pursuit of resilience. It has only rarely found its way into the discussion on leadership frameworks and styles, which raises the question of what impact CSE will have on sustainability leadership. Our research is based on different leadership frameworks including sustainability leadership, linking it to the CSE concept and its corre-sponding competences. The CSE concept transverses all parts of the business, employing different leadership styles. Al-though our results reinforced key aspects of sustainability leadership, we reveal that the transformation process towards a CSE organization requires partially opposing leadership styles.

Major multilateral arms control and disarmament treaties dealing with weapons of mass destruction (WMD) often have mandated an international organization to monitor and verify State party compliance and to handle cases of non-compliance. There are marked differences in the mandates and technical capabilities of these bodies. Nonetheless, they often face the same operational and existential challenges. This report looks at the role of multilateral verification bodies, especially their secretariats, in dealing with compliance and enforcement, the extent to which they achieve “agency” and “influence” in doing so, and whether and how such capacities might be enhanced. In WMD organizations it is the governing bodies that make decisions about noncompliance and enforcement. The role of their secretariats is to manage the monitoring and verification systems, analyse the resulting data – and data from other permitted sources – and alert their governing bodies to suspicions of non-compliance. Secretariats are expected to be impartial, technically oriented and professional. It is when a serious allegation of non-compliance arises that their role becomes most sensitive politically and most vital. The credibility of Secretariats in these instances will depend on the agency and influence that they have accumulated. There are numerous ways in which an international secretariat can position itself for maximum agency and influence, essentially by making itself indispensable to member States and the broader international community. It can achieve this by engaging with multiple stakeholders, aiming for excellence in its human and technical resources, providing timely and sustainable implementation assistance, ensuring an appropriate organizational culture and, perhaps most of all, understanding that knowledge is power. The challenge for supporters of international verification organizations is to enhance those elements that give them agency and influence and minimize those that lead to inefficiencies, dysfunction and, most damaging of all, political interference in verification and compliance judgements.

Public employment services (PES) offer tools through different channels to both employers and job seekers. The multiplicity of services and channels, paired with processes that are sometimes inadequately mapped, creates challenges when implementing digital systems. This document discusses how using enterprise architecture can provide a framework for defining and representing a high-level view of the organizations processes and its information technology (IT) systems, as well as their relationship with different parts of the organization and external entities. Having a strategic vision and a high-level design allows implementing systems in phases and modules to organize services to improve their efficiency and effectiveness. This document aims to support policy makers, managers and officials working with employment policies in understanding the benefits of implementing a comprehensive digital transformation in institutions within the framework of a strategic tool such as enterprise architecture.

Community Development Financial Institutions (CDFIs) are grassroots organizations that provide equitable access to financial capital. While a robust body of evidence supports the ability of CDFIs to promote holistic and sustainable development, attempts to systematically evaluate the industry have yielded disparate and often confounding results. We apply an institutional theory lens to examine challenges to meaningful data collection, impact measurement, and program evaluation. Our data show how regulators, major funders, and third-party rating organizations have applied indirect and direct pressures that have systematically lowered the capacity of nonprofit CDFI loan funds. This combination of coercive, mimetic, and normative isomorphic forces has (1) hampered meaningful data collection, (2) created a lack of staff expertise in these areas, (3) raised the cost and complexity of utilizing technology systems to improve evaluation processes, and (4) fostered industry norms which de-prioritize meaningful evaluation. The data suggest several ways for stakeholders to improve these trends. For example, funders might consider providing support which builds organizational capacity via unrestricted operating grants and recurring financial commitments.

In the past years, additive manufacturing (AM), also known as “3D printing,” has transitioned from rapid prototyping to making parts with potentially long service lives. Now AM provides the ability to have an almost fully digital chain from part design through manufacture and service. Web searches will reveal many statements that AM can help an organization in its pursuit of a “digital thread.” Equally, it is often stated that a digital thread may bring great benefits in improving designs, processes, materials, operations, and the ability to predict failure in a way that maximizes safety and minimizes cost and downtime. Now that the capability is emerging, a whole series of new questions begin to surface as well: •• What data should be stored, how will it be stored, and how much space will it require? •• What is the cost-to-benefit ratio of having a digital thread? •• Who owns the data and who can access and analyze it? •• How long will the data be stored and who will store it? •• How will the data remain readable and usable over the lifetime of a product? •• How much manipulation of disparate data is necessary for analysis without losing information? •• How will the data be secured, and its provenance validated? •• How does an enterprise accomplish configuration management of, and linkages between, data that may be distributed across multiple organizations? •• How do we determine what is “authoritative” in such an environment? These, along with many other questions, mark the combination of AM with a digital thread as an unsettled issue. As the seventh title in a series of SAE EDGE™ Research Reports on AM, this report discusses what the interplay between AM and a digital thread in the mobility industry would look like. This outlook includes the potential benefits and costs, the hurdles that need to be overcome for the combination to be useful, and how an organization can answer these questions to scope and benefit from the combination. This report, like the others in the series, is directed at a product team that is implementing AM. Unlike most of the other reports, putting the infrastructure in place, addressing the issues, and taking full advantage of the benefits will often fall outside of the purview of the product team and at the higher organizational, customer, and industry levels.

In August 2020, with funding from the Institute of Library and Museum Services (IMLS), Ithaka S+R launched an 18-month research project to examine and assess the sustainability of these third-party digital preservation systems. In addition to a broad examination of the landscape, we more closely studied eight systems: APTrust, Archivematica, Arkivum, Islandora, LIBNOVA, MetaArchive, Samvera and Preservica. Specifically, we assessed what works well and the challenges and risk factors these systems face in their ability to continue to successfully serve their mission and the needs of the market. In scoping this project and selecting these organizations, we intentionally included a combination of profit-seeking and not-for-profit initiatives, focusing on third-party preservation platforms rather than programmatic preservation. Because so many heritage organizations pursue the preservation imperative for their collections with increasingly limited resources, we examine not only the sustainability of the providers but also the decision-making processes of heritage organizations and the challenges they face in working with the providers.

The International Health Regulations (2005) are legally binding on 196 States Parties, Including all WHO Member States. The IHR aims to keep the world informed about public health risks, through committing all signatories to cooperate together in combating any future “illness or medical condition, irrespective of origin or source, that presents or could present significant harm to humans.” Under IHR, countries agreed to strengthen their public health capacities and notify the WHO of any such illness in their populations. The WHO would be the centralized body for all countries facing a health threat, with the power to declare a “public health emergency of international concern,” issue recommendations, and work with countries to tackle a crisis. Although, with the sudden and rapid spread of COVID-19 in the world, many countries varied in implementing the WHO guidelines and health recommendations. While some countries followed the WHO guidelines, others imposed travel restrictions against the WHO’s recommendations. Some refused to share their data with the organization. Others banned the export of medical equipment, even in the face of global shortages. The UN Compliance Research group will focus during the current cycle on analyzing the compliance of the WHO member states to the organizations guidelines during the COVID-19 pandemic.