Academic literature on the topic 'Partiti politici europei'
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Journal articles on the topic "Partiti politici europei"
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Montani, Guido. "IDEOLOGY, UTOPIA AND THE CRISIS OF POLITICS." Il Politico 252, no. 1 (June 22, 2020): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/ilpolitico.2020.294.
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I partiti politici che si ispirano ai valori del liberalismo, della democrazia e del socialismo non riescono più a concepire un progetto di lungo periodo per i propri concittadini e per l’umanità. Dopo il crollo del Muro di Berlino, grandi e piccole potenze hanno avviato una sordida lotta per la supremazia mondiale, alimentando conflitti locali e globali, e il ritorno del nazionalismo come ideologia dominante. In questo saggio si intende mostrare che la tesi sulla “fine delle ideologie” è infondata: le ideologie tradizionali sono incapaci di progettare un futuro di progresso perché subiscono passivamente l’ideologia della sovranità assoluta degli stati e della guerra giusta per difendere gli interessi nazionali. Il futuro dell’umanità è minacciato da una nuova corsa agli armamenti nucleari e convenzionali, ai quali i governi dedicano immense risorse, che dovrebbero invece servire per salvare il Pianeta dal surriscaldamento climatico, dallo sterminio della vita animale e vegetale e dalle pandemie. La via intrapresa dai popoli europei, con la costruzione della prima Unione sovranazionale della storia, dovrebbe ispirare anche le politiche necessarie per la costruzione di un ordine mondiale fondato sulla cooperazione pacifica tra stati e l’avvio di politiche che si propongano di consentire ai cittadini del mondo di godere dei medesimi diritti di libertà e solidarietà che, seppure imperfettamente, si sono realizzati in Europa. Il progresso dell’umanità è un’utopia positiva che può diventare realtà.
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Marini, Luigi. "I ghiacci si sciolgono. Lo scongelamento del comportamento di voto nei tre sistemi scandinavi." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 65, no. 1 (June 30, 2011): 67–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9776.
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I sistemi partitico-elettorali di Svezia, Danimarca e Norvegia sono stati tradizionalmente caratterizzati da un’alta stabilità e prevedibilità, ma nel corso degli ultimi decenni hanno conosciuto signifcative trasformazioni, con un aumento dell’incertezza, della volatilità e della frammentazione: tendenze comuni a molti paesi europei, ma sviluppate in Scandinavia con caratteristiche peculiari.
Se le tradizionali fratture sociali si riflettevano fino agli anni Sessanta in un sistema partitico «congelato», secondo la celebre definizione di Lipset e Rokkan (1967), e in un assetto democratico «consensuale» (Lijphart 1984), dai primi anni Settanta emergono nuovi conflitti che destabilizzano l’arena elettorale. Il vecchio «sistema scandinavo a cinque partiti» (Berglund e Lindström 1978) con un partito socialdemocratico dominante si trova a fronteggiare vere e proprie valanghe, negli anni Settanta prima e negli anni Novanta poi, causate da fenomeni contingenti inseriti in un processo di mutamento di lungo periodo.
Il declino della classe operaia e contadina, il dibattito sull’integrazione europea, la nascita di movimenti «post-materialisti» (Inglehart 1977), la crisi del welfare state e il tema dell’immigrazione producono profonde trasformazioni nel sistema politico, attraverso una serie di terremoti elettorali. Le vecchie alleanze politico-sociali sono scardinate e si fanno strada nuovi partiti, tra cui una forte destra populista, mentre la competizione elettorale, fattasi più uida ed incerta, tende oggi verso un assetto sostanzialmente bipolare e «maggioritario», più simile a quello degli altri paesi europei.
Se un «modello scandinavo» ancora esiste, esso rappresenta oggi non più una singolare eccezione, bensì un caso esemplare di un processo di mutamento comune al più ampio contesto europeo.
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Natale, Paolo. "GLI ITALIANI E IL VOTO EUROPEO: MOLTE CONFERME, POCHE SMENTITE." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 29, no. 3 (December 1999): 547–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004884020002894x.
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IntroduzioneCome da molte parti è stato sottolineato, e come confermano puntualmente i sondaggi d'opinione, Fattuale fase politica nazionale è marcata da una profonda e crescente disaffezione dei cittadini nei confronti del mondo della politica in generale e di quello partitico in particolare.Tutti i giudizi che vengono formulati dagli italiani in merito alle più rilevanti istituzioni politiche o agli attori politici occupano - nel ranking complessivo delle «fiducie» (riportate in tab. 1) - le posizioni decisamente più basse. Senza particolari distinzioni tra elettori di sinistra o di destra, la popolazione italiana appare unanime nel considerare gravemente insufficienti sia i partiti che i principali organi di rappresentanza politica.
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Gutiérrez, José Manuel, and Ivan Llamazares. "Collective members in West European political parties." Revista Internacional de Sociología 74, no. 2 (May 3, 2016): e030. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/ris.2016.74.2.030.
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Bartolini, Stefano. "I PRIMI MOVIMENTI SOCIALISTI IN EUROPA. CONSOLIDAMENTO ORGANIZZATIVO E MOBILITAZIONE POLITICA." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 23, no. 2 (August 1993): 217–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200022243.
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IntroduzioneQuesto saggio tratta della relazione tra socialismo politico-elettorale e socialismo corporato; cioè fra forme dirappresentanza politicae dirappresentanza degli interessinei primi movimenti socialisti europei, fra il 1860-1880 e il 1940. Il tema è affrontato sotto la duplice dimensione delconsolidamento organizzativoe dellamobilitazione degli aderenti.La prima si riferisce al processo di instaurazione e consolidamento di organizzazioni specifiche nel canale corporato-di gruppo e in quello partitico-elettorale, e al legame istituito fra di esse. La seconda alla capacità delle medesime organizzazioni di mobilitare soggetti individuali come membri dei sindacati, iscritti al partito e elettori. Nella prima parte il saggio passa in rassegna e discute il tema della mobilitazione politica; successivamente presenta un quadro concettuale dei legami tra i diversi canali di mobilitazione politica; in terzo luogo analizza brevemente le esperienze nazionali dei movimenti socialisti europei in riferimento a tale schema concettuale; infine prende in esame i livelli di mobilitazione elettorale, partitica e sindacale, ricollegandoli a quelli di consolidamento organizzativo.
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Di Donato, Michele. "Partito comunista italiano e socialdemocrazia tedesca negli anni Settanta." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 3 (April 2011): 91–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2010-003004.
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Il saggio ricostruisce i caratteri delle relazioni intercorse tra il Pci e il Partito socialdemocratico tedesco negli anni in cui la «questione comunista» italiana andava assumendo importanza centrale nel dibattito politico europeo. Rispetto ad una lettura diffusa che enfatizza le consonanze ideali tra i leader Willy Brandt ed Enrico Berlinguer, l'autore si concentra piuttosto sulle concrete occasioni di dialogo politico tra i due partiti, delle quali analizza consistenza e rilevanza. L'analisi della documentazione archivistica italiana e tedesca mostra come, anche nel decennio della distensione, a caratterizzare il rapporto tra i rappresentanti piů eminenti dei movimenti comunista e socialdemocratico in Europa occidentale fu la prudenza, che fece da portavoce di strategie differenti per lo sviluppo del continente. Il rapporto con le socialdemocrazie svolse un suo ruolo all'interno del processo di rinnovamento del Pci di Berlinguer; tuttavia, mai perseguito come una prioritŕ, produsse risultati politici limitati.
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Ertuğrul, Kürşad. "AKP's neo-conservatism and politics of otherness in Europe-Turkey relations." New Perspectives on Turkey 46 (2012): 157–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001540.
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AbstractThis study uncovers the neo-conservative “style of thought” informing the ideology of theAdalet ve Kalkinma Partisi(Justice and Development Party, AKP). The AKP's politico-cultural strategy in pursuing Turkey's goal of full membership to the EU is constituted on this ideological ground. Based on critical constructivism, this article argues that the AKP constitutes a domestic-foreign policy nexus of change characterized by a neo-conservative “style of thought” that aims to redefine the identity of Turkey. Along this line of politics, Europe appears as a politico-cultural space, as an ideational structure, enabling and limiting the AKP to act as a political and cultural agent. While the AKP adopts and sublimates the position of the “other” in the ideational structure of Europe, it reconstitutes the identity and interests of Turkey through neo-conservative ideas. Both are mutually reinforcing.
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Polese Remaggi, Luca. "Pechino 1955. Intellettuali e politici europei alla scoperta della Cina di Mao." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 3 (April 2011): 55–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2010-003003.
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Questo saggio studia i viaggi che gruppi di intellettuali e politici europei (soprattutto italiani e francesi) intrapresero alla volta di Pechino nel 1955. L'attrazione intellettuale verso il regime di Mao si concretizzň in seguito all'invito che il primo ministro Zhou Enlai rivolse all'opinione pubblica mondiale nel corso della conferenza di Bandung. Il suo messaggio («venite a vedere») fu raccolto entusiasticamente da quegli intellettuali che faticavano a trovare una collocazione nel contesto della politica della guerra fredda in Europa. L'autore mostra che la formazione del nuovo regime comunista stimolň nel discorso politico l'immagine di una terza via rivoluzionaria e democratica. Nel corso delle visite degli intellettuali occidentali, le autoritŕ cinesi impiegarono i metodi che Mao aveva collaudato giŕ durante la Lunga Marcia: «sicurezza, segretezza, cordialitŕ e guide rosse». La volontŕ di credere dei visitatori rese il lavoro delle autoritŕ piů semplice. I viaggiatori infatti riportarono a casa l'immagine positiva di uno Stato-partito impegnato nello sforzo di sradicare la miseria e l'arretratezza. L'autore discute infine le ragioni per cui soltanto una parte dei viaggiatori si preoccupň della violazione dei diritti civili e delle libertŕ.
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Diamanti, Ilvo, and Fabio Bordignon. "La mobilitazione inattesa. Le primarie del centrosinistra: geografia, politica e sociologia." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 55, no. 1 (June 30, 2006): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-12710.
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Le primarie, organizzate dall’Unione di centrosinistra, domenica 16 ottobre 2005, costituiscono un caso singolare. Hanno, infatti, offerto molti motivi di sorpresa agli osservatori e agli analisti, ma anche ai leader della coalizione. Ha sorpreso, sicuramente, l’afflusso alla consultazione. Più di quattro milioni di elettori. Ha sorpreso, altresì, l’alto livello dei consensi attribuiti a Prodi, il candidato dei partiti dell’Ulivo. Nessuno si attendeva un partecipazione così ampia, né un consenso tanto elevato all’ex presidente della Commissione europea.
D’altra parte, trattandosi di primarie “di coalizione”, esse costituivano un’esperienza “singolare”. Inedita, in ambito europeo. E, per questo, “sorprendente”. Sicuramente diversa dal “modello americano”, dove la competizione è davvero aperta: non c’è un vincitore sicuro; si rivolge agli elettori di un “partito” (per quanto ampio, trasversale e focalizzato sulla missione “elettorale” e, parallelamente, sulla selezione dei candidati alle cariche di governo), non di una coalizione; e si svolge attraverso una sequenza di consultazioni, nei diversi stati.
Da ciò la sorpresa per una partecipazione tanto elevata che suscita interesse. In particolare, il confronto si concentra su due questioni: 1) le ragioni di una partecipazione tanto ampia; 2) la riproducibilità dell’esperienza.
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Nencioni, Tommaso. "Un capitolo di storia della sinistra italiana Riccardo Lombardi, Lelio Basso e la crisi del Partito d'azione." ITALIA CONTEMPORANEA, no. 267 (November 2012): 211–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ic2012-267002.
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L'autore individua nel 1947 un anno di svolta nella lotta politica italiana e internazionale. Nell'ambito della sinistra, questo decisivo tornante sanziona tanto il passaggio all'opposizione dei partiti del movimento operaio con l'affermarsi del centrismo degasperiano, quanto, all'interno di quel campo, l'egemonia comunista. Questi fattori sono allo stesso tempo causa ed ef- fetto di profondi mutamenti nella galassia socialista. Sempre nel 1947 il Partito socialista italiano (Psi) inizia un percorso che lo porterŕ a una netta cesura sia con la tradizione prefascista, sia con le socialdemocrazie europee, e dunque alla costituzione insieme al Pci, in vista delle elezioni del 1948, del Fronte popolare. Infine, in quell'anno giunge a maturazione la definitiva crisi di un altro dei soggetti politici che, da sinistra, aveva contribuito all'abbattimento del fascismo: il Partito d'azione (Pd'a), la maggioranza del cui gruppo dirigente andrŕ a ingrossare proprio le file del Psi. Attraverso la ricognizione di come Riccardo Lombardi, ultimo segretario azionista, e Lelio Basso, allora segretario socialista, agirono nel corso di quei tumultuosi eventi, l'Autore intende gettare luce su alcuni aspetti di lungo periodo delle relazioni interne al campo della sinistra in Italia.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Partiti politici europei"
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BATTISTA, Gianluca. "I partiti politici a livello europeo." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Verona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11562/343895.
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La tesi di Dottorato ha per oggetto il tema dei partiti politici europei. Scopo del presente lavoro è descriverne la natura, la struttura ed organizzazione, analizzarne il processo di elaborazione politico-programmatica oltre che i profili di coor-dinamento con i gruppi al Parlamento europeo, originario strumento di azione politica a livello europeo.
Il punto di partenza del presente lavoro è rappresentato dai gruppi parlamentari, i quali hanno costituito, sino alle prime elezioni dirette dei rappresentati al Parlamento europeo (tenutesi nel 1979), il più dinamico e attivo centro di aggregazione politica sul piano europeo.
Il primo Capitolo si concentra sulla figura del gruppo al Parlamento europeo, del quale si analizza la posizione giuridica nel quadro dei Trattati e del “diritto parlamentare europeo”, si racconta la storia, si descrivono la struttura e la disciplina statutaria.
Il secondo Capitolo si occupa in modo specifico della figura del partito politico europeo. Se ne traccia la storia, descrivendo la costituzione delle Internazionali di partito, nate negli anni Cinquanta intorno alle tre maggiori famiglie politiche europee (quella Cristiano Democratica, quella Socialista e quella Liberale), la successiva formazione delle più ristrette organizzazioni “transnazionali”, impegnate a svolgere attività politica in ambito europeo, ed infine l’introduzione dei «partiti politici a livello europeo». Quindi, si analizza la struttura giuridica dei partiti europei e la loro peculiare posizione “costituzionale” nel quadro dei Trattati, oltre che la struttura, l’organizzazione e la disciplina statutaria.
Da ultimo, il terzo Capitolo analizza il processo di trasformazione del sistema politico-partitico italiano nel corso degli ultimi quindici anni alla luce dei più significativi processi politici verificatisi sulla scena europea. Il Capitolo mira a descrivere le relazioni esistenti tra il livello politico nazionale e quello europeo ed in quale misura essi appaiano idonei a contaminarsi reciprocamente. Gli elementi che si traggono dai tre capitoli portano a concludere che l’azione politica svolta da alcuni partiti politici a livello europeo ha effettivamente esercitato un’importante influenza su taluni sistemi partitici nazionali. Tuttavia, malgrado il riconoscimento giuridico e “costituzionale” da parte dei Trattati, i partiti politici europei non esercitano ancora un ruolo realmente incisivo nel quadro del “sistema politico europeo”, essenzialmente a causa della carente partecipazione da parte dei cittadini-elettori e del ruolo chiave tuttora svolto dai singoli partiti politici nazionali al loro interno.The PhD thesis focuses on the European political parties. It aims to explain what European parties concretely are, how do they organize themselves, carry on political projects at the European level and manage the relationship with their national political partners. The starting point of the thesis are the party groups at the European Parliament, which until the first direct elections held in 1979 have been the most dynamic and committed political actors at the European level. The first Chapter fo-cuses on the EP party groups, studying their legal position in the Treaties and EP parliamentary law at first, and then describing their history, analyzing their structural organization and comparing their statutes and rules of procedure. In the second Chapter, the thesis focuses on the European political parties. It starts telling the history of the Interna-tionals of national parties created around the three most important political families (the Christian Democrats, the So-cialists and the Liberals) in the Fifties, then it describes their transformation during the Seventies into “transnational” EC-oriented organizations struggling for the creation of European-based policies; finally it represents the introduction into the Treaties of the «Political Parties at the European level» by the Maastricht process. The Chapter then analyzes the legal and “constitutional” position of the Europarties, their structure, organization and statutes. The third Chapter analyzes the transformation of the Italian political system during the last fifteen years in the light of the most important political processes taking place in the European arena. The Chapter aims to show what kind of rela-tions do exist between the national and the European political systems, and how the two levels are able to influence each other. The findings of the three Chapters lead to the conclusion that the political strategy of the European parties did exercise some influence over the national political parties. But, in spite of their legal and “constitutional” recognition by the Treaties, European political parties still do not play a decisive role in the EU system, essentially because of the almost complete lack of participation by the European citizens-voters and the key role still played by each single national party within them.
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Calossi, Enrico. "Organizzazione e funzioni dei partiti politici a livello europeo : il caso del Partito della sinistra europea." Thesis, IMT Alti Studi Lucca, 2009. http://e-theses.imtlucca.it/69/1/Calossi_phdthesis.pdf.
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The theme of so-called Europarties generally has been analysed from two main different points of view: one stressing on the party parliamentarian organisations (the Eurogroups) and one focusing on transnational federations (Parties at European Level) (Hix and Lord 1997, Kreppel 2002, Marks and Steenbergen 2004). The aim of my thesis is the empirical application of the theoretical framework of organisation and functioning of the extraparliamentarian federation to the case of the European Left. The first chapter of the thesis is devoted to define the object of the analysis. In literature a persistent lack of clarification in the use of terms such as Europarties, supranational parties, European party federations and Eurogroups still exists. This confusion is not longer acceptable after the approval of the EU regulation 2004/2003 that fixes the term of Political Party at European Level to define the European party federations. The analysis of these parties has been conducted from two different points of view. The first is based on an organisational approach. The well-known theory of cartel party, by Peter Mair and Richard Katz (1995), divides party organisation in three faces: the party in institutions (Party in Central Office/PPO);the extraparliamentarian structures (Party in Central Office/PCO); the membership and base units (Party on the Ground). This party organisation leads to a growing autonomy (stratarchy) of each part towards the others (Carty 2006). This model seems to function well for those parties operate at European level. Using this approach we can interpret the process of institutionalisation of Parties at European Level as the application of PCO concept in the European domain. Eurogroups and National Parties would be identified respectively with party in Public Office and with Party on the Ground. In this view the expression “Europarty” should be used to identify the amount of relations amongst these three faces. In this optical this work tries to define the ideal typical organisation of the Political Party at European Level, devoting particular attention to its bodies (congress, council of national leaders, executive board, and president), reporting the data of funds received from European Parliament and describing the growing role of the political foundations at European level. Parties at European level are then analyzed also along a functionalist approach, that is how parties perform their role of mediation between public institutions (the State) and society (the citizens). In classic literature (Bryce 1921, Schattschneider 1942, Neumann 1956, King 1969, Sartori 1976) the main party functions are: interests’ articulation and aggregation, vote structuring, political communication and citizens’ education, development and organization of citizens’ participation, and policy-making. In the analysis of these variables, chiefly on the review of the political parties at European level having lost much power in managing these functions. It seems they have devoted much power to the other faces of Europarty: National Parties and Eurogroups. Before facing the real application of ideal typical framework to the empirical case of the European Left, the first historical efforts of coordination of the alternative Left have been reconstructed. The first and the second Labour and Socialist Internationals were the earliest organisations to promote the cooperation of national groups, movements, trade union and parties at the international level. For this it can be said that Left parties have been the first partied to face with the problems related to international cooperation. After the critical juncture of the Russian Revolution a split occurred inside the Left parties’ family creating the apparently incurable dichotomy between the socialdemocratic and reformist Left and the other Left, nicknamed, according to different point of view, as Alternative, Extreme, Radical, Revolutionary, etc… At the beginning the coordination of this not-reformist Left has been directly managed by the Soviet Communist Party and by the Soviet Government. During the 70s the experiment of Eurocommunism tried to find a “third” way between Soviet Communist and pro-west Socialdemocracy. Only after the fall of the Soviet Union the Alternative Left succeded in creating its autonomous and not-governmental forms of coordination. In 1991 the New European Left Forum has been the first loose not-institutional attempt to coordinate again these parties. In 1994 the Eurogroup of the Ghauce Unitaire Européenne – Nordic Green Left (GUE-NGL) has been the first institutional coordination in the European Parliament. These organisations have bene the first steps towards the foundation of the Party of the European Left (EL) whose break-in in the European political system has been promoted just by some parties that were used to meet each other in these two preceding organisations. After having described the formation process of the European Left, in the third chapter, the general framework described in the first chapter, has been applied on the empirical case. Thus I have analyzed the party organizational structure and the functions’ performing of the European Left, taking care of the different party bodies and pointing out their real functioning. These studies have been carried out through the analysis of the official story (i.e. party Statutes, internal Regulations and financial budgets) and the interviews of privileged observers (EL President, members of internal bodies, party employees, etc…). In the analysis of budget I have stressed that only a minor part of the party expenses are dedicated to the organization and the strengthening of the relationships between the EL and the European citizens. Rather the largest part of funds is devoted to the organisation of meeting (of party organs or with other organisations or movements). This is also at the basis of what I have discovered in analyzing the EL role in performing party functions as they have been described in the first chapter. The main point I have stressed out is the general lack of contacts with the European citizens. This poor performance of the European Left is not only due to the common behavior of political parties at European level that devolve much power and many functions directly to Eurogroups and, especially, to National Parties. That is also reinforced by the fact that only a part of the national parties involved in the Cofederal Group of GUE-NGL are actually members of the Party of the European Left. This weak overlapping amongst parties of the same political family causes the feeble capacity of inclusivity and the partial presence of the EL in the European countries (some important countries are not covered by EL because the chief national Left party of the country is not EL member). This differentiation of parties’ behavior towards such an institutional supranational coordination is a symptom of huge and relevant divisions inside the political family EL would aim to represent. The state of division in the Alternative Left is significantly higher than in the other political families. Such a situation has motivated the fourth and last part of the thesis in which political lines of different political subgroups of Left parties are analysed. Previously the political positions of European Left (through the official positions in electoral platforms, statutes, congress thesis) have been divided in some issues: economy and job policy, civil rights and freedoms, environment, international relations and peace, alliances’ strategy and relation with other parties, EL cultural heritage and the historical judgment over the East-European regimes. These positions, analysed thought a qualitative approach, are confronted with those of several groups of Left parties (taken mainly from the electoral platforms for the European elections). The first is composed by the member parties of European Left. Then there are the political positions and strategies of the observer parties of EL, those of the so-called “communist” parties (the orthodox communists), those of the members of the Nordic Green Left Association (one of the official sub-group of GUE-NGL), those of the AntiCapitalist Left (of Trotskyist origins), and those of parties without any international affiliation that I define as “cani sciolti” (mavericks). These bilateral confrontations lead to some conclusions. For example the different positions on the East-European regimes is the key reason of not-affiliation of the “communists” to the EL (the Hungarian Communist Party has left the EL in the April 2009 just criticizing the EL position towards “Eastern experience”). Again for example NGLA and EL are divided especially over the idea of Europe: the EL (and EL parties) is pro-integrationist while the Nordic (Scandinavian) parties are strongly Eurosceptic. Without going on describing all the differences it is important to conclude this abstract affirming that the differences in more concrete policy field (as the Economic and labour policy, the environmental policy, the questions of civil rights, and the question of peace and opposition to war) are not so important for the political divisions within the Alternative Left parties. The idea of Europe, the strategy of alliances (at European and nation level) and, quite surprisingly, the judgment over real socialism in Eastern Europe are the main element of different international affiliation for the Alternative Left parties of the European Union.
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Lourenço, Pedro Miguel Cardoso. "Cold pragmatism, warm radicalism : ideological differences between radical left parties from Nordic and Southern European countries." Master's thesis, Universidade de Aveiro, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10773/22877.
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Mestrado em Ciência PolíticaThe 2008 economic crisis brought an increasing support for some Western European radical left parties (RLPs) and renewed academic attention to this party family. Still, there is a lack of empirical knowledge on the ideological differences among RLPs – particularly across countries and regions. The present work conducts for the first time a systematic and direct cross-regional comparison of the ideological differences between RLPs from two different European regions (Nordic and Southern European countries). Manifesto and expert survey data are used for measuring and comparing party positions along several ideological dimensions and to evaluate to what extent a region-based ideological classification of RLPs finds empirical support. The results show that while some important ideological differences are found between Nordic and Southern European RLPs, these do not appear to be significant enough to classify them into two distinct ideological subgroups. Moreover, the results also suggest that, to compare the ideological differences between RLPs, we need more precise empirical instruments adapted to the study of its most characteristic ideological traits.
A crise económica de 2008 trouxe um crescente apoio a alguns partidos da esquerda radical (PER) da Europa Ocidental e uma renovada atenção académica a esta família partidária. Contudo, existe ainda uma falta de conhecimento empírico sobre as diferenças ideológicas entre os PER – particularmente entre países e regiões. O presente trabalho conduz pela primeira vez uma comparação sistemática e direta das diferenças ideológicas entre PER de duas diferentes regiões europeias (os países nórdicos e do Sul da Europa). Dados de manifestos eleitorais e inquéritos a especialistas são usados para medir e comparar as posições dos partidos em várias dimensões ideológicas e avaliar até que ponto uma classificação ideológica regional de PER encontra suporte empírico. Os resultados mostram que, embora sejam encontradas algumas diferenças ideológicas importantes entre os PER nórdicos e do Sul da Europa, estas não parecem ser suficientemente significativas para os classificar em dois subgrupos ideológicos distintos. Além disso, os resultados sugerem também que, para comparar as diferenças ideológicas entre PER, são necessários instrumentos empíricos mais precisos e adaptados ao estudo dos seus traços ideológicos mais característicos.
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Forti, Neto Octávio 1987. "Embates políticos ideológicos na crise europeia : o caso da centro-esquerda e da centro-direita no Parlamento Europeu." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279733.
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Orientador: Rachel MeneguelloDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo demonstrar os posicionamentos partidários das duas maiores agremiações e grupos transnacionais do Parlamento Europeu em relação à crise europeia, que se refletiu na área econômica, financeira, social e de emprego, no período entre 2009 e 2011. Para isto, esta dissertação analisou os programas partidários do S&D e do PPE-DC e seus documentos produzidos em quatro comissões do Parlamento Europeu. A principal conclusão dessa dissertação é que a ideologia foi importante para definir posicionamentos observados no âmbito das agremiações transnacionais. A partir desta descoberta, identificou-se também que a agremiação transnacional de esquerda e seu respectivo grupo no Parlamento Europeu produziram respostas políticas relacionadas a elementos da Terceira Via. Com referência à direita, descobriu-se que ainda persiste a defesa de políticas neoliberais. Outro achado importante foi que embora ambos os grupos apresentassem respostas e soluções diferenciadas para a crise, votaram em conjunto em muitos relatórios finais, mostrando que em âmbito transnacional os grupos tendem a cooperar mais do que competir
Abstract: This research aims to demonstrate the party positions of the two major parties and transnational groups in the European Parliament in relation to the European crisis, which was reflected in the economic, financial, social and employment areas in the period between 2009 and 2011. To this end, this dissertation analyzed the party programs of the S&D and EPP-CD and their documents produced in four Parliamentary Committees of the European Parliament. The main conclusion is that the ideology was important to define positions observed in the context of transnational parties. From this finding, we also identified that the transnational leftist party and its respective group party in the EP produced political responses related to elements of the Third Way. In regards the right wing, it still defends neoliberal responses to the crisis. Another important finding was that although both groups presented different answers and solutions to the crisis, they voted together on many final reports, showing that at transnational dimension they tend to cooperate more than compete
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política
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Šanda, Jakub. "Politický marketing ve střední Evropě." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-74198.
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Diploma thesis Political Marketing in Central Europe analyzes the historical background, culture specifics, economical, geographical and socio-demographical factors which are influencing voters' decisions in individual countries, mentions the communication of political parties and analyzes the results of parliamentary elections in the Czech Republic, Slovak Republic, Hungary, and presidential elections in Austria and Poland, which took place in 2010. Based on the findings the author tries to predict the probable further development of political parties in the political scenes in the country and identifies key factors of voters' decisions in each country.
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von, Sydow Göran. "Politicizing Europe : Patterns of party-based opposition to European integration." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-88732.
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European integration was for a long time perceived as an elite-driven project that received public acceptance through what was coined as the permissive consensus. With the expansion of the domain of community actions and capacities, and the turmoil in the ratification processes following changes of the treaties, an increased public contestation over European integration can be observed. European integration now covers policy areas that are more prone to political debate and polarization. The weak public support for the EU has not been matched by electoral support for Eurosceptic parties. Hence, this mismatch increases the political opportunity structures for political entrepreneurs wishing to profit from the public dissent regarding the integration process. This study focuses on the conditions under which European integration is politicized, where politicization refers more specifically to party-politicization. Political parties that oppose the EU and their electoral fortunes are used as a proxy for the politicization of European integration. It is a comparative study over time (1984-2009) and space (14 member states) which assesses the conditional power of a number of enabling and constraining institutional factors that influence the variation in number of Eurosceptic parties, success of those parties, and the success of single-issue Eurosceptic parties over time and space. The analysis demonstrates the importance of the party system features and the use of referendum over European integration for the emergence of party-based Euroscepticism. It also places special emphasis on the combination of factors and their impact on the outcome. The study relates the findings to the democratic credentials of the European Union, with special reference to the role of opposition and representation.
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Farooq, Mohammad Ameer Hassan. "The Social Representation of Populism in Europe : A cross-sectional case study of populist supporters across four European states." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-392276.
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The following paper focuses on the relatively new rise of populism which has seen a surge across states across the western world. Populism refers to governance of and for the people, as opposed to the ruling elites. As the sensation of democratic deficits and partisan cleavages increase, the reaction is populism which aims to restore the fundamental democratic values back to the people, advocating a more transparent form of democracy, where power moves away from the ruling elites, back to the people. We explore what populism entails through defining it through its theoretical identifiers and analyzing which political and social attitudes are present in supporters of populist parties. This study is meant to complement Staerkle and Greens study about the social representation of right-populists. By using the same research methodology as Staerkle and Green but also including left populists. This means looking at the social representation of left-right populist supporters and identifying mutual conventions and relations through a cross sectional case study of four countries which have seen a rise in populist parties. The findings lead us to see convergence in left-right populist parties toward institutional distrust and divergence in opinion towards globalism and multiculturalism. In essence, we compare and present the social representation of populist supporters of left-right populist parties and investigate which attributes cause the divergence in their political and social identities.
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Ovey, Joey-David. "Between Nation and Europe : labour, the SPD and labour in the European Parliament, 1994-1999 /." Opladen : Leske + Budrich, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/50738826.html.
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DULLAGHAN, Neil. "Getting into bed with the enemy : exploring trends and effects of coalition congruence in Western Europe 1945-2015." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/70875.
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Defence date: 09 April 2021Examining Board: Professor Dr. Stefano Bartolini (European University Institute); Professor Dr. Elias Dinas (European University Institute); Professor Dr. Kris Deschouwer (Vrije Universiteit Brussel); Professor Dr. Heike Klüver (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin)
Over the last seventy years Europe has seen government authority decentralised to subnational bodies, offering up new arenas for political contestation. At the same time, the typical cleavages in society that provided solid bases of support for political parties have crumbled, leaving parties in search of new alliances to obtain governing power. Political parties find themselves caught between the desire to get into office in as many government authorities as possible and the desire to present a coherent brand to the public, as signalled by their coalition partner choices. This research project stands at this tense intersection of interests and provides new clarity to the historical record and some exploratory lines of inquiry into the effects of this dynamic. The existing work on measuring the extent to which regional and national governments mirror each other is investigated and critiqued in order to develop a new operationalisation of coalition congruence that is amenable to large-N research. On the basis of this new measure, the historical record from 1945 to 2015 of coalition congruence in nine Western European countries (Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland) is mapped out in order to identify broad trends running alongside the wider trend of dealignment from party politics. Following this, a number of hypotheses about the institutional determinants of congruence and effects of congruence on party perceptions are explored. The number of regional governments that cut across the government-opposition divide has been on the increase in Europe, especially so in some countries, and these cross-cutting governments appear to play a role in party attachment, but not through the causal mechanism of shifting left-right perceptions of party brands as expected by the literature. This project adds a new operationalisation of a concept, a new empirical dataset, extends the branding model of partisanship to the subnational level, and contributes to moving forward the fourth wave of coalition studies.
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Marino, Bruno. "Why do parties open their leader selection rules? Evidence from Western Europe between party change and personalisation of politics (1985-2015)." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86217.
Full textBooks on the topic "Partiti politici europei"
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Galli, Giorgio. Storia dei partiti politici europei. Milano: Rizzoli, 1990.
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Pietro, Grilli Di Cortona, and Pasquino Gianfranco 1942-, eds. Partiti e sistemi di partito nelle democrazie europee. Bologna: Il mulino, 2007.
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Bertoli, Danilo. Democrazia, partiti, unione europea: Verso il sistema politico europeo. Milano: F. Angeli, 1995.
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Partiti e sistema partitico a livello europeo. Roma: Aracne editrice S.r.l., 2013.
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L'Europa dei partiti: Per una sociologia dei partiti politici nel processo di integrazione europea. Firenze, Italy: Firenze University Press, 2009.
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I partiti europei: Storia e prospettive dal 1649 a oggi. Milano: Baldini Castoldi Dalai, 2008.
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Sotto, Nicoletta Di. Dalla periferia all'Europa: I partiti etnoregionalisti e l'Unione europea. Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 2009.
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Dalla periferia all'Europa: I partiti etnoregionalisti e l'Unione europea. Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 2009.
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Europeizacja polskich partii politycznych. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2014.
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1942-, Pridham Geoffrey, ed. Securing democracy: Political parties and democratic consolidation in southern Europe. London: Routledge, 1990.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Partiti politici europei"
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Webb, Paul. "Political Parties, Representation and Politics in Contemporary Europe." In Developments in European Politics, 65–80. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-0-230-34523-2_5.
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Kalaitzidis, Akis. "Beyond Political Parties: The Politics of a European Identity." In Europe's Greece, 43–58. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230102002_3.
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Kubicek, Paul. "Political parties and elections." In European Politics, 227–64. Second edition. | Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ;: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315616919-8.
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Kubicek, Paul. "Political parties and elections." In European Politics, 205–43. Third edition. | Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003028758-7.
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Magone, José M. "The Political Parties." In European Portugal, 80–110. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230371224_5.
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Cook, Chris, and John Paxton. "Political Parties." In European Political Facts, 1900–1996, 278–328. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26383-7_6.
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Cook, Chris, and John Paxton. "Political Parties." In European Political Facts 1918–90, 211–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12247-9_6.
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Fontanellaz, Blaise, and Paolo Dardanelli. "Political parties and Europe." In Switzerland–EU Relations, 90–103. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Dealing with Europe: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003038719-8.
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Day, Stephen, and Jo Shaw. "Transnational Political Parties." In Making European Citizens, 99–117. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230627475_5.
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Henderson, Karen. "Slovak Political Parties and the EU: From Symbolic Politics to Policies." In The European Union and Party Politics in Central and Eastern Europe, 149–68. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230596658_8.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Partiti politici europei"
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Nuhanović, Amra, and Jasmila Pašić. "United Europe – Yes, or no?" In 7th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.07.05043n.
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In recent years, the European Union has been facing a number of challenges that it is finding it increasingly difficult to overcome. Most EU member states are facing a crisis of confidence in Europe and its institutions, and at the same time nationalist political parties and ideas are developing more and more, leading to a weakening of European solidarity. Eastern European countries weakened awareness of the collective interest. The common values that existed until then have become “diluted”, because different understandings of the nature of the state have emerged, as well as different views on international politics. At the same time, support for European integration among citizens has been declining, and fewer and fewer have seen membership as good and can bring significant benefits. Today, the idea of a united EU is in crisis and that is precisely the cause of the crisis the Union is facing.
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Černěnko, Tomáš, and Dana Kuběnková. "A Rose by Another Name Would Smell the Same: Hidden Potential of Antisystem Parties in Slovakia?" In XXV. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0068-2022-55.
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This article aims to identify voter attitudes, based on the results of the 2020 parliamentary elections, towards European integration, religious attitudes in politics, universal left-right integration, the rights of ethnic minorities, the position between cosmopolitan and national sentiments, and political decentralization in favour of regions at the district level of Slovakia, while considering factors that affect voter's selection. In the first step, we calculated the position of the district through the results of individual political parties (district level) in the elections to the National Council of the Slovak Republic in 2020 and data from the 2019 Chapel Hill expert survey. In the second step, we used these results as dependent variables for regression analysis, examining their dependence on the variables average wage, unemployment rate, ethnic composition, and time availability of the district's seat from the regional centre and Bratislava (capital). A retrospective analysis of voter attitudes at individual districts has shown that concerns about possible covert support for anti-system parties are warranted. “Negative” results, especially on religious principles in politics, ethnic minority rights, inclination to national values, and centralized power, show that if expectations from standard (or liberal democratic) parties are not met, there is a risk of voters diverting to radical parties.
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Dolgikh, F., V. Nitsevich, S. Zaslavskiy, Z. Usmanova, and V. Moiseev. "Formation of Models for Funding of Political Parties in Europe." In International Scientific Conference "Far East Con" (ISCFEC 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.200312.471.
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Zanoschi, Emanuel-Ionuț. "THE RISE OF NEW POLITICAL PARTIES. A NICE STORY OR A STRONG FUTURE?" In NORDSCI International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2020/b2/v3/15.
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The current political scene is undergoing visible and often incomprehensible changes for the average person. The rise of new political forces is a topical issue, especially in the context of an ideological reconfiguration. Even if it is possible to play in a vast history, where ideological directions can be given, a specialist can observe that in several ocasions the political parties go beyond their own ideological boundaries to attract more voters and retain power. There are a number of new political forces, built on the fight against corruption and the anti-system in several states of the European Union. They often do not have a clear ideology, consisting of a wide range of members who do not share the principles of a common ideology. Some emerged in response to the populist danger that seemed to grip the European Union ahead of the European Parliament elections on May 26, 2019. Is it a closed path or are we preparing for a new paradigm in shaping political ideologies? I will try to give an answer in this article by going on a case study in Romania, regarding the last configurations of political parties. Is there a need to have a clear ideology, doctrine or the voters need to have a simple set of principles to support?
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Ameir, Omar, and Josef Belica. "ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL GOALS OF THE CIRCULAR ECONOMY OF THE REGION." In 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/5.1/s21.071.
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The primary purpose of environmental policy is a framework, guidance for decisionmaking and actions that lead to a better quality of the environment as a whole and its components. It is also adopted to use the principles of sustainable development, to increase economic efficiency and important social social programs and activities. The aim of this article is to provide basic research information on the causes of the emergence and development of environmental policy in the current period of circular economy. The issue of the circular economy and environmental goals are gradually being promoted in the areas of international politics, and subsequently it is currently possible to include them among the main policy areas of European companies and the European Union as a whole. The aim of this article is to define the area of support for the circular economy from the position of environmental problems and to propose strategies and tools for the correct implementation of the given goals. The goals are based on the action plans for a circular economy, which the European Union is definitely starting to document. The partial goal is to efficiently handle materials and use them for their use. Waste, or its recycling and further use, should also play a role. This can save Europe not only money but also the local environment.
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Porumb, Andra-Teodora, Adina Săcara-Oniţa, and Cristian Porumb. "THE DENTAL MEDICINE SECTOR IN THE AGE OF THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC – RECOVERY BETWEEN RISKS AND CHALLENGES." In Sixth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2020.101.
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In this paper we will show how the COVID-19 pandemic has affected one of the sectors that have undergone a booming development in recent years, namely the sector of dental medicine. This is an industry that includes numerous and diversified activities: treatments and surgical interventions in dental practices and clinics, dental aesthetics interventions in luxury clinics, the organization of specialization courses, conferences and congresses, the development of extremely innovative procedures and materials. Dental tourism has also had a spectacular trend, especially in Eastern European countries. Within a very short period of time, this highly profitable field, but which presents a huge risk of transmitting potential viruses, has recorded significant financial losses. In March 2020, in some European countries a lockdown was imposed by governmental decree or ordinance, all private practices having ceased their activity, whereas in other countries a significant number of clinics closed on their own initiative, and those remaining open recorded a staggering decrease in the number of patients. Courses, conferences, and congresses have been cancelled one after another throughout Europe. As a result of the cancellation of many flights, the activity in the branch of dental tourism has ceased almost entirely. For two months, an extremely small number of medical units, especially hospitals, were reorganized to provide care in dental emergencies, according to a very strict protocol to limit the risk of contamination. In view of resuming their activity as of May, professionals in the sector had to meet several severe protection conditions, regulated by institutional documents by the National Orders/Colleges of Dentists. In October, in the face of the second wave of the pandemic, the governments of European countries took less restrictive measures in an attempt to avoid a new lockdown and the decrease in the supply of goods and services to the population to such a great extent, so this time, governments have not closed private practices, despite the fact that in some countries the beginning of November has brought about a new isolation – albeit a partial one – and a renewed closedown of some businesses. We will analyze, in the context of the ongoing pandemic, the situation of this sector in several European countries. Given that the demand for dental services has only decreased very little, professionals in the sector have tried in various ways to continue their work so as not to sacrifice the dental health of the population. The risk/benefit ratio is very hard to manage in this field, so precautions, prevention, and protection measures in dental practices remain of the utmost importance. If the branch of organization of courses, conferences, congresses can compensate to a certain extent the sharp decline in revenues during the lockdown period by moving the activity on online platforms, the branch of dental tourism is still suffering massively, and the possibilities of recovery are greatly reduced. Dentists remain the most exposed to risks. They are facing medical and financial concerns and have to make final treatment decisions amidst an uncertain and dangerous situation
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BODISLAV, Dumitru Alexandru, Florina BRAN, Raluca Iuliana U. GEORGESC, and Victor Adrian TROACĂ. "ROMANIAN CORPORATE GOVERNANCE, PUBLIC AFFAIRS AND LOBBYING." In International Management Conference. Editura ASE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/imc/2022/04.04.
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This research paper provides an outline of corporate governance in Romania and the impact of public affairs and lobbying on the subject. We endeavoured to stress these two notions as sustainable parts of sound business practices and methods, as well as the development of improved strategies for achieving macroeconomic growth. The lobbying effort contributes to the maintenance and improvement of public confidence in democratic institutions and the representation process of public politics. In addition, professional lobbying and interest groups are required to always act ethically and morally in their dealings with all parties involved. There is now a lobbying law in Romania, although it is simply a draft and lawmakers provide no indications of future legislation. As we will analyse in this research paper, the lobbying effort in Brussels, the center of the European Union, is a highly active one, acknowledged by European Union officials as essential to the democratic process.
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Janas, Karol. "SYSTEM OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE SLOVAK AND CZECH REPUBLIC WITHIN THE CONTEXT OF THE ELECTION FOR EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT IN 2014." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s4.051.
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Panagoreţ, Andreea, Dragos Panagoreţ, and Tomislav Kandyija. "Sustainable Development and Environmental Policy of the European Union." In G.I.D.T.P. 2019 - Globalization, Innovation and Development, Trends and Prospects 2019. LUMEN Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gidtp2022/16.
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Sustainable development approaches the concept of quality of life in all its complexity, from an economic, social and environmental point of view, promoting the idea of the balance between economic development, social equity, efficient use and conservation of the environment. By its very nature, sustainable development represents the need for responsibility and education for environmental protection, and this aspect is reflected in the evolution of community policy in recent years, a policy marked by the transition from an approach based on constraint and sanction, to a more flexible, based one on incentives. Thus, it is acting in the direction of a voluntary approach, in order to promote this environmental responsibility and to encourage the use of environmental management systems. The environmental policy does not act independently, but reflects the interest of civil society in this direction, manifested by the creation of numerous environmental movements and organizations. Moreover, in some countries the creation and development of "green" political parties has been achieved, with real success in the political arena. However, resistance - or, more properly, the restraint and inertia that manifests itself, should not be forgotten, when environmental objectives seem to limit industrial competitiveness and economic growth; but this aspect only emphasizes once again the need for a concerted approach at European level and the need for an active and integrated environmental policy, capable of responding to the challenges that appear economically. The European environmental policy is based on the principles of precaution, prevention, correction of pollution at source and "polluter pays". The precautionary principle is a risk management tool that can be invoked if there is scientific uncertainty about a possible risk to human health or the environment, arising from a particular action or policy.
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Tomašević, Vladimir, and Luka Latinović. "CHALLENGES IN DEVELOPMENT OF SMART CITIES IN WESTERN BALKANS." In Sixth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2020.323.
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Western Balkans have several definitions depending on the lens through which this concept is observed. The definitions can be economic, political or economic. The analysis is further complicated by the partial presence of the European Union, various economic treaties and unresolved conflicts as well as the fact that the largest urban populations are scattered without definitive trends. Cities continue to attract new arrivals as a result of the direct centralization tendencies throughout the region and result in an unsustainable growth of cities that in turn result in economic and social complications. This article uses a matrix classification model to classify the existing literature on cities in Western Balkans, identify specific conditions for particular groups and proposes different approaches for groups of cities in order to maximise the effects of smart cities projects so that doubling and significant overlapping in financing are avoided.
Reports on the topic "Partiti politici europei"
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Wolf, Maximilian, and Imke Schütz. Report on Panel #2 / Mapping European Populism: The Peculiarities and Commonalities of the Populist Politics in Southern Europe. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0003.
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This report is based on the second panel of ECPS’s monthly panel series called “Mapping European Populism” which was held online in Brussels on March 31, 2022. The panel brought together top-notch populism scholars from four south European countries, namely Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal, which have many similarities and varieties in terms of right- and left-wing populist parties, groups and movements. As a by-product of this fruitful panel the report consists of brief summaries of the speeches delivered by the speakers.
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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.
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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.
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Ivaldi, Gilles, and Emilia Zankina. The impact of the Russia–Ukraine War on right-wing populism in Europe. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0010.
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This report has examined the impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the state of the pan-European populist Radical Right. Such parties are generally considered admirers of Russia and Vladimir Putin’s regime and ties between the Kremlin and the European populist Radical Right parties have grown stronger over the last decade. Because of such ties, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has presented new challenges for radical right-wing populist parties, putting many of them under strain and forcing them to adapt to the new context produced by the war. In this report, we have asked how such parties have navigated the new context produced by the war and the impact it may have had on them, both nationally and at the EU level. Special attention has been paid to the reactions of right-wing populist parties to this war and the political and electoral consequences of the conflict for such parties. The analysis in this report includes a total of 37 populist Radical Right parties across 12 West European and 10 East European countries, plus Turkey.
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Biscaia, Afonso, and Susana Salgado. The Ukraine-Russia war and the Far Right in Portugal: Minimal impacts on the rising populist Chega party. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0026.
Full textAbstract:
The effects of the Russia-Ukraine war on Portuguese politics have been negligible, leading to only minor changes in political positions or the relative popularity of the parties. Chega was the first right-wing populist political party to achieve a parliamentary breakthrough in Portugal, emerging as the third-largest political force after elections in January 2022. It shares rhetorical features and positions with European counterparts but distinguishes itself by its flexibility. Unencumbered by association with the Russian regime, Chega has been free to take the more popular position among voters, supporting Ukraine. Furthermore, one of its foremost adversaries, the Portuguese Communist Party, took an ambiguous position regarding the invasion of Ukraine, making Chega’s decision about positioning clearer. Nevertheless, Chega has used the war instrumentally in service of its established priorities—namely, nationalism, opposition to immigration, and militarism. Moreover, after temporarily setting aside welfare chauvinism, the party reverted to this staple as the war continued. We shed light on the rhetoric and positioning of Chega and its leader, André Ventura, by analysing 47 parliamentary commentaries by Chega MPs in 2021 and 2022 and 28 tweets mentioning Ukraine, Russia, nationals from both countries, or the war posted by Ventura during the same period.
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Macdonald, Stuart, Kamil Yilmaz, Chamin Herath, J. M. Berger, Suraj Lakhani, Lella Nouri, and Maura Conway. The European Far-Right Online: An Exploratory Twitter Outlink Analysis of German & French Far-Right Online Ecosystems. RESOLVE Network, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2022.2.
Full textAbstract:
Seeking to explore the nature of European far-right online ecosystems, this research report examines the outlinking activity of identified pro-far-right users among the followers of the official Twitter accounts of two prominent far-right European political parties, Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and France’s Rassemblement National (RN). Employing a three-layered analysis, the report explores not just the top-level domains outlinked to by its sample of AfD and RN Twitter followers but combines this with analysis of the technical specifications of the content types outlinked to and treatment of the socio-political nature of the content arrived at by clicking on the most tweeted URLs. This results in the provision of a more thorough and cohesive view of this online ecosystem than contained in other similar studies.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Nicholas Morieson. Civilizational Populism Around the World. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0012.
Full textAbstract:
This article addresses an issue of growing political importance: the global rise of civilizational populism. From Western Europe to India and Pakistan, and from Indonesia to the Americas, populists are increasingly linking national belonging with civilizational identity—and at times to the belief that the world is divided into religion-based civilizations, some of which are doomed to clash with one another. As part of this process, Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity have all been commandeered by populist parties and movements, each adept at using the power of religion—in different ways and drawing on different aspects of religion—to define the boundary of concepts such as people, nation, and civilization.
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Heinisch, Reinhard, and Diana Hofmann. The Case of the Austrian Radical Right and Russia During the War in Ukraine. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp001311.
Full textAbstract:
The right-wing, populist Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) has viewed Putin’s Russia as an effective constraint on what the Radical Right regards as a liberal cultural and economic agenda pursued by the European Union and the United States. The FPÖ remained a supporter of Kremlin policies, even after Moscow’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, and even signed a cooperation agreement with Putin’s United Russia party in 2016. Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the FPÖ has been careful not to be seen defending Moscow’s aggression. Instead, it has resorted to populist framing that casts the Austrian people as victims of national and Western political elites. Concretely, the party leadership claims that the country’s policies toward Russia are counterproductive and have been decided without the consent of the people. This approach is an extension of the FPÖ’s traditional Euroscepticism and anti-establishment positioning. It also appeals to Austrians’ longstanding preference for neutrality. According to polling data, the FPÖ is well positioned to outperform all other parties in the current issue environment.
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Blazakis, Jason, and Colin Clarke. From Paramilitaries to Parliamentarians: Disaggregating Radical Right Wing Extremist Movements. RESOLVE Network, December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2021.2.
Full textAbstract:
The global far right is extremely broad in nature and far from monolithic. While the “far right” is often used as an umbrella term, using the term runs the risk of over-simplifying the differences and linkages between white supremacist, anti-immigration, nativist, and other motivating ideologies. These beliefs and political platforms fall within the far-right rubric, and too often the phrase presents a more unified image of the phenomena than is really the case. In truth, the “far right” and the individual movements that comprise it are fragmented, consisting of a number of groups that lack established leadership and cohesion. Indeed, these movements include chauvinist religious organizations, neo-fascist street gangs, and paramilitary organs of established political parties. Although such movements largely lack the mass appeal of the interwar European radical right-wing extreme, they nevertheless can inspire both premeditated and spontaneous acts of violence against perceived enemies. This report is intended to provide policymakers, practitioners, and the academic community with a roadmap of ongoing shifts in the organizational structures and ideological currents of radical right-wing extremist movements, detailing the difference between distinct, yet often connected and interlaced echelons of the far right. In particular, the report identifies and analyzes various aspects of the broader far right and the assorted grievances it leverages to recruit, which is critical to gaining a more nuanced understanding of the potential future trajectory of these movements.
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Lehtimaki, Susanna, Kassim Nishtar, Aisling Reidy, Sara Darehshori, Andrew Painter, and Nina Schwalbe. Independent Review and Investigation Mechanisms to Prevent Future Pandemics: A Proposed Way Forward. United Nations University International Institute for Global Health, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37941/pb-f/2021/2.
Full textAbstract:
Based on the proposal by the European Council, more than 25 heads of state and the World Health Organization (WHO) support development of an international treaty on pandemics, that planned to be negotiated under the auspices of WHO, will be presented to the World Health Assembly in May 2021. Given that the treaty alone is not enough to ensure compliance, triggers for a high-level political response is required. To this end, to inform the design of a support system, we explored institutional mechanismsi with a mandate to review compliance with key international agreements in their signatory countries and conduct independent country investigations in a manner that manages sovereign considerations. Based on our review, there is no single global mechanism that could serve as a model in its own right. There is, however, potential to combine aspects of existing mechanisms to support a strong, enforceable treaty. These aspects include: • Periodic review - based on the model of human rights treaties, with independent experts as the authorized monitoring body to ensure the independence. If made obligatory, the review could support compliance with the treaty. • On-site investigations - based on the model by the Committee on Prevention of Torture according to which visits cannot be blocked by state parties. • Non-negotiable design principles - including accountability; independence; transparency and data sharing; speed; emphasis on capabilities; and incentives. • Technical support - WHO can provide countries with technical assistance, tools, monitoring, and assessment to enhance emergency preparedness and response.