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Journal articles on the topic 'Parties leaders selection'
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1
Marino, Bruno, and Stefano Rombi. "Party Leadership Selection in the United Kingdom." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 78, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-8538.
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n the past few decades, British parties have undergone deep transformations, also concerning their leader selection rules. It could be interesting to directly tackle this area of intra-party changes, also given the increasing attention devoted to party leaders and to their mode of selection. This article will explore both the precise features of the changes in the rules governing the selection of party leaders (particularly focusing on the selectorate), and also the characteristics of most recent leadership races occurred in the most important parties in the United Kingdom. To begin with, the article will explore the expansions of the selectorate occurred between the mid-1960s and today, particularly analysing the implementation of OMOV (one-member one-vote) systems. Second, attention will be devoted to the precise features of the selection mechanisms, by applying the quadripartite scheme devised by Hazan and Rahat (the selectorate, the candidacy, the decentralization, and the voting system). Third, we will focus on the most recent leadership races that elected Jeremy Corbyn and Theresa May as leader of, respectively, the Labour and the Conservative Party. All in all, the article shows that British parties have surely undergone deep transformations concerning the rules for the selection of their leaders and the precise features of recent leadership races, but also that a full empowerment of party members has not been reached yet.
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Kubát, Michal, and Maciej Hartliński. "Party Leaders in the Czech Populist Parties and Movements." Polish Political Science Review 7, no. 1 (November 1, 2019): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2019-0007.
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AbstractThe aim of this article is to analyse the role and importance of leaders in the Czech populist parties and movements, as well as determining significant factors which condition their institutionalisation. The main focus will be placed on the role of leaders in establishing their respective parties, their formal position and intraparty selection processes in VV, ANO, SPD and ÚPD. Examples of actions taken by the leaders of ANO and SPD show that building populist parties on the foundation of the strong, formal and official position of the leader in their party as well as becoming open to more members prove effective when it comes to the discussed issues...
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Cunningham, Kathleen Gallagher, and Katherine Sawyer. "Conflict negotiations and rebel leader selection." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 5 (April 15, 2019): 619–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319829689.
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The international community often calls for negotiations in civil wars. Yet, we have limited understanding of when and why specific rebels enter into negotiations. The emergence of a new leader in a rebel group can provide an opportunity for the state seeking to end war, but this is conditional on how leaders take power. Rebel leaders who come to power through a local selection process (such as an election) provide information to the state about the likely cohesion of the rebel group. This affects state perceptions of the viability of a rebel group as a bargaining partner in civil war negotiations. Using original data on rebel leaders in civil wars, we show that new leaders coming to power through a local selection process are more likely to get to the negotiating table than leaders coming to power in other ways. We find that the election of a rebel group leader has a particularly strong and positive effect on the chance of getting to the table. Rebel leaders that founded their own group or brought together disparate rebels to create a single group are less likely to get to the negotiating table. This article advances our understanding of conflict dynamics by offering a novel argument of rebel leader ascension and its impact on conflict bargaining and has critical implications for parties external to the conflict interested in conflict resolution. External actors seeking to facilitate lasting peace may benefit from observing patterns of rebel leadership.
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Laver, Michael, and Michel Schilperoord. "Spatial models of political competition with endogenous political parties." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 362, no. 1485 (April 11, 2007): 1711–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2007.2062.
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Two important human action selection processes are the choice by citizens of parties to support in elections and the choice by party leaders of policy ‘packages’ offered to citizens in order to attract this support. Having reviewed approaches analysing these choices and the reasons for doing this using the methodology of agent-based modelling, we extend a recent agent-based model of party competition to treat the number and identity of political parties as an output of, rather than an input to, the process of party competition. Party birth is modelled as an endogenous change of agent type from citizen to party leader, which requires describing citizen dissatisfaction with the history of the system. Endogenous birth and death of parties transforms into a dynamic system even in an environment where all agents have otherwise non-responsive adaptive rules. A key parameter is the survival threshold, with lower thresholds leaving citizens on average less dissatisfied. Paradoxically, the adaptive rule most successful for party leaders in winning votes makes citizens on average less happy than under other policy-selection rules.
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Musella, Fortunato. "Personal leaders and party change: Italy in comparative perspective." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 45, no. 3 (October 8, 2015): 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2015.19.
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IntroduzioneParty leaders have become more powerful and autonomous actors in recent years by developing a direct and personal relationship with citizens. As anticipated in the United States (Lowi, 1985), the rise of the ‘personal leader’ seems to have occurred in many European democracies, both in old parties and in more recently formed parties, with a widespread tendency for them to be promoted and controlled by individual leaders. Nevertheless, party leadership remains quite a neglected theme in political science. Through a data set including ~500 party presidents in 13 democracies, this article focusses on the personalization of party leadership by comparing Italy with other Western countries. More particularly, new procedures for the selection of party chairs, the centralization of power in political parties, and the new role of party leaders in the legislative/governmental arena are analysed, given their importance to such a process. The article summarizes new data on the party leaders’ characteristics, with regards to their political backgrounds, how they are elected, how long they stay in office, and whether they become prime minister or enter the executive. In this way, we are able to see how some new parties are created from the outset as highly personalized and centralized parties (Forza Italia being the paradigmatic case), whereas other older parties have also evolved in a personalized direction.
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Hartliński, Maciej. "The Selection of Party Leaders in Poland: Democratisation of Rules and Predictability of Results." Polish Political Science Review 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0018.
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Abstract The objective of this analysis is to examine political party leadership with reference to the rules and results of its selection process in post-communist Poland. The exploration of these matters is based on qualitative and quantitative data concerning 16 different political parties and 80 selections they conducted in the years 1990-2013. The comprehensive research methods employed for this study ranged from in-depth analysis of particular election results to analysis of constitutional and structural party variations. This extensive investigation enables the reader to draw conclusions about Polish intra-party politics and to understand the vetting processes that Polish politicians must undergo. The findings indicate that political parties tend to address wider selectorates; and that the rules of selection are transparent, democratic, and empirically predictable.
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Wiranto, Wiranto. "ENHANCE OUTPUT OF NATIONAL POLICIES THROUGH RECRUITMEN, SELECTION, AND COMPETENCE TO CHANGE OF NATIONAL CONDITION." IJER - INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATIONAL REVIEW 1, no. 1 (August 7, 2017): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/ijer:01.01.02.
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This study explores the effects of recruitment, selection, competence and national policies to the changing conditions in Indonesia. 530 respondents from 25 provinces or 50 regencies/cities across Indonesia participated in questionnaire pools in the study. Data were processed using path analysis technique. Results reveal that the recruitment process by political parties, the selection process by the Election Commission, and the competence of the leader, have positive correlations to the policies and the outcomes. The study highlights that without any improvements in the recruitment, selection, competency of leaders, and policies, no changes could be made by the leaders. It implies that a redefinition and actualization of recruitment, selection, competence, and policies should be made to ensure the changes to take place.
Keywords: change of national condition, actualization of recruitment, competencies, national policies.
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Ştefan, Laurenţiu. "Party Leaders vs. Technocrats." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.2.47.
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This article takes a close look at the selection and survival of prime ministers in Romania. While many factors are deemed important in understanding why prime ministers are “weak” or “strong,” have short or long tenures in office (including the relationship with the president and with the governing parties), this article focuses on the level of party credentials as a critical factor in both the selection and the survival of the prime ministers. Following Grotz and Weber (2017), I argue that a better understanding of how impactful this factor is comes only after a full assessment of the political circumstances in which the selection of the prime minister takes place. “Post-electoral” context may be defined by different goals, tactics, and ambitions than the “replacement” context. I found that party leaders survive longer in prime ministerial office, that they are the first choice in post-electoral contexts, but not necessarily in both contexts taken together, and that technocrats are preferred in replacement contexts, especially when the next legislative elections are getting near.
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Dougherty, Keith L. "TRENDS: Creating Parties in Congress: The Emergence of a Social Network." Political Research Quarterly 73, no. 4 (June 26, 2020): 759–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912920933004.
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This article examines the creation of political parties in Congress with a focus on ties between emerging party leaders and members, 1789–1802. Using an egocentric selection model, we examine who John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison tied with as a function of the characteristics of the emerging leader, a member of Congress, and dyadic relationships between the two. We also examine whether ties affected the party chosen by members of Congress. Everything else equal, we find leaders were more likely to form ties with ideologically similar members, but find no evidence of them tieing with more pivotal voters. In response, members were more likely to join the Federalist party if they received a Federalist tie, but they were not more likely to join the Republican party if they received a Republican tie. Understanding such relationships is an important step for understanding the creation of parties in the United States.
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Casey, Katherine, Abou Bakarr Kamara, and Niccoló F. Meriggi. "An Experiment in Candidate Selection." American Economic Review 111, no. 5 (May 1, 2021): 1575–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20200125.
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Are ordinary citizens or political party leaders better positioned to select candidates? While the American primary system lets citizens choose, most democracies rely instead on party officials to appoint or nominate candidates. The consequences of these distinct design choices are unclear: while officials are often better informed about candidate qualifications, they may value traits, like party loyalty or willingness to pay for the nomination, at odds with identifying the best performer. We partnered with both major political parties in Sierra Leone to experimentally vary how much say voters have in selecting Parliamentary candidates. Estimates suggest that more democratic procedures increase the likelihood that parties select voters’ most preferred candidates and favor candidates with stronger records of public goods provision. (JEL D72, H41, O17)
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Bertoli, Andrew, Allan Dafoe, and Robert F. Trager. "Is There a War Party? Party Change, the Left–Right Divide, and International Conflict." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 4 (May 9, 2018): 950–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718772352.
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Are leaders from certain parties particularly likely to engage in military conflict? This question is difficult to answer because of selection bias. For example, countries may be more likely to elect right-wing leaders if their publics are more hawkish or if the international system is particularly dangerous. Put simply, who comes to power is not random, which makes causal inference difficult. We overcome this problem by using a regression discontinuity design. Specifically, we look at close presidential elections that were essentially “tossups” between two candidates. We find that electing right-wing candidates increases state aggression. We also find that electing candidates from challenger parties makes countries much more likely to initiate military disputes, particularly in the first year of the new leader’s term. This result is consistent with other studies that find that the likelihood of state aggression increases following major leadership transitions.
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Warren, Shana S. "Democratizing candidate selection: Controlled turnover in Botswana’s Bulela Ditswe primaries." Party Politics 28, no. 2 (January 29, 2022): 248–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13540688211041035.
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Why do political parties implement primary elections? With multi-party elections firmly established, political parties in many young democracies have begun to democratize internally by adopting mass primaries. Previous work argues that parties institute primaries to select for high quality candidates, incentivize campaigning effort, and reduce intra-party conflict. In this paper, I theorize that parties also implement mass primaries to open up the political elite while protecting their most senior members. Consistent with this hypothesis, using original data from Botswana’s ruling party, I find that primaries facilitate a limited and controlled turnover, decreasing the likelihood of re-nomination of long-term incumbents in favor of political newcomers while still protecting senior ministers. Combined with qualitative and historical evidence, these results suggest that electorally successful political parties may implement mass primaries to replace unpopular and entrenched leaders.
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Aylott, Nicholas, and Niklas Bolin. "Managed intra-party democracy." Party Politics 23, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816655569.
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The question of how party leaders are selected has recently, and belatedly, come under systematic comparative scrutiny. If it is the location of intra-party power that interests us, however, it might be that some of the more observable indicators in such processes, such as the identity of the selectorate, are not actually the most revealing ones. Using a delegation perspective, we thus present a framework for analysing prior steps in leader selection and relate it to various ideal-typical constellations of intra-party power. The framework encompasses, first, what we call precursory delegation, with focus especially on an agent that, formally or informally, manages the selection process before it reaches the selectorate. Second, the framework takes account of the degree to which the process is managed rather than left open to free competition between leader candidates. We illustrate the framework primarily with instances of leader selection in two Swedish parties.
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MacIvor, Heather. "Do Canadian Political Parties Form a Cartel?" Canadian Journal of Political Science 29, no. 2 (June 1996): 317–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900007733.
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AbstractThis article summarizes the cartel model of party structure and tests it against the experience of the Canadian party system in the 1990s. Four claims are evaluated: that the three dominant parties in the House of Commons before 1993 colluded to exclude new parties; that they used state subsidies in their own interest; that the 1993 election result was a backlash against the cartel parties; and that Canadian parties are adopting new leadership selection methods in order to allow their leaders greater autonomy. The article concludes that the first two claims are valid while the latter two are not, and discusses some of the implications of these findings for Canadian parties and for the cartel model itself.
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Astudillo, Javier, and Klaus Detterbeck. "Why, sometimes, primaries? Intraparty democratization as a default selection mechanism in German and Spanish mainstream parties." Party Politics 26, no. 5 (August 29, 2018): 594–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818795195.
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In many Western democracies, political parties have started to open to members the selection of their leaders. While most studies focus on the introduction of this new selection method, its subsequent practice is still understudied. The article contributes to our still limited knowledge of this process by looking at two multilevel countries, Germany and Spain, where the mainstream parties have sometimes organized membership ballots, especially at the regional level, for leadership selection. Thanks to two original databases on party conferences and membership ballots, the article analyzes the background of this process and reviews the most common explanations offered by the literature. It shows that they are not held when parties want to regain power, or party chairs seek their nomination, as commonly believed, but when there are intraparty leadership disputes.
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Sandri, Giulia, Antonella Seddone, and Fulvio Venturino. "When Charisma is no Longer Enough. Insights on Populist Parties’ Leadership from the (Northern) League." Polish Political Science Review 7, no. 1 (November 1, 2019): 80–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2019-0005.
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AbstractSeveral scholars of populism have pointed out that populist parties rely very oft en on so-called charismatic leadership (Canovan, 1981; McDonnell, 2015). While the rise of populist parties in Europe in the last decade is quite evident and well-studied, what remains understudied is how this phenomenon interacts with other transformations that are currently shaping parties and party systems in European democracies. In particular, what is the interplay between the rise of populism, political leadership and personalization of politics? This link between populism and leadership could be understood in the light of the change occurring within party organizations, and internal party democratization in particular (Musella, 2015; Pogunkte and Webb, 2007; Karvonen, 2010; Scarrow et al. 2017). Following these studies underlining a close relationship between populism, leadership and inclusive leadership selection methods, in this paper we aim at empirically exploring how the personalization and democratization of organizational patterns affect the role of the leader in populist parties. To what extent does the use of inclusive selection methods of party leaders within populist parties affect the scope of their organizational power and strengthens the party’s personalization patterns? To explore this research question, we focus on a case study, the Lega Nord (LN) in Italy as an empirical illustration and we rely on original survey data, on aggregated electoral data as well as on primary and secondary data on party organizational rules.
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KAM, CHRISTOPHER, WILLIAM T. BIANCO, ITAI SENED, and REGINA SMYTH. "Ministerial Selection and Intraparty Organization in the Contemporary British Parliament." American Political Science Review 104, no. 2 (April 29, 2010): 289–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000080.
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This article promotes a characterization of intraparty politics that explains how rank- and-file party members control the delegation of power to their cabinet ministers and shadow cabinet ministers. Using the uncovered set as a solution concept and a measure of party members' collective preferences, we explore the hypothesis that backbenchers' preferences constrain the ministerial selection process in a manner that mitigates agency problems. Specifically, promotion is distributed preferentially to members whose own policy preferences are proximate to the uncovered set of all party members' preferences. Our analysis of ministerial appointments in the contemporary British Parliament supports this view. For both the Labour and Conservative parties, front bench appointments are more sensitive to the collective preferences of backbenchers in each party as measured by the party uncovered set than to the preferences of the parties' leaders.
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Jurkynas, Mindaugas. "Populist Parties in Lithuania: Curious Case of Party Order and Justice and its Leadership." Polish Political Science Review 7, no. 1 (November 1, 2019): 120–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2019-0008.
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AbstractThe article discusses conceptualisation of populism, Lithuania’s party system and electoral dynamics and their relation to the sustainability of populist parties. Special attention is given to Party Order and Justice, a former populist and protest party, and its leadership, namely to the issues related to scope and competencies of a leader’s intra-partisan power, leadership selection rules and history, development of leaders’ political careers and their electoral activity. The L ithuanian party system now exhibits moderate fragmentation without centrifugal tendencies. Voter volatility is still relatively high, yet the share of new parties has dropped to zero. The protest and populist parties in Lithuania went into the margins of political establishment. Popularity of the Order and Justice party has long been connected to the formerly impeached president Rolandas Paksas. His long-term leadership in the face of plummeting electoral support and an emphasis on his political martyrdom resulted in poor electoral performances, ensuing internal squabbles and his departure. Party Order and Justice’s internal regulations, however, remained favourable to strong leadership.
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Darwis, Darwis, and Sasterio Sasterio. "Identity as a Means of Recruitment for Political Parties and the Influence of Leaders in Sigi Regency, Central Sulawesi Province." International Journal Papier Public Review 2, no. 2 (May 17, 2021): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.47667/ijppr.v2i2.86.
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This article explains how the means of recruiting political parties in finding candidates for regional head in Sigi Regency. And how role models can influence the way people think in choosing. This study uses a qualitative method, by collecting data in the form of statements, behaviors and events through the use of observation methods, in-depth interviews, focus discussion groups, and searching for complementary materials from document data obtained to be analyzed as a relevant unit of information based on this research study. The results showed that even though the candidates were nominated by political partie the election 2015 in Sigi Regency, the candidates still represented their communities based on their religious identity. Each candidate for regional head who does not meet the qualifications or does not pass the administrative selection at the General Election Commissions of Sigi Regency each has a distinctive feature, namely a religious identity. The people of Sigi Regency seem to be more interested in the figures who will run for themselves than the political parties that carry them.
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Bass, Harold F., and Andrew Westmoreland. "Parties and Campaigns in Contemporary Arkansas Politics." American Review of Politics 5 (January 1, 1985): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1984.5.0.38-58.
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Thirty-five years ago, V. 0. Key (1949: 183-204) ably surveyed the Arkansas political landscape. Since then, a number of observers have assessed subsequent developments (see Drummond, 1957; Yates, 1972; Ranchino, 1972; Bonds, 1974; Bass & DeVries, 1976: 87-106; Johnston, 1981; Johnston, 1983; and Lamis, forthcoming). This present consideration of parties and campaigns in contemporary Arkansas politics approaches the subject from three perspectives. The first associates shifting statewide electoral patterns since Key wrote with changes in the character of the state political party organizations he described. The second details the selection, tenure, and activity of the leaders of these organizations since 1970. The third addresses modern directions in campaign style and practice, with special reference to the role and status of party organization in the conduct of election campaigns. Major data sources include the above-mentioned analyses, contemporaneous journalistic accounts, and personal interviews with several party and campaign organization notables.
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Wu, Chung-li, and Dafydd Fell. "Taiwan's Party Primaries in Comparative Perspective." Japanese Journal of Political Science 2, no. 1 (May 2001): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109901000123.
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There has been a lack of research into candidate selection outside the developed world. In this paper we attempt to fill this gap, with a detailed examination of the factors leading to the introduction of party primaries, their operations and their future prospects, in a third wave democracy, Taiwan. Although Taiwan is a late democratizer, the high degree of party institutionalization makes it more appropriate to compare its nomination system with those of older political parties, we particularly contrast it with the leading German and British political parties. Our discussion also finds many similar trends with developments of intra-party democracy in European parties, particularly in terms of a decentralization of candidate selection and reduced mediation between party centre and members. In addition, despite technical changes in electoral campaigning, parties in Taiwan have not abandoned the mass membership model. In Taiwan, direct primary elections have been a controversial subject. By analyzing relevant data, we argue that the core problem of the party primary was its lack of fairness, because party cadres tried to monopolize the candidate selection and thus failed to remain neutral. We find signs that leaders in all parties are wary of allowing inner party democracy to go too far and losing their control over nomination. When the party centre fears the wrong candidates will be selected, they are prepared to manipulate the rules in their favour or re-centralize the selection process.
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Roberts, Geoffrey K. "Selection, Voting and Adjudication: The Politics of Legislative Membership in the Federal Republic of Germany." Government and Opposition 37, no. 2 (April 2002): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00096.
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There Has Been Much Concern In The Past Few Years About the ‘decline of parliament’ in West European democracies. In the United Kingdom, criticism of the New Labour government has included its apparent neglect of Parliament demonstrated by the style and strategies of the government, ranging from reduction in the time allotted to prime minister's question-time and the utilization of the mass media rather than Parliament as the forum for important policy statements, to the government's refusal to accept reforms to the method of appointments to House of Commons select committees, as recommended by the House of Commons Liaison Committee. Strong party discipline, coupled with sanctions which can affect the political careers of MPs for failure to obey the edicts of the party leadership, have limited the autonomy of MPs in Britain, and, to a varying degree, in other West European countries also. Certainly the German Bundestag has been criticized for being too much under the control of the leaderships of the political parties, in terms of voting on legislation, the stage-management of debates and the choice of leaders of the parliamentary parties (the removal by Chancellor Schröder of Scharping as leader of the SPD parliamentary party in 1998 at the instigation of Lafontaine, the then party chairman, is a notorious instance).
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Prianto, Budhy, Dwi Suharnoko, and Mardiyono. "Political Parties and the Recruitment Process of Local Government Heads in Malang Raya." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 8, no. 4 (November 26, 2018): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v8i4.13966.
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Direct elections for the head of local government were a process of recruiting leaders in regions that can guarantee the representation of local people through a democratic process. In this process, theoretically and constitutionally political parties have important and strategic roles and functions. Unfortunately, the oligarchic practice that engulfed almost all political parties has internally and externally recognized the basic principles of democracy in the process of recruiting prospective leaders in the region. The democratic process is only procedural, not substantial. So far it is strongly suspected that the process of regional head elections is more colored by transactional politics. This paper aims first, to obtain an overview of the recruitment process for the local head government candidates by political parties in Malang Raya region. Second, to describe the power of money in choosing candidates by the parties and the voters. Third, to explain the transactional political impact on the performance of elected candidates. Methods were using descriptive analysis with qualitative approach and become parts of investigational report. Data were collected from interview and documentation. The results were consist of three aspects: first, at the stage of nomination of candidates for local head of government internally in political parties there was a tendency for friction between central and local political party leaders. In turn, this friction brought the failure of their candidate in the local election. Second, even though there were allegations of transactional politics between candidates for regional heads and political parties carrying them or between political parties, the allegations were not supported by concrete data. Third, the selection process for the head of local governments in the Malang Raya area tends to be less consistent with the performance of the government, especially those relating to PAD, IKF, and HDI.
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Woo, Eun Hee. "Candidate Selection Reform in South Korea: The Persistence of Exclusive Practices Despite Inclusive Rules." Pacific Affairs 93, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 735–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2020934735.
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This paper analyzes how democratization has affected the dynamics of candidate selection in South Korea. After democratization in the late 1980s, it was expected that intra-party democracy would follow. In response to increasing public demand, the major parties adopted primary systems in the early 2000s. Nonetheless, most candidates for the legislature are still nominated by a small number of central party elites without additional ballots in the local branches. To explain the persistence of such exclusive, centralized features of candidate selection, I highlight the limited impact democratization has had on the political environment in which the parties operate. More specifically, since the 1987 democratization process resulted in a compromise agreement established by a small number of party leaders, South Korea retained much of the political legacy from authoritarian times, such as an electoral system advantageous to the major parties and legal provisions restricting electoral campaigns, party activities, and political participation. The continuation of these political institutions makes radical candidate selection reform highly unlikely as the party elites have no incentive to expand and decentralize the selection process. Without significant changes to the political institutions at the national level, the dominance of the central party elite over the final outcome of candidate selection looks likely to continue for the foreseeable future.
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Ceron, Andrea, and Marco Mainenti. "When rotten apples spoil the ballot: The conditional effect of corruption charges on parties’ vote shares." International Political Science Review 39, no. 2 (November 23, 2016): 242–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512116668858.
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The impact of corruption charges on the electoral performance of parties is conditioned by specific institutional factors. This article shows the extent to which the effects of political corruption depend on the control that party leaders exercise over the ballot. It is argued that voters might abstain or support other lists if they cannot select individual candidates to revitalize the reputation of the political party. Employing data on judicial investigations in Italy from 1983 to 2013, we provide evidence of the role of electoral rules and intra-party xcandidate selection in shaping the relationship between corruption and voters’ behaviour. Parties implicated in corruption or related crimes experience a loss of votes when they compete under a closed list formula or when the candidate selection process is strongly centralized.
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Zons, Gregor, and Anna Halstenbach. "The AfD as a ‚Leaderless’ Right-Wing Populist Party. How the Leadership-Structure Dilemma Left an Imprint on the Party’s Leadership." Polish Political Science Review 7, no. 1 (November 1, 2019): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2019-0003.
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AbstractDespite its right-wing populist character, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) shows no signs of a strong party leadership. We ascribe this state of the party leadership to the AfD’s institutionalization as a new party and show how organizational features interact with the skill set and goals of the party leaders. At the party level, we, firstly, outline the organizational change at the top of the party and the party leader selection rules. Secondly, we depict leadership turnover and competitiveness. At the leader level, we investigate the failure of Bernd Lucke, the key founder and one of the initial party leaders, as a manifestation of the leadership-structure dilemma of new parties. Embedded in a leadership team and faced with a growing extra-parliamentary party structure, Lucke tried to secure his initial autonomy and position of power by an attempt to become the sole party leader. His subsequent exit from the AfD laid bare the fact that he was not able to manage the challenges of the organizational consolidation phase, in which a new party needs a coordinator and consensus-builder. The AfD itself has proven its organizational autonomy from its initial leaders and its distaste for a strong and centralized party leadership. The barriers for the latter remain in place while, at the same time, the party institutionalization is still on-going, especially regarding its place in the German party competition.
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Turovsky, R. F., and M. S. Sukhova. "Party Leaders in the Regions of Russia: Analyzing the Logic of Resignations." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 106, no. 3 (September 9, 2022): 130–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2022-106-3-130-157.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the dynamics and factors that explain resignations of regional party leaders in Russia via the example of the United Russia and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF). The authors studied rotations of the leaders of the above mentioned parties’ regional branches and revealed the general logic of this process, documenting important differences in its intensity. Possessing limited resources, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation does not seek to frequently replace its first secretaries in the regions; on the contrary, the turnover within the regional organizations of the United Russia is extremely active. The authors found a correlation between personnel turnover in the United Russia and electoral cycles, with federal elections having a more profound effect on them than regional ones. In the recent years, resignations after elections have become a priority choice, while earlier, during the formation of the United Russia party network, replacements often took place during the preparation of election campaigns. In turn, the regression analysis has revealed only an unstable influence on the removal from office of regional leaders of Russian parties of external and internal factors, usually identified by researchers of Western democracies, including the results obtained by these parties in the elections. One possible explanation for this finding, according to the authors, could lie in the high importance of intra-party patron-client networks, the analysis of which is hampered by the difficulties with data verification. Another reason is the impact of the principles of personnel selection, set by the central party leadership, on the turnover. This influence is especially clear-cut in the United Russia that in the recent years has relied on the combination of the posts of regional party leaders and governors, the practice that was previously discouraged. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which is experiencing a shortage of personnel, is more likely to demonstrate a tendency towards conserving the party leadership. Therefore, the replacement of party secretaries in the CPRF is more often due to the advanced age or death of the former leader, as well as internal conflicts.
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Winarti, Novi. "Problematika Kelembagaan Partai Politik." KEMUDI : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 4, no. 1 (September 8, 2019): 112–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31629/kemudi.v4i1.1350.
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Political parties have functions representation, conversion and aggregation, integration, persuasion, repression, recruitment and selection of leaders, considerations and formulation of policies and control of the government. However, after the reform which was marked by the opening of the widest possible tap of democracy, it did not make all the functions of the political party work. Even today, the number of public dissatisfaction with the performance of political parties is still very high. So the thing that is interesting is why political parties in the reformation period experienced a crisis of representation functions. This study was conducted using qualitative desktiptif analysis methods through literature review. The study found that the crisis of representation functions experienced by political parties during the reform period was caused by the weakness of the political party institutions themselves, including the systemic aspects which caused weak formal representation, low values / ideology of political parties which caused weak symbolic representation and low authority what political parties have in making decisions leads to low political party substantive representation.
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Piscopo, Jennifer M. "When Informality Advantages Women: Quota Networks, Electoral Rules and Candidate Selection in Mexico." Government and Opposition 51, no. 3 (April 28, 2016): 487–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.11.
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As gender quotas change the formal rules governing candidate selection, party leaders use informal practices in order to preserve the choicest candidacies for men. This article uses a critical case to highlight how the opposite also occurs. In Mexico, female elites built informal, cross-partisan networks that, in collaboration with state regulators, successfully eliminated political parties’ practices of allocating women the least-viable candidacies. Traditional party elites rely on informal tactics to secure the status quo, but female party members devise their own strategies to force changes to candidate selection, signalling that informality cannot be theorized as wholly negative for women.
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U.B., Ahmad Riyadh, and Hendra Sukmana. "MODEL REKRUTMEN POLITIK CALON ANGGOTA LEGISLATIF OLEH PARTAI POLITIK DI KABUPATEN SIDOARJO." JKMP (Jurnal Kebijakan dan Manajemen Publik) 3, no. 2 (September 1, 2015): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.21070/jkmp.v3i2.191.
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The aim of this research was to discuss the model of recruiting candidates for legislative is conducted by political parties in Sidoarjo Regency. This research used descriptive qualitative. This research was conducted at the Governing Council of Political Parties in Sidoarjo Regency. Informants of this study were leaders of political parties in Sidoarjo, legislative candidates from political parties in Sidoarjo. The results showed that the model of recruiting candidates for legislative in accordance with collaboration models included models of Barber, Snowiss, Rush & Althoff et al. This can be seen from some of the steps in the recruitment socialization of registration, selection, after that determination of legislative candidate by a team of Election Campaign Boar (Bappilu) political party in the Sidoarjo Regency and the serial number in accordance with the criteria of the political party chairman and Election Campaign Boar (Bappilu). Furthermore, it is registered with the General Election Commission (KPU) Sidoarjo regency set to be candidates for Legislative (candidates) remain with serial numbers.
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Junaidi, Junaidi. "RECRUITMEN / KADERIZATION FUNCTION OF POLITICAL PARTY IN LOCAL ELECTION WITH SINGLE CANDIDATE." Melayunesia Law 4, no. 1 (June 29, 2020): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.30652/ml.v4i1.7761.
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The presence of political parties in the reform era is central, especially in filling important positions in the country. For example carrying presidential and vice presidential candidates as well as regional heads and deputy regional heads. of course before carrying out candidates, political parties must run the recruitment and regeneration functions of their members to be ready to be offered to voters as prospective leaders who have adequate capabilities and competencies. The quality of officials who occupy these positions is very dependent on the selection made by political parties. This paper discusses how the role of political parties in nominating regional heads, especially in areas that have only one pair of candidates. Where in areas with single cndidate, political parties tend to support together one candidate pair. This study concludes that political parties have failed to carry out the recruitment and regeneration functions with two things marked. First, the minimal number of candidates carried in the elections. Second, the nominees nominated are dominated by people who are not political party cadres but those who have had successful careers such as bureaucrats and financially successful entrepreneurs.
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Thomas, Melanee. "In Crisis or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government." Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 2 (February 5, 2018): 379–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917001421.
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AbstractThe majority of Canada's women premiers were selected to that office while their parties held government. This is uncommon, both in the comparative literature and among premiers who are men. What explains this gendered selection pattern to Canada's provincial premiers’ offices? This paper explores the most common explanation found in the comparative literature for women's emergence as leaders of electorally competitive parties and as chief political executives: women are more likely to be selected when that party is in crisis or decline. Using the population of women provincial premiers in Canada as case studies, evidence suggests three of eight women premiers were selected to lead parties in government that were in crisis or decline; a fourth was selected to lead a small, left-leaning party as predicted by the literature. However, for half of the women premiers, evidence of their party's decline is partial or inconclusive. As a result of this exploration, more research is required to draw generalizations about the gendered opportunity structures that shape how women enter (and exit) the premier's office in Canada.
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Wauters, Bram. "Turnout Rates in Closed Party Leadership Primaries: Flash and Fade Out?" Government and Opposition 50, no. 2 (January 22, 2014): 218–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.45.
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The organization of primaries in which all party members can participate is increasingly used by political parties to select their leader. We focus here on one of the consequences of these procedures – participation rates. Based on general participation theories (mobilization theory, instrumental motivation theory and learning theory) in combination with insights into the introduction and functioning of leadership primaries, we expect that the first time a party organizes leadership primaries, participation rates will be high, but that they will decline gradually afterwards. We have focused on direct member votes for the selection of party leaders in Belgium, Israel and Canada. Our results show that participation rates are not influenced by how many times such a contest is held in a party (only first-time participation tends to be higher), but mainly by how competitive the contest is.
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Andrews-Lee, Caitlin. "The Politics of Succession in Charismatic Movements: Routinization versus Revival in Argentina, Venezuela, and Peru." Comparative Politics 52, no. 2 (January 1, 2020): 289–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041520x15668413926547.
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Scholars suggest that charismatic movements must institutionalize to survive beyond the death of the founder. Yet charismatic movements around the world that have maintained their personalistic nature have persisted or reemerged. This article investigates the conditions under which politicians can use their predecessors' charismatic legacies to revive these movements and consolidate power. I argue that three conditions - the mode of leadership selection, the presence of a crisis, and the ability to conform to the founder's personalistic nature - shape successors' capacity to pick up their forefather's mantle and restore the movement to political predominance. To demonstrate my theory, I trace the process through which some leaders succeeded while others failed to embody the founder's legacy across three charismatic movements: Argentine Peronism, Venezuelan Chavismo, and Peruvian Fujimorismo. Alexander Lee, Incumbency, Parties, and Legislatures: Theory and Evidence from India Incumbent legislators in some developing countries are often thought to face an electoral disadvantage relative to challengers. This article traces this effect to high levels of centralization within the political parties and governments of these countries. In political systems dominated by party leaders, legislators face substantial formal and informal constraints on their ability to influence policy, stake positions, and control patronage, which in turn reduce their ability to build up personal votes. This theory is tested on a dataset of Indian national elections since 1977, using a regression discontinuity design to measure the effects of incumbency. Candidates less affected by centralization - those from less-centralized political parties and from parties not affected by restrictions on free parliamentary voting - have a low or non-existent incumbency disadvantage.
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Green, Matthew N. "Subverting the Organizational Cartel: Explaining Cross-Party Leadership Selection in U.S. State Houses." American Politics Research 48, no. 4 (December 6, 2019): 475–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x19892002.
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In the U.S. House of Representatives, the majority party constitutes an organizational cartel that monopolizes the selection of chamber leaders. But in state legislatures, that cartel power is sometimes circumvented by a bipartisan bloc that outvotes the leadership preferences of a majority of the majority party. Drawing from an original data set of instances of cross-party organizational coalitions at the state level, I use statistical analysis to test various hypotheses for when these coalitions are more likely to form. The analysis reveals that party ideology does not adequately explain the violation of these cartels; rather, violations depend on the costs associated with keeping the party unified and the benefits that come from selecting the chamber’s top leadership post. This finding underscores the potential vulnerability of organizational cartels and suggests that governing parties are strategic when deciding how fiercely to defend their cartel power.
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Bobba, Giuliano, Cristina Cremonesi, Moreno Mancosu, and Antonella Seddone. "Populism and the Gender Gap: Comparing Digital Engagement with Populist and Non-populist Facebook Pages in France, Italy, and Spain." International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no. 4 (August 2, 2018): 458–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218787046.
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This paper clarifies whether and to what extent populist communication could drive different gender-oriented reactions. We adopted an original research design intending Facebook as a natural environment where investigating the interaction between social media users and populist and non-populist parties. Our case selection considers three countries falling into the pluralist polarized media system: France, Italy, and Spain. A human content analysis was carried out on a sample of 2,235 Facebook posts published during thirty days in 2016 by the four main parties/leaders in each country. An original algorithm allowed to identify the gender of users liking each message. We tested whether men tend more to provide likes to messages posted by populist parties, messages published by radical populists, messages containing populist contents, and different components of populist messages. Findings confirm the existence of a gender-oriented reaction to populism: Men tend to support populist actors and parties on Facebook more than women do, by providing likes to their content. Yet the difference in gender gap between radical and moderate parties is not significant. We also found that the antielite component of populist discourse obtains more likes by male Facebook users. This pattern is common for both populist and non-populist parties.
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Hansen, Eric R., and Christopher J. Clark. "Diversity in Party Leadership in State Legislatures." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 20, no. 1 (November 1, 2019): 81–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440019885378.
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Members of historically underrepresented groups—women, African Americans, Latinos, and workers—are serving in American legislatures in increasing numbers. However, legislators wield substantially greater power in the lawmaking process when they hold leadership positions. Incorporation of these groups into leadership positions could indicate fuller political representation, but scholars to date have not assessed how well these groups are represented in leadership. We analyze original data describing the backgrounds of approximately 2,200 leaders in 30 states between 2003 and 2014. The data show that, on average across states, members of these groups are as well represented in state legislative leadership positions as they are in rank-and-file membership, but there is substantial variation across states and across parties. We then ask what factors might explain this variation and explore institutional characteristics, like the number of leadership positions or leader selection methods. The results show that legislative chambers with a higher number of leadership posts tend to have more women in leadership, and that selection through elections is associated with decreased African American presence in leadership. The findings have implications for minority incorporation and influence in American politics.
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Devansh Manu, Radhika Krishnan, and Ponnurangam Kumaraguru. "Analysing How the Shift in Discourses on Social Media Affected the Narrative Around the Indian General Election 2019." Journal of Advanced Research in Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (May 7, 2020): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/jarss.v3i1.296.
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The Lok Sabha Elections 2019 in the world’s largest democracy, India, was the biggest electoral event on the planet. These elections are key in the selection of the Prime Minister, the highest authority in the cabinet. Keeping in pace with the global trend, the Indian elections saw a very prominent use of Online Social Media by political parties to create a major discourse around the event. We focus our study on Twitter, collecting over 45 Million tweets, tracking more than 3500 hashtags and over 2500 political handles while monitoring their network interactions. In this work, we have analysed tweets from all these political handles to see how narratives were shaped and altered over time. We study these narratives formed by the party already in power and how they were supported or challenged by other parties. Spanning over 5 months, January to May 2019, we analysed the monthly changes in the rhetoric created by the leading political parties and leaders. We then discern the impact of these changes on existing narratives during the campaigning and the elections.
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Wijayanti, Septi Nur, and Kelik Iswandi. "Peran Organisasi Sayap Partai Politik dalam Kaderisasi Partai Politik di Indonesia." SASI 27, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 475. http://dx.doi.org/10.47268/sasi.v27i4.563.
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The political parties that emerge in Indonesia have a distinct catch-all character; they are dependent on individual figures and lack a defined socioeconomic foundation. For political parties, the regeneration process has become a struggle. Because certain political parties lack a clear regeneration system, oligarchic recruiting is a common occurrence. Religious affiliations, local links, local commonalities, and proximity to political party leaders all have a role in recruitment trends. This research aims to explain the role of the under bow of the political party on regeneration. This is a legal-normative study that relies on secondary data. The research material is divided into three categories: primary, secondary, and tertiary. The following factors, according to this study, influence political party regeneration and recruitment: 1) political dynasty has an impact on unhealthy regeneration; 2) political dowry has an impact on unhealthy competition among political party members; and 3) popularity factor has an impact on how quickly people can become political party members. Political parties' inability to recruit and regenerate has an impact on their capacity to fulfill their role as the primary source of national leadership selection. Alternative solutions to these problems include strengthening the under bow of political parties. The existence of under bow of political parties will aid in the transmission of political party doctrine. Political parties will be rewarded with the best members who will fight for their vision and goals. Furthermore, the under bow of political parties can serve as educational institutions for potential members before they join the party.
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Ponce-Rodríguez, Raúl A., Charles R. Hankla, Jorge Martinez-Vazquez, and Eunice Heredia-Ortiz. "The politics of fiscal federalism: Building a stronger decentralization theorem." Journal of Theoretical Politics 32, no. 4 (September 24, 2020): 605–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629820956287.
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We explore how party structures can condition the benefits of decentralization in modern democracies. In particular, we study the interaction of two political institutions: democratic (de)centralization (whether a country has fiscally autonomous and elected local governments) and party (non)integration (whether power over local party leaders flows upwards through party institutions, which we model using control over candidate selection). We incorporate these institutions into our strong decentralization theorem, which expands on Oates (1972) to examine when the decentralized provision of public services will dominate centralized provision even in the presence of inter-jurisdictional spillovers. Our findings suggest that, when externalities are present, democratic decentralization will be beneficial only when parties are integrated. In countries with non-integrated parties, we find that the participation rules of primaries have implications for the expected gains from democratic decentralization. Under blanket primaries, Oates’ conventional decentralization theorem holds but our strong decentralization theorem does not. By contrast, when primaries are closed, not even Oates’ conventional decentralization theorem holds.
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Tristiana, Wahyu, Ekapti Wahjuni Dj, and Dian Suluh Kusuma Dewi. "Analisis Proses Rekrutmen dan Kaderisasi Perempuan di Partai Gerakan Indonesia Raya Kabupaten Ponorogo." Journal of Government Science (GovSci) : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 4, no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.54144/govsci.v4i1.38.
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This paper aims to see how the Recruitment and Cadreization Process of Women in the Great Indonesia Movement Party, Ponorogo Regency. This study uses a qualitative descriptive research design approach. The results of the study stated that the Gerindra Party DPC Ponorogo Regency uses an open recruitment procedure using selection where every citizen has the right to receive equal treatment and to participate in the political process by joining a political party, not only the party also judges from the experience of the organization, popularity and financial potential of cadre candidates who are prepared as legislative candidates. The process of recruiting political parties is the beginning of political parties, the purpose of which is to prepare recruited cadres who can compete with political cadres from other parties and have the ability to carry out their duties and obligations when elected in the political competition. the recruitment process includes the process of preparing human resources so that in the future they become leaders who can better build the roles and functions of the party and this regeneration is carried out in stages and systematically. Even in political party institutions, affirmative action is carried out by requiring political parties to include at least female representatives in 30% of the establishment as well as in management at the central level
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Sandri, Giulia, and Antonella Seddone. "Sense or sensibility? Political attitudes and voting behaviour of party members, voters, and supporters of the Italian centre-left." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 45, no. 1 (March 2015): 25–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2015.2.
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We consider the effect of primary elections on party membership and electoral behaviour. Direct democracy instruments trigger significant changes in the role and behaviour of grassroots members. The case of the Italian centre-left parties, and particularly the Democratic Party, is in this sense relevant, as for over a decade these parties have been reaching out to supporters in order to include them into decision-making processes, such as the selection of party leaders and candidates to legislative and executive offices. The distinction between members and supporters has blurred. The article focuses on voting behaviour and party attachment of three different groups of primary voters – namely, party members, supporters, and external voters. What is the difference between these three groups with regard to voting behaviour and motivations in primary elections? And what is the difference with regard to voting intentions in general elections? We examine these issues using original survey data collected in 2012 during the centre-left coalition’s primary elections. We highlight the consequences of the differences between members and supporters with regard to their voting behaviour and motivations.
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Chafid, Nurul, and Herlina Soffiana. "IMPELEMENTASI ALGORITMA KRIPTOGRAFI KLASIK CAESAR UNTUK RANCANG BANGUN APLIKASI E-VOTING BERBASIS WEB (STUDI KASUS : SMAN 10 TANGERANG)." Jurnal Ilmiah Sains dan Teknologi 6, no. 2 (September 21, 2022): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.47080/saintek.v6i2.2249.
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Elections or we are familiar with the term voting are not only carried out in the election of the legislative council of political parties in a country, the election is also carried out in a school and university organization in the election of candidates for the chairman of the organization or student president. The voting system is always carried out by voting if political opponents or opponents of potential leaders experience the same vote. Voting is an activity carried out to choose a candidate for a predetermined election. In today's modern era, a lot of work is done automatically, including voting, which was previously done manually. Voting that is done manually is done by voting on paper, and the results are calculated on each paper which makes the calculation process take longer. Created a system that can facilitate the voting process. E-Voting is a candidate selection system and the most votes are made and processed in a digital system. System In this voting process there is a process for nominating candidates, selecting candidates, and voting results. With the existence of e-voting to conduct candidate selection with clear and not manipulated data. The data security process is carried out by encrypting data from an existing database using Caesar's Classical Cryptography Algorithm.
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Winzen, Thomas, Rik de Ruiter, and Jofre Rocabert. "Is parliamentary attention to the EU strongest when it is needed the most? National parliaments and the selective debate of EU policies." European Union Politics 19, no. 3 (March 12, 2018): 481–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518763281.
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When do parliaments debate European Union policies? Normative arguments suggest that debates enhance government accountability. Others warn of government bias, declining debate near elections, and parties avoiding Eurosceptic publics. Our conclusions are more differentiated. We argue that rank-and-file parliamentarians rather than leaders initiate debates. Political incentives guide their debate selection towards salient policies in the countries in which voters care most. However, where the motivation Eurosceptic publics provide and institutions facilitating rank-and-file agenda-setting are lacking, EU law-making and European Council priorities will raise little parliamentary attention. Analysis of original data, using a Bayesian and multilevel framework, lends credibility to our views. Claims of a government bias, election effects, or trends towards more debate are unlikely to hold in all countries.
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Bejko, Erindi. "Electoral Map Fixed by Law, as a Phenomena that Changes the Economy and Strongholds." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 2 (March 28, 2017): 327–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n2p2671.
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Abstract After emerging from communist dictatorship, with the implementation of the new political system, our country came under a few phenomena. As unlearned in this field started step by step to create a new political culture, pluralistic and built models of voting behavior. After years 90’ in everyday jargon of political discussion in Albania began to be used the stronghold, as a concept, in which showed the loyalty of the electorate in favor of one party. But over the years this process took shape choice of a phenomenon which became part of the scientific studies authenticated for representing fragments in certain parts of government either locally as well as centrally. Protracted situation of transition in Albania, forced international institutions to recommend the change of territorial configuration of the country. Political parties are often seen as actors who abuse their powerful position to extort bribes, providing members and followers with lucrative positions in public, or to channel public resources into the hands of party leaders and supporters. The main functions of political parties in modern democracies include mobilizing voters to support political agendas, selection of candidates for public office and the organization of election campaigns.
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Pohan, Mukmin. "Analysis of Political Education and Democracy Theory: Pattern of Political Recruitment in the Leadership Council of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera at the Natuna Regency Level." AURELIA: Jurnal Penelitian dan Pengabdian Masyarakat Indonesia 2, no. 1 (January 24, 2023): 133–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.57235/aurelia.v2i1.226.
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Political parties based on statutory arrangements, namely Law No. 2 of 2011 concerning Political Parties, regulates the functions of political parties, one of which is political recruitment. Of course, this arrangement is governed by the cadre section, without cadre formation it means nothing, political parties need a renewal of generations to renew their capacity to run political parties. The position in Indonesia's political development, especially in Natuna Regency, Riau Archipelago, must display quality leaders to manage the survival of the party. For example, the Prosperous Justice Party or in short PKS has pretty good electability in Natuna Regency. The PKS political recruitment process is regulated in statutes and bylaws intended for Indonesian citizens to regenerate party members. This study aims to determine the process of political recruitment of the Regional Leadership Council of the Prosperous Justice Party of Natuna Regency in selecting cadres for political positions and party positions and to find out what factors are the basis for determining political recruitment. The research used by the author is a qualitative research with descriptive method through an inductive approach. The author uses primary data and secondary data to obtain research data. Primary data comes from interviews conducted with informants while secondary data comes from KPU Regulation Number 20 of 2018 concerning PKS AD/ART, requirements for prospective legislative candidates, Management Structure of the Prosperous Justice Party Regional Leadership Council in Natuna Regency. Collecting data using interview techniques, qualitative observation and documentation. Results/Findings: The results of the study show that the recruitment system created by the Prosperous Justice Party in Natuna Regency is open recruitment by providing opportunities for all citizens to compete in the selection process. Then the determining factors in the political recruitment of the Regional Leadership Council of the Prosperous Justice Party in Natuna Regency were personality, party ideology and finances. Everyone who fulfills the requirements has the same opportunity to compete in both political and administrative positions. So, every candidate for the Prosperous Justice Party public office is decided by the Prosperous Justice Party DPD in Natuna Regency. According to Rush and Althoff, the pattern of PKS recruitment in determining legislative candidates for elections is closed.
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SÁNCHEZ, JAIME. "Revisiting McGovern-Fraser: Party Nationalization and the Rhetoric of Reform." Journal of Policy History 32, no. 1 (January 2020): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030619000253.
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Abstract:The Democratic Party faced a crisis of political legitimacy in the late 1960s as distrust and protest permeated its electoral base. In response, the Democratic National Committee established the Commission on Party Structure and Delegate Selection, tasked with restructuring the party’s presidential nomination process. Contrary to the conventional historical narrative of the McGovern-Fraser Commission that has focused on a supposed displacement of the party’s old guard by radical insurgents, this article instead argues that the main impetus for reform came from national party leaders seeking to build up the legitimacy and authority of the National Committee. Commission Chair George McGovern and the DNC used a particular reform rhetoric that charged state parties with the corruption of the political process, necessitating rescue by an empowered national party. This focus on the nationalizing impulses behind McGovern-Fraser serves to shift our attention away from ideological struggles and toward institutional motives.
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Batoa, Hartina, Mardin Mardin, and Dahlan Dahlan. "Analisis Faktor Pendorong Adaptasi Suku Bajo pada Kegiatan Usahatani di Desa Jawi-Jawi Kecamatan Bungku Selatan Kabupaten Morowali." Jurnal Ilmiah Membangun Desa dan Pertanian 5, no. 6 (December 31, 2020): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.37149/jimdp.v5i6.15534.
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The research was conducted in Jawi-Jawi Village, Bungku Selatan Subdistrict, Morowali Regency from February to March 2019. The location selection was carried out purposively deliberately) with the consideration that the people are Bajo people who work as fishermen. The determination of informants was carried out using the census method, totaling 8 people, and had carried out farming activities, consisting of Bajo ethnic fishermen, village heads, village secretaries, and community leaders. Collecting data using observation techniques, in-depth interviews, and documentation. Retrieval of data through interviews with informants based on a list of questions and related parties in farming activities. The data analysis used is descriptive qualitative analysis. The results showed that the factors driving the adaptation form of the Bajo tribe to farming activities were internal factors, namely the lack of income of fishermen, lack of fishing gear, lack of knowledge of fishermen, age of fishermen, and limited capital. Meanwhile, external factors are uncertain climatic conditions and the impact of mining activities.
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Cervi, Laura, and Santiago Tejedor. "Borders as the ultimate (de)Fence of Identity: an ontological security approach to exclusionary populism in Italy and Spain." KOME Online first (2022): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17646/kome.75672.83.
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This paper looks at the discursive construction of the concept of border and its interaction with identity in two exclusionary populist movements: Lega in Italy and Vox in Spain. The study, based on the analysis of an ad hoc selection of discourses by the two parties’ leaders, applies clause-based semantic text analysis to detect the main discursive representations of the “us” and the “others” as threatening ontological security and the performative role played by borders as the ultimate (de)Fence for identity. Results show that Matteo Salvini focuses his discourse on the manipulation of physical space, representing Italy as the space for Italians and proposing to “close the borders” as the only way to stop the “invasion”. Santiago Abascal, on his side, constructs Spanish identity as inherently and proudly “anti-Islamic”. Borders, therefore, are invalicable for those considered incompatible with local values, namely “Muslims”, represented as a “natural threat” to Spanish identity.
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Junaidi, Juliyana, Latifah Abdul Majid, and Mohd Arif Nazri. "The Role of Quran and Sunnah in Solving Leadership Failure." ‘Abqari Journal 27 (September 29, 2022): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33102/abqari.vol27no1.527.
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Social injustice issues that are skyrocketing in recent times have garnered attention from various parties. One of the issues includes leadership failure, which has caused an immense impact on the social structure. Strong leadership is essential in shaping society as it affects the growth of civilization. Unfortunately, the role of the Quran and Sunnah in guiding the leadership path has been abandoned by the leaders hence resulting in its crisis. Even though many scholars have provided the discussions of leadership’s crisis solutions, most of them are secular in essence due to the roles of revelations that have been continuously ignored and seen as irrelevant in the postmodern era. Therefore, this qualitative study aims to provide solutions to leadership failure through the exploration of the Quran and Sunnah. This study utilises the content analysis method to collect data whereby it combines descriptive and analytical approaches. First, the indicators of leadership incompetence are identified. Next, the solutions to these issues are analysed based on the Quran and Prophetic Sunnah. The result demonstrates that the Quran and Sunnah provide the best solution in solving leadership failure. Moreover, the divine revelations provide guidance to be a good leader for society so that a strong community will be built. The article unfolds five solutions, namely self-assessment before becoming a leader, selection of a strong and highly moral/ virtuous individual as a leader, fair distribution of wealth and opportunities, implementation of a just retribution system, and providing equal rights to different levels of people. Hence, the study is significant in emphasising the roles of revelation that should not be abandoned due to the timeless characteristics of the Quran and Sunnah.