Relevant bibliographies by topics / Partii͡a Edinstvo (Russia)

Academic literature on the topic 'Partii͡a Edinstvo (Russia)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 27 July 2024
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Partii͡a Edinstvo (Russia)"

1

Myagkov, Mikhail, and Peter C. Ordeshook. "The trail of votes in Russia’s 1999 Duma and 2000 presidential elections." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 34, no. 3 (September 1, 2001): 353–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(01)00014-9.

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Russia’s array of political parties, based largely on Moscow-centered personalities with presidential aspirations rather than coherent policy programs, continued its seemingly directionless evolution in 1999 with the appearance of two new ‘parties’—Otechestvo and Edinstvo—each designed primarily to facilitate presidential aspirations. In contrast and despite wrenching economic changes, Russia from 1991 through 1996, at least, offers the picture of a surprisingly stable electorate in which the flow of votes across elections from one party or candidate to the next follows a coherent and not altogether unpredictable pattern. Aggregate election returns suggests that this pattern persisted through the 1999 Duma balloting to the 2000 presidential election. The KPRF, as well as Yabloko, won nearly as many votes in 1999 as in 1996, while the votes lost by Our Home Is Russia, the LDPR, Lebed’s allies in 1996, and a bevy of other small and not altogether anti-reform parties nearly account for Otechestvo and Edinstvo totals. Here, however, we offer a close examination of official rayon-level election returns from both 1999 and 2000 and conclude that this picture of stability masks the importance we ought to attribute to the influence of regional governors and their abilities to direct the votes of their electorates in a nearly wholesale fashion. We argue, moreover, that this conclusion is important to the matter of reforming Russia’s institutions so as to encourage a coherent party system. Specifically, rather than focus on electoral institutional reform, we argue that the principal culprit in explaining the failure of a coherent party system to materialize is the influence of Russia’s super-presidentialism.
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2

Simonsen, Sven Gunnar. "Aleksandr Barkashov and Russian National Unity: Blackshirt Friends of the Nation." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 625–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408473.

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Russian National Unity (Russkoe Natsionalnoe Edinstvo—RNE) is the largest militant fascist group in Russia today. The founder and leader of the RNE, Aleksandr P. Barkashov, speaks of himself as a national-socialist, and praises Hitler's deeds for Germany. The RNE has pledged to establish a system of ethnic segregation in Russia were it to come to power.This article seeks to analyze the ideology of the RNE as represented by its undisputed leader Barkashov and by the RNE Council which he dominates. Particular attention is paid to RNE's relation to Russian ethnicity. The first part discusses Barkashov and his organization's policies with regard to the russkii (ethnic Russian) nation and to Russian nationalism. Then follows a critical review of the RNE's relation to nazism and fascism. The article then considers the RNE's ideas about how the new Russian state should be shaped, i.e., its political and economic program. Finally, the RNE is placed in the wider Russian political landscape by means of a discussion of its political friends and foes.
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Liszkowska, Dominika. "Założenia polityki zagranicznej Prawa i Sprawiedliwości wobec Rosji w programie wyborczym partii z 2019 r." Nowa Polityka Wschodnia 36, no. 1 (2023): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw20233602.

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This article presents the main assumptions and attributes of the Law and Justice (PiS) policy towards Russia, included in the party’s 2019 election program – “Poland – a model of the welfare state”. The article aims to answer the following questions: What policy assumptions towards Russia were presented by Law and Justice in its 2019 election program? What elements does PiS’s policy towards this state consist of? What are the features of this policy? What are the reasons for the approach and policy of PiS towards the Russian Federation? the 2019 PiS election program or subject to a qualitative analysis is the source and starting material for showing the main goals, elements and features of PiS’s foreign policy towards Russia.
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Khazan, Vladimir. "«Наше дело нажимать, не давать успокоиться, продолжать бескомпромиссную борьбу против существующего зла». Переписка Юлия Марголина и Марка Вишняка. Часть 1." Iudaica Russica, no. 1(6) (June 27, 2021): 28–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/ir.2021.06.02.

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Celem publikacji korespondencji Marka Wiszniaka (1883–1976) — rosyjskiego historyka, publicysty, pamiętnikarza, działacza społeczno-politycznego, prominentnego członka partii eserów i sekretarza zlikwidowanej przez bolszewików Konstytuanty z Julijem Margolinem (1900–1974) — dziennikarzem, pisarzem, poetą, filozofem politycznym, krytykiem literackim, antykomunistą i zagorzałym przeciwnikiem totalitaryzmów jest: a) poszerzenie wiedzy na temat ich indywidualnych toposów biograficznych i powiązania ich z wydarzeniami „wielkiej” historii; b) wykazanie ścisłego związku rosyjskojęzycznej kultury Izraela ze światową żydowską diasporą emigrantów rosyjskich; c) dobitne podkreślenie faktu, że istniejąca najpierw w Palestynie, a następnie w Izraelu rosyjskojęzyczna literatura stanowi nieodłączną część ogólnoświatowego zjawiska literackiego, zwanego Russia Abroad.
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Khazan, Vladimir. "«Наше дело нажимать, не давать успокоиться, продолжать бескомпромиссную борьбу против существующего зла». Переписка Юлия Марголина и Марка Вишняка. Часть 2." Iudaica Russica, no. 2(7) (December 27, 2021): 45–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/ir.2021.07.02.

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Celem publikacji korespondencji Marka Wiszniaka (1883–1976) — rosyjskiego historyka, publicysty, pamiętnikarza, działacza społeczno-politycznego, prominentnego członka partii eserów i sekretarza zlikwidowanej przez bolszewików Konstytuanty z Julijem Margolinem (1900–1974) — dziennikarzem, pisarzem, poetą, filozofem politycznym, krytykiem literackim, antykomunistą i zagorzałym przeciwnikiem totalitaryzmów jest: a) poszerzenie wiedzy na temat ich indywidualnych toposów biograficznych i powiązania ich z wydarzeniami „wielkiej” historii; b) wykazanie ścisłego związku rosyjskojęzycznej kultury Izraela ze światową żydowską diasporą emigrantów rosyjskich; c) dobitne podkreślenie faktu, że istniejąca najpierw w Palestynie, a następnie w Izraelu rosyjskojęzyczna literatura stanowi nieodłączną część ogólnoświatowego zjawiska literackiego, zwanego Russia Abroad.
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6

Lubkov, Alexey, and Mikhail Novikov. "Soviet aid to the Communist Party of China (1920–1937)." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2024, no. 2 (February 1, 2024): 26–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202402statyi11.

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The issues related to the provision of political, financial and organizational assistance by the Soviet Russia (the Soviet Union) to the Communist Party of China during its formation and in the first ten years of the civil war with the Kuomintang are considered in this article.
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7

O’Loughlin, John, Gearoid Ó. Tuathail, and Vladimir Kolossov. "Russian geopolitical storylines and public opinion in the wake of 9–11: a critical geopolitical analysis and national survey." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 37, no. 3 (September 1, 2004): 281–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2004.06.001.

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Examination of the speeches, writings and editorials by the Putin Administration in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks showed a consistent storyline that equated Russia’s war against Chechen terrorists with the subsequent US attack on the Taliban and Al Qaeda. The storyline made a strong case for a Russian alliance with the US and the West against those who were attacking the ‘civilized world’. Two alternative storylines also emerged. The centrist-liberal storyline was skeptical of the benefits accruing to Russia from its support of the Bush Administration’s policy, while the national patriotic-Communist storyline concentrated on the ‘imperialist’ drive of the United States to control the resources of Eurasia. The resonance of the dominant Putin storyline and its skeptical and suspicious alternatives among the Russian public is tested by analysis of the responses to a representative national survey of 1800 adults conducted in April 2002. Significant socio-demographic differences appear in responses to eight questions. The Putin storyline is accepted by the rich supporters of the Edinstvo party, males, ‘Westernizers’, residents of Siberia, singles and young adults, while the oppositional storylines are supported by Communist party supporters, the elderly, Muslims, women, the poor, and residents of Moscow and St. Petersburg.
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Tereszkiewicz, Filip. "Rola Unii Europejskiej na arenie międzynarodowej według partii eurosceptycznych — nowy wymiar wspólnoty?" Rocznik Europeistyczny 2 (September 27, 2016): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2450-274x.2.7.

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W artykule zostało omówione podejście partii eurosceptycznych, których członkowie zasiadają w Parlamencie Europejskim VIII kadencji, do kwestii polityki zagranicznej, a także ich wizja miejsca Unii w nowym układzie międzynarodowym. Autor prezentuje elementy łączące te ugrupowania stosunek do USA, Rosji, NATO, imigracji oraz obszary, które według nich mogłyby nadal być realizowane w ramach ogólnoeuropejskiej współpracy polityka współpracy rozwojowej, polityka klimatyczna. Na koniec została zaprezentowana wizja „eurosceptycznej tożsamości europejskiej”, która może stanowić podstawę do szukania roli, którą mniej lub bardziej zjednoczona Europa mogłaby odgrywać w nowym ładzie międzynarodowym w przypadku wzrastającego poparcia społecznego dla ugrupowań eurosceptycznych.The role of the European Union in the international arena by the Eurosceptic parties: A new dimension of the community?A Eurosceptical attitude towards EU foreign affairs and an EU position in a new international order is presented in the paper. The author concentrates on Eurosceptic parties whose members are sitting in the European Parliament 8th term. Elements which are common for these politicians are described the attitude toward US, Russia, NATO and immigration. Activities which, in the opinion of the Eurosceptic MEP, could be conducted in the framework of the European cooperation are identified development assistance, environmental policy. At the end we are presented with a “Eurosceptical European identity”, which could be a basis for the international activity of the more or less integrated Europe.
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Stepanova, Svetlana. "Political parties of Russia in the socio-political discourse in the post-perestroika period (to the history of the issue)." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 10-4 (October 1, 2020): 226–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi94.

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The purpose of this article is to study the problem of the Russian specifics of partogenesis in modern socio-political discourse. Particular attention is paid to the formation and development of the party system in modern Russia. The presence of a meaningful relationship between the stage of the emergence of a multi-party system in the period of the Russian Empire, the post-revolutionary Soviet period when the one-party system was approved, and, finally, the modern multi-party system in the Russian Federation.
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10

Wichmanowski, Marcin. "Integracja narodów i partii agrarnych w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej w myśli politycznej polskiego ruchu ludowego w końcowym okresie zaborów i dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym." Nowa Polityka Wschodnia 35, no. 1 (2022): 115–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw20223506.

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The question of European integration in the political thought of the peasant movement in Central and Eastern Europe appeared many times since the second half of the 19th century. In the period of partitions, people searched for paths to freedom and independence. The ideas of creating multinational political organisms were to be means for obtaining a certain degree of subjectivity. Poles saw development opportunities in the federation within the Habsburg monarchy. On the other hand, the union of the peoples of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, mainly Lithuanians, Belarusians and Ukrainians – there was an apparent chance joint struggle with the Russian invader. The geopolitics of the region, constructed in the result of the First World War, meant that the newly created Central European states found themselves between Germany and Russia – both of which were states with imperialist traditions. The question of the union of states, or mainly peasant parties in the political thought of the Polish and European peasant movements appeared several times, but in the 1930s it was rather an addition to the programs of these parties. Initially, the Poles sought an agreement mainly with neighbours facing similar threats. When the implementation of these plans failed, their programs contented with peaceful international cooperation based on the League of Nations.
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Books on the topic "Partii͡a Edinstvo (Russia)"

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(Russia), Partii͡a Edinstvo. Ustav Vserossiĭskoĭ politicheskoĭ partii "Edinstvo Rossii͡a". Moskva: Vserossiĭskai͡a politicheskai͡a partii͡a "Edinstvo Rossii͡a", 2005.

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2

Shalda, V. A. Za organizat͡s︡ionnoe edinstvo partii. Riga: "Avots", 1989.

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Shalda, V. Za organizatsionnoe edinstvo partii. Riga: Avots, 1989.

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4

Khalipov, A. S. Borʹba V.I. Lenina za internat︠s︡ionalʹnoe edinstvo partii, 1895-1921. Minsk: Izd-vo Universitetskoe, 1985.

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Khalipov, A. S. Bor'ba V.I. Lenina za internatsional'noe edinstvo partii, 1895-1921. Minsk: Izd-vo "Universitetskoe", 1985.

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V, Klimanova T., Stelʹmashok Galina Grigorʹevna, and Gosudarstvennai͡a︡ publichnai͡a︡ istoricheskai͡a︡ biblioteka RSFSR., eds. Krepitʹ edinstvo Partii i naroda: Sovershenstvovanie ideologicheskoĭ, massovo-politicheskoĭ raboty Partii : rekomendatelʹnyĭ bibliograficheskiĭ ukazatelʹ. Moskva: "Kniga", 1986.

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Zotova, Z. M. Partii Rossii: Ispytanie vyborami. Moskva: Izd-vo "Sumarokovoĭ", 1994.

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party), Spravedlivai︠a︡ Rossii︠a︡ (Political. Palata deputatov Partii Spravedlivai︠a︡ Rossii︠a︡. Moskva: Spravedlivai︠a︡ Rossii︠a︡, 2010.

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(Russia), RAU-Korporat͡s︡ii͡a︡, ed. Vybory-93: Partii, bloki, lidery : spravochnik. Moskva: Izd-vo "RAU-Press", 1993.

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Bunich, Igorʹ. Zoloto partii: Istoricheskai͡a︡ khronika. Sankt-Peterburg: Šans, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Partii͡a Edinstvo (Russia)"

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Kurochkin, Anatolii Vasil'evich. "Ukreplenie i ukorenenie politicheskikh partii v Rossii: protsess institutsionalizatsii v usloviiakh ogranichennoi elektoral'noi konkurentsii." In Strengthening and Rooting Of Political Parties in Russia: The Process of Institutionalization in Conditions of Limited Electoral Competition. Publishing house Sreda, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-99139.

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