Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Participation politique des femmes'
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Makki, Némat. "La participation des femmes à la vie publique libanaise." Grenoble 2, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994GRE21013.
This research studies the evolution of the women in libanon, and the women participation in the lebanese political life. The first part shows haw the feminist issue begins in the arab world in the mid nineteenth century and how the intellectuals tackle it. The second part tackle the women rights and personal status in the law and the economic life the education. The third part presents the women participation in the public and political life
Djibo, Hadiza. "La participation des femmes africaines à la vie politique : les exemples du Sénégal et du Niger /." Paris ; Montréal (Québec) ; Budapest [etc.] : l'Harmattan, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376564499.
Chiang, Chen-Yin. "La participation des femmes taïwanaises à la vie politique et sociale : la carrière politique des législatrices." Paris 8, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA082518.
The political participation is one of important indications to measure the process of participation of the citizenship. Taiwan has the highest percentage of women political participation (22,2%) in parliament in Asia. This research aims to find that those indications symbolize a real fact or simply an illusion ? What is the type that these women participate in the politics and what's their process in political socialization ? In this research we find five different types, "familial", "linkage with their husband", "decision by political machine", "participation spontaneity", and "Chüan-Tsun - village of garrison". These types present the process of political participation of Taiwanese women. Although Taiwanese women have an excellent note in politcs, they are still conservative when they are in the conflicts between political norm and gender norm in Legislative Yuan. At the same time, they cooperate frequently with the women organizations to reform the article of law for ameliorating the situation of women. Those female legislators who consider problems as the body security of women, the work of women, the inequity of the civil code, and the problems of marriage with the foreign women are the urgent issues for resolution of the Taiwanese women in the actual society
Gomez, Illescas Marta. "Lutte politique, participation effective au pouvoir : femmes des zones marginales de panama." Paris 3, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA030102.
Marginals areas's women of panama city have had an important, often decisive, participation in the politicals mouvements of seventies for the "canal zone" recovered. They have not taken profit of their struggle, in consequence, they couldn't have effectivly access to political power. These women had met a power structure issue from a masculine political model. Most of them are relegated on "services" economics activities that limits considerably leur degree of political conscience. The lower classes's panamenian women and their politicals organisations, couldn't be able to take a lead of the social change mouvement to impose their owns aims and their owns leaders in the highest politicals spheres
Achin, Catherine. ""Le mystère de la chambre basse" : comparaison des processus d'entrée des femmes au parlement : France - Allemagne, 1945-2000." Grenoble 2, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003GRE21027.
Langevin-Laprise, Marie. "Les relations entre la participation aux programmes de microfinance et les processus d'empowerment des femmes." Thesis, Université Laval, 2009. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2009/26527/26527.pdf.
Sa, Vilas Boas Marie-Hélène. "Du quartier à l'Etat : sociologie des publics des dispositifs participatifs brésiliens : le cas des conférences municipales des femmes de Recife et de Londrina." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1030.
Why do several Brazilian participatory institutions gather people who usually do not participate? This thesis attempts to analyse an “improbable” participation through the case of women's municipal conferences in Recife and Londrina. Although several studies highlight the role of participatory institutions designs to explain why people participate, I argue that it is the intricacy between social and participatory games which explains this mobilization. My main hypothesis is that poor women's participation depends on issues specific to popular districts and more precisely on the competition for representation in those territories.This doctoral research combines two levels of analysis: a microlevel approach, first, based on the study of women's trajectory and their practices of participation; a mesolevel approach, then, which aims at analyzing the emergence of participatory democracy in Brazil. These two levels of analysis show that poor women participation is the result of a singular history, during which the category participation has been linked to a territory, the popular districts, as well as individuals and collective dynamics of construction of legitimate spokespersons within them
Bella, M'ba Noella Maryse. "Comprendre l'engagement politique des femmes au Gabon." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH193.
Emerging from an initial questioning on Gabonese democracy, this research has evolved, not in order to emancipate itself from it, but to analyze one of its fundamental aspects which is too often put aside: the equality of gender representativeness. In Gabon, since the National Conference that established democracy in the early 1990s, the presence of women within Governments and major Institutions of the Republic has been permanent. Previously, the female groups were the main platform for their expression, limitating them to a peripheral practice in the political field. Now, they seem perfectly integrated into the sphere of responsibility.This doctoral thesis questions the commitment of women in the context of Gabon. It analyses in particular the construction of different identity among socially defined women, but also relationships between them, and the image of the political sphere that they build. It also deals with the adequacy between the women's practices and the realities of this field. In short, the main objective of this research is to analyse the perpetuation of the asymmetries between women and men in terms of responsibilities and representativeness.The main method consisted in semi-structured interviews of some 60 women and men representatives or activists from a dozen political parties of the majority and the opposition, of the associations, but also of Gabonese citizens and a variety of non partisan and not militant Gabonese people belonging to various social categories. Many theoretical assumptions have reinforced this study which is especially at the crossroads of the reproduction, of sex relationships, of domination, of the theory of social dominance, but also of symbolic violence and that are related to the imaginary of African creeds.This study provides insights into the political commitment of women in Gabon. Despite their increasing numerical presence, and the fact that the country has committed itself, on a continental and global scale to reduce inequalities between women and men and to improve the status of women, their existence as political actors remains precarious. This is visible through the positions they occupy and which remain intrinsically linked to the same major themes. In the end, the quantitative and qualitative under-representation of Gabonese women in terms of responsibilities is the result of many factors, including the difficulty to juxtapose their many binding identities, the need of maintaining a family organization undermined by the disappearance or changes of men’s sense of social manhood itself due to a greater presence of women at the top of the hierarchy, women's practices that are not suited to search and the conquest of power, as well as the important influence of traditional values inherited. Finally, the trimorphic organization of society, that is to say, its separation into three separate worlds, namely, the private sphere, the public sphere and the sphere of powers, makes the reality of Gabonese women’s political commitment more complex
Chourouba, Farma Marie-Madeleine. "Participation politique des citoyens et citoyennes : le cas des femmes en Côte d'Ivoire : essai historique." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/28559.
Chourouba, Marie-Madeleine Farma. "Participation politique des citoyens et citoyennes, le cas des femmes en Côte d'Ivoire : essai historique." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/NQ61221.pdf.
Choron, Juliette. "Le droit des femmes à la participation à la vie politique et publique en droit international." Thesis, Montpellier 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012MON10047.
Parity democracy is a goal shared by the International Community. The construction of the women's right to participation in political and public life is part of the logic of the principle of equality between men and women and respond both to a neutral and a gender approach of subjects of rights. This right of women to participate in the decision-making process is also one of the conditions of a genuine democracy, which implies a balanced participation of men and women and a taking into account their interests and needs. In practice, women are still under-represented at all levels of the decision-making. In order to move towards parity democracy, measures are therefore essential. Some belong to an equality of opportunity approach, while others go further in realizing equality of result. The follow-up of progress which occurs through a variety of mechanisms, also respects the distinction between neutral or gendered system. Unlike the second type, which places women at the heart of the process, the first appears to be less accurate and detailed in the analysis and recommendations making
Francis, Mireille. "Influence de la socialisation et des préjugés sur la participation des femmes libanaises à la vie politique." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO20049/document.
In 1952 the lebanese women acquired their right to vote. In the time, it was a triumph relatively to their fellow men of the nearby countries. But on the other hand, the Lebanese parliament is going to wait for 1963, so that the first woman reaches it. And the participation of the women in lebanese politics presents in 2008 only 4,7 % of the total of the parliament.In spite of the increase of the number of non-governmental organizations, women's movements and particular efforts concerning the feminine participation in politics: the presence of the women in the political field remains restricted.A study, on this matter, was made in 1997 and proved that the women were satisfied by their representation in the political field.Today we wonder if the students in 2008 will have developed an attitude different from that of the women in 1997? We wonder if the new generations of university academic level and the future Lebanese women confront a state of cognitive consonance concerning their participation with the political life? And as a consequence, if they are satisfied, if they live a psychic balance and they avoid the changes of attitudes or behavior susceptible to introduce some dissonance?We wonder, on the contrary, if the new generations of university academic level and the future Lebanese women confront rather a state of susceptible cognitive dissonance with a likely change in their participation in the political life? In other words, the students will be pulled between their traditional experiences favorable to their absenteeism of the political life on one hand and between their experiences of university education favorable to their promotion in all the domains of the social life, and among others the political life, on the other hand? We supposed that the new feminine generations which pursue university studies live a state of dissonance between two dissonant cognitions: it is on one hand about cognitions of socialization, about stereotypes, about prejudged, about the habit and the representations and on the other hand, the cognitions of the education and about instruction. And the hypothesis of the thesis proposed that the situation of dissonance probably lived by the young students motivates them to change their attitudes and as a consequence incites them to reduce this dissonance by eliminating or by reducing the importance of the dissonant cognitions.The technique used to detect the truthfulness of the hypothesis was the non directive interview with 51 university students.The results of the study confirmed the credibility of the hypothesis. Almost all the students announced their dissatisfaction towards the feminine participation in politics. But on the other hand the investment of the women in the political field decreased in the general election in June 2009, from 6 parliamentary women to 4 women. A reflection on the obstacles in front of the commitment of the women in the political work deducted that the demographic imbalance as well as the gendered socialization are both responsible of the feminine absence of the political arena. A proposition of the feminine quota within the parliament stays a choice among the others whom has to show validity
Diagne, Rokhaya. "La loi sur la parité de 2010 à 2022 : étude de la participation politique des femmes dans les institutions de représentation au Sénégal." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université de Montpellier (2022-....), 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024UMOND003.
On May 28, 2010, Senegal adopted Law No. 2010-11 of May 28, 2010, instituting absolute parity in fully or partially elective bodies. The new law, a significant advancement in the fight against the political under-representation of women, aims to rebalance the political landscape dominated by men and to promote the development of policies sensitive to women. However, despite the existence of the law requiring gender alternation on candidate lists, men continue to dominate the political sphere.This thesis aims to examine the explanatory logics behind male control of the Senegalese political space, as well as the responses that women offer to this situation and the importance they place on addressing the primary needs of Senegalese women. The latter consideration was one of the major arguments put forth by advocates of parity during the mobilization for the adoption of the law. In doing so, we demonstrate that male dominance in politics dates back to the colonial period and was reinforced during the early years of Senegal's independence.Moreover, women, who have historically supported men in politics, only obtained citizenship late in the colonial period, allowing them to participate officially in political life. However, whenever they attempted to assert themselves in the public sphere, they were constrained by men who limited their actions to electoral mobilization for their benefit. Seizing the international context and the will of the Head of State, Abdoulaye Wade, in favor of improving their political representation, women secured the parity law that establishes gender equality in elective mandates.Similarly, the thesis revisits the content of the law, its sources, as well as the various oppositions and obstacles affecting its effectiveness. It also revisits the resistance developed by men, enabling them to bypass parity and dominate the decision-making bodies of representative institutions. Lastly, through interviews conducted with elected officials from the National Assembly, the HCCT, the departmental council of Mbacké, and the municipal council of Saint-Louis, the research examines the strategies and resources that women have developed to legitimize themselves in politics and attempt to escape male control. It also examines the identity and political trajectory of female elected officials, highlighting that the organization and functioning of institutions, as well as the political dependence of these women on political leaders, particularly at the local level, pose challenges to substantial female representation in representative institutions in Senegal
Drechselová, Lucie. "Femmes et pouvoir local : processus d’engagement et trajectoires politiques féminines en Turquie." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH093.
This thesis focuses on the issue of women’s under-representation in local politics in contemporary Turkey. The intermediary level of politics – party presence in municipalities – is studied with a double approach distinguishing among political parties (AKP, CHP, MHP, and the pro-Kurdish HDP & DBP) as well as among cities (Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır). The Anglo-American body of literature in political sociology is put into dialogue with the French research in the fields of sociology of mobilization, of political elites and of institutions. Gendered perspective is transversal to the whole thesis. Field work was done in 2014, 2015 and 2016 in Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır and took the form of non-participant observation and semi-directed interviews with two hundred female municipal councilors and women holding an intra-party office. Conceptually, seeing parties as heterogeneous entities allows us to study exchanges that take place within the party hierarchy. The place and role of women in the candidate selection processes questions the artificial separation between the “local” and the “national”. Throughout the demonstration, it becomes clear that women’s profiles and political carriers are intrinsically linked to modalities of their access to electoral mandate, which in turn determines the ways in which women embody their role as elected figures. The distinctive party ethoses contribute to privilege specific individual and collective strategies over others. The research concludes with the finding that in order to understand the levels of women’s local representation as well as its modalities, the “party” criteria has bigger explanatory value than the localconfigurations, even though these two perspectives are in fine inseparable
Frey, Sandra. "La dimension du genre dans l'engagement politique local : enquête dans l'Hérault, 1983-1995." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003IEPP0013.
Lacombe, Delphine. "Violences envers les femmes : sociohistoire d'un enjeu public Nicaragua (1979-2008)." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0151.
This thesis analyses the way a public issue is constructed - violence committed against women - and integrated into the various forms of Nicaraguan politics, Sandinist-revolutionary (1979-1990) and post-revolutionary (1990-2007). The issue emerges at first through the fights led by a second wave of Nicaraguan feminism, colluding as well as colliding with the governing and administrative apparatus of revolutionary society. In this context, the actions and ideological conversions of feminist militancy gradually reintegrate their claims and demands into liberal/democratic rhetoric and Human Rights language. The renewed composition of political forms in the early post-Sandinist era lead to the simultaneous exposure and occultation of the issue of "violence against women and girls". These contradictory dynamics appear in the legal re-characterisation of "abuse" and "rape" into "sexual and domestic violence", disconnected from the war context, and ignoring the gender of the perpetrators. Thus, a new legal regime emerges, based both on the heritage of Christian tradition and the conservation of moral order, and on the discovery of individual consent. An analysis of two cases, "Narvaez vs Ortega" (1998-2008) and "Fletes vs Fletes" (2003-2007), provides for a review of the history of these successive re-characterisations, based on apparent consensus, revealing the controversies that underpin them. The sum of this work aims at using the sociohistory of a public issue in order to bring to light the gender of social change, as well as its disruptive effects on a society after two revolutionary periods (Sandinist and democratic) in less than 30 years, exemplary of the major Western political and ideological shifts of the end of the 20th century
Smires, Yasmine. "Politiques publiques et participation citoyenne des femmes aux radios communautaires au Sénégal : impacts sur les droits économiques et civils." Thesis, Université Laval, 2009. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2009/26261/26261.pdf.
Radio has been a really important communication medium for African countries. The democratization experienced by the African countries helped to liberalize the media landscape. Furthermore, this liberalization helped the development of a specific kind of radio, community radios, that have ability of giving a voice to the voiceless. Beside the insufficient integration of women in the community radios, this study shows that this new communication tool has a relative importance on women’s economic and civil rights. The study shows what these impacts are, as well as their limits, and the place of governmental and non-governmental institutions in the development of this medium.
Henríquez, Ayin Narda. "Acteurs et sujets dans le Pérou contemporain : protestations régionales et mobilisations des femmes depuis 1975." Paris, EHESS, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EHES0084.
This work purpose is to contribute to the understanding of the actor's constitution and social mobilizations in Peru, analyzing regional protest and women's mobilizations since 1975. We approach to changes from the periphery rather than the centre. Leadership in these sectors has maintained continuity in the country in spite of economic adjustment, armed conflict and political instability. Large trends are shown in a first section, dealing with formation of social actors from the seventies to the nineties. A second section refers to women's experiences and strategies at the grassroot level. A third section includes the analysis of regional protest. The study of women's mobilizations refers to "glass of milk" grassroot organizations and leaders, and soup kitchen organizations in Lima's popular neighborhoods and indigenous peasant women of the Mantaro's Valley. Regional protest's analysis, refers to events in Cusco characterized by continuous mobilizations, and in Huancayo where regional protest is less frequent. This thesis is related to changes observed in the relation between collective action and personal experience which allow us to explore structural and subjective factors
Brandler-Weinreb, Jessica. "Participation politisation et rapports de genre : changement social en milieu populaire (Venezuela, 2002-2012)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA145/document.
This PhD dissertation is about women’s relations to politics, viewed from the perspective of the popular background’s local participation. During the Chavez’s governments in Venezuela, the State’s will to favour local participation and fight against gender’s inequalities allows ordinary actors’dynamics and individual paths to meet and in the meantime, to make them visible. These actors occur to be mostly women. The Bolivarian participation politics is performed from the daily experience and interpersonnal relationship. The local State institutions - that are the Consejos Locales de Planificación Pública and the Consejos Comunales - intertwine public and private space. In this matrifocal country, this territorialized politics allows women from popular background to convert their authority into a political ressource that has been acknowledged and institutionnalized. This process changes the relationships to oneself, to the family and the community but to the institutionnalized power as well, going as far as to transform relationships between the ruling classes and the ones who are ruled by them. Based on a seven years research and a two years fieldwork, this PhD dissertation associates sociological studies’classic techniques and new tools revealing the importance of the affective turn brought by the participative experience in the interviewees’s life
Nicklasson, Stina. "Högerns kvinnor : problem och resurs för Allmänna valmansförbundet perioden 1900-1936/37 /." Stockholm : Almqvist & Wiksell, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36657007c.
Masse, Johanna. "Femmes de/en guerre : voi(es)x de l’engagement féminin face à la violence armée dans le nord de l’Irlande (1968-1998) et en Palestine (1967-2000)." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/69527.
When it comes to political violence, the way in which women are represented very often betrays problematic, essentialist gendered representations. The idea that women, because of their reproductive capacities, are naturally opposed to violence and inherently peaceful has long prevailed. Unlike men, for whom the use of violence for political purposes has been widely accepted as rational, women are often depoliticized in the event of violent action. This depoliticization of actions then passes either by a privatization of the field of action (from the public sphere to the private sphere), or by a disempowerment of the author of the action (pathologization of the personality and thus of the causes). Even today, this biological justification persists, consciously or unconsciously, tending not only to favor an invisibilization of the political dimension of women's action, but more specifically an invisibilization of female political violence. This is characterized by an almost automatic assimilation of women to the category of "victims." This is particularly the case in situations of armed conflict where this invisibilization is reinforced by what is perceived as a very minor participation of women. Based on the case studies of the Northern Irish (1968-1998) and Palestinian (1967-2000) conflicts, the objective of this thesis is to question this representation of female participation by analyzing the multiple ways in which it has been expressed, in space and in time. Thus, borrowing a symbolic interactionist approach in an interpretive orientation of social reality, we are interested in women's political engagement during armed conflict through the methodology of life stories. More specifically, based on interviews with women who have - directly or indirectly - experienced the conflict, as well as autobiographical testimonies collected in the literature, we have analyzed the processes of politicization and female trajectories during these conflicts. We have done so both through their spatial and temporal dimensions. Thus, it is firstly from the spaces of the house and the street, allowing us to question the traditional dichotomy between private sphere and public sphere, then from the space of the prison, as a closed institution, that we apprehended the female commitment in its spatial dimension. Then, using the notion of biographical availabilities and the concepts of repertoire of actions and political opportunity, we examined women's commitment in its temporal dimension. Together, the two dimensions allow us to put forward the agential capacity of women in times of armed conflict, which is expressed in a complex and entangled manner.
Luci, Angela. "Women's labour market participation interacting with macroeconomic growth and family policies." Phd thesis, Université de Pau et des Pays de l'Adour, 2009. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00638278.
Gomez, Illescas Marta. "Luttes politiques et participation effective au pouvoir étude de cas, les femmes des zônes marginales de la ville de Panama, 1972-1982." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37597953t.
Le, Cour Grandmaison Olivier. "Les citoyennetés en révolution : 1789-1794." Paris 1, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA010253.
Citizenships in revolution. The aim of these research is to study how the first and second "constituants" thought citizenship during the French revolution. After having declared all men free and equal in rights, the revolutionaries of 1789 erected a restricted suffrage excluding many people from political rights. What are the origins of these restrictions? Who are the excluded people and why are they left out? What are the privileges of the political action? These are the questions we studied up to the rise of the "republique" and the abolition of the restricted suffrage. Two ways of thinking confront each others: Condorcet tends to establish citizenship on human rights and the jacobins want to establish citizenship on the idea of vertue and will slowly destroy it during the "terror". Finally the revolution is confronted to minorities: negro people, jews, women. The problem concern the contact to other peoples of which the ethnic, cultural, religious ans sexual differences are thought as many obstacles to their integration to the political community. The aim of this study has been to reconstituate these debates, study their stakes and the citizen's birth. It also helps to understand the revolutionnary process and its limits to establish real democratic life
Collignon, Anne-Françoise. "La parole et la dissidence : engagements féminins au sein du Hizbut Tahrir en Indonésie." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0172.
The Indonesian Hizb ut -Tahrir, "Social Organization" whose origins come from the Middle East, aims to establish a caliphate with the sharia as the only law. Because it is legal in Indonesia, the Women's Branch of Hizb ut -Tahrir Indonesia (the Muslimah Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia) offers through its Collective Actions and Mobilization (or recruitment) Process, a high Visibility of their Activities. This current Visibility allowed us to conduct a Field among its Members between 2009 and early 2013. This Field gave us the Opportunity to try and understand the Motivation of these Women to become Activists and to build a new Identity in an Organization such as the MHTI. The MHTF Framing Structures induces a Plurality of Approaches to female Audiences. We can raise the following Question : do these Communication Strategies give MHTI's Women an Opportunity to stand out from the Leadership of HT's Line whose Leadership is forbidden for Women ? Or "on the Contrary", is the Space given to Women a Way to strengthen the role of Men? What is the Degree of Dissidence tolerated by MHTI Women ? Finally, the Method of HT which has a Form of Interaction with the Society raises the Question of its Discourse Reception among the People. Is it seen as a form of oppression or on the contrary, is it an opportunity of an opening to Discussion? How does a global Discourse adjusts to local and social Realities?
Mabo, Solenn. "Les citoyennes, les contre-révolutionnaires et les autres : participations, engagements et rapports de genre dans la Révolution française en Bretagne." Thesis, Rennes 2, 2019. http://www.bu.univ-rennes2.fr/system/files/theses/2019_theseMaboS.pdf.
Focused on gender relations in the political field, this thesis revisits the traditional image of fanatical and counter-revolutionary Breton women by analysing the ways of their participation in the Revolution, whether they supported it, fought against it or got otherwise involved. From major actions to everyday interventions, their commitment is compared with that of men to observe how gendered political practices and identities are manifested and recomposed. After an introduction presenting the place of women in Breton society in the eighteenth century, the study proceeds along three major axes. The first presents how they participated in the pre-revolutionary sequence and then invested the new spaces of citizenship. The second explores the margins of political participation by observing how ordinary women were more or less voluntarily involved in revolutionary dynamics. The third and last part focuses on the resistance to the Revolution, from religious struggles to Chouannerie, and shows how some counter-revolutionary feminine destinies were forged. The present work is based on the exploitation of very scattered archives and engages in a reflection on the mechanisms of the highlighting or the occultation of women in the events and the documentation. By revealing a whole range of previously ignored or inconspicuous feminine interventions, this thesis offers another history of the Revolution in Brittany, which can foster a better understanding of the whole revolutionary process and enrich the history of gender relations in crisis or conflict situations
Betto, Janaina. "CHEGA DE FICAR DE FORA JÁ CHEGOU A HORA DE PARTICIPAR: TRAJETÓRIA POLÍTICA DO MMC/SC E O ENGAJAMENTO MILITANTE DAS DIRIGENTES JOVENS CAMPONESAS." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2016. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/8931.
A presente dissertação tem por objeto de estudo o Movimento de Mulheres Camponesas de Santa Catarina, fundado em 1983 na região do Oeste Catarinense e inicialmente denominado Movimento de Mulheres Agricultoras (MMA). Buscou-se compreender a trajetória política do MMC/SC a partir de suas experiências organizativas e o processo de engajamento militante das jovens dirigentes, considerando as experiências vividas em período anterior e posterior à militância no MMC/SC. A perspectiva de análise de trajetória é baseada nas contribuições teórico-metodológicas de Pierre Bourdieu sobre tal processo. Nesse sentido, incorpora-se essa noção para evitar uma análise que siga a lógica de histórias enquanto sucessão de acontecimentos históricos, entendendo trajetória enquanto uma construção realizada a partir da consideração da série de posições que os sujeitos ocupam ao longo de suas vidas. Foram realizadas análises de documentos do movimento, análise de jornais e revistas disponíveis online na Hemeroteca Luta pela Terra , acompanhamento de um encontro do MMC e entrevistas abertas com dirigentes. A partir do material gerado construiu-se a base de dados primários para as análises da dissertação. Na década de 1980 as mulheres do campo se organizam em Santa Catarina motivadas por questões de classe e de gênero, mas pautando principalmente o reconhecimento da identidade profissional de trabalhadoras rurais e a conquista de direitos sociais de cidadania. Diante disso, organizam seu próprio movimento específico de mulheres como forma de aproximação com a política e entre o final da década de 1980 e início de 1990, as militantes do MMA passam a questionar a autonomia do movimento em relação a instituições como a Igreja e sindicatos. Já na década de 1990 foi possível evidenciar elementos que revelam os caminhos para a transição de MMA/SC para MMC/SC, sobretudo a partir as experiências organizativas do movimento, os espaços de socialização das militantes e a aproximação com o conjunto de movimentos sociais que compõe a Via Campesina e com influência das significativas transformações políticas e econômicas ocorridas no Brasil na década de 1990. A partir da consolidação do MMC do Brasil e entrada na VC, o movimento passou por diversas transformações, sendo uma delas a centralidade em debates relacionados a modelos de agricultura, o que culminou na construção de um modelo de agricultura camponesa que considera o espaço rural enquanto um espaço de vida e de diversidade, para além das questões produtivas. É nesse período que ocorre o reconhecimento da juventude enquanto ator político e o engajamento militante das jovens camponesas. As experiências das jovens são marcadas pela socialização em um rural de incertezas e de relações familiares hierarquizadas, no entanto, com a particularidade de comporem famílias com trajetórias ascendentes e envolvimento político, o que favoreceu a aproximação das jovens com o movimento. A partir do envolvimento com uma série de responsabilidades e com as práticas políticas do movimento, as jovens incorporam a identidade coletiva de camponesas, mas com base na perspectiva de um rural transformado. O movimento específico de mulheres é considerado por suas militantes enquanto um local legítimo e ideal para a militância, sobretudo pela sua leitura de indissociabilidade entre questões de classe e de gênero.
Ruel, Manon. "Changements et enjeux dans la commercialisation alternative de l'artisanat andin : retombées sociales et politiques de la participation des femmes autochtones à des associations de commerce alternatif à La Paz et à El Alto, Bolivie." Thesis, Université Laval, 2007. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2007/24655/24655.pdf.
Pionchon, Sylvie Derville Grégory. "Les femmes et la politique /." Grenoble : Presses universitaires de Grenoble, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39127916r.
Custodi, Giulia. "Architecture urbaine, Gender Mainstreaming et impact du féminisme." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2022. https://accesdistant.sorbonne-universite.fr/login?url=https://theses-intra.sorbonne-universite.fr/2022SORUL100.pdf.
This thesis explores the possibilities of a gender-sensitive urban architecture, under an intersectional feminist prism. Since the end of the 1990s, experiments in this direction have begun to become more and more numerous, starting from the pioneering example of Vienna, which has become the city of reference par excellence. This thesis is particularly interested in Parisian experiments, while keeping a comparative vision with projects in other European cities. As axes influencing urban architecture, public policies and activism are also explored, at the French and Italian level. Their contribution highlights the potential for symbolic and material reinvention of urban architecture, shifting from the heteropatriarchal system towards greater inclusion and spatial justice. The basic questions of this work are based on the influence of feminist theories in the professional practice of architects and urban planners, on their role in the transformation of approaches to the city and urban planning, as well as in the transformation of architectural and urban aesthetics. Through a situated, reflexive and interdisciplinary methodological approach, stemming from the disciplines of architecture and urban planning, the fieldwork carried out had the objective of seeking trends, evolutions and constants in the design process of gendered urban architecture. Taking into account the temporal evolution of mentalities on gender, and the increasingly deep awareness of feminist issues, this thesis has critical approach to Gender Mainstreaming
Freedman, Jane. "Femmes politiques : mythes et symboles /." Paris ; Montréal : l'Harmattan, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376198150.
de, Montigny Gauthier Pascale. "Motivations d'engagement politique des femmes parlementaires rwandaises." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23305.
Garreau, Bernard. "Femmes et politique : le cas des femmes élues en Sarthe de 1945 à 2010." Phd thesis, Université du Maine, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00714657.
Lama-Rewal, Stéphanie Tawa. "La représentation des femmes sur la scène politique : étude comparée du Bengale occidental, du Maharashtra et du Népal." Aix-Marseille 3, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999AIX32055.
Mouzaia, Laura. "Générations de femmes kabyles : changement politique et social." Toulouse 2, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996TOU20089.
This a social political and cultural analysis of three kabyl women generations the traditional ones : whe have suffered custom, lawof men. The transition ones : middle generation which have known tear. The third generation : assimilated women who claim for equality of nights. This way is asserted while laicity is respected that means necessary distance to god. So that a part of feminine is saved because they escaped from male domination
Romagnan, Barbara Marie Jean-Louis. "Les femmes font-elles de la politique autrement ?" Lyon : Université Lumière Lyon 2, 2003. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/sdx/theses/lyon2/2003/romagnan_b_notice.
Nkolo, Asse Sosso Ginette Patience. "Les femmes entrepreneures dans la société politique camerounaise." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BORD0067/document.
With the return to multi party system in Cameroon in the 1990s,Cameroon’s state witnessed the rise of new players, including womenentrepreneurs. This thesis aims at determining the structural lessons learnedfrom the sociopolitical dynamics of women entrepreneurs in social and politicalsphere about the functioning of Cameroon’s political system with regard togender. Through this inquiry, our goal is to see how the entry of women ingeneral and mainstreaming of women entrepreneurs in particular in the politicalsystem results in a change of ethos on cameroon’s political life which is stronglymarked by the ethos of notability-seniority and manhood and mainlycharacterized by the governance of manducation and policy of self-replication
Dutoya, Virginie. "La représentation de la nation à l’épreuve de la différence de genre : quotas et représentation des femmes dans les Parlements de l’Inde et du Pakistan." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2012. https://buadistant.univ-angers.fr/login?url=https://bibliotheque.lefebvre-dalloz.fr/secure/isbn/9782247138302.
This research analyzes women’s political representation in the indian and pakistani parliaments, from the british raj onwards. Grounded on a theoretical framework which integrates a comparative and historical sociology of the State, this study aims at confronting the construction and transformation of two representatives systems, stemming from the same matrix, colonial India. Gender, defined as the social construction of sexual difference and hierarchy, enables us to question the ideal of an abstract citizenry, formed by unmarked and equal citizens. The study of women’s access to parliament unveils the difficulties to accommodate the ideal of liberal and democratic representation with the existence of differences and inequalities between citizens. Beyond the obvious numerical under-representation of women (vis-à-vis their demographic weight), the analysis of the sociological and political profile of indian and pakistani parliamentarians since 1947 reveals that women’s misrepresentation can be explained only by looking at the intersections of various systems of domination, from caste to class. Moreover, the existence of quotas (for women and other groups) early in the 20th century shows an enduring concern for the social representativeness of political institutions. Yet, quotas aim at representing limited interests, while the legitimacy of the “universal citizen”, a man, as the representative of the nation, is not challenged. Gender quotas, as they were reintroduced in both countries in the late nineties, do not constitute a major rupture, as they enable the States to arbitrate between competing claims of political recognition, by defining politically legitimate categories
Morales, Díez de Ulzurrun Laura. "Instituciones, movilizacion y participacion politica : el asociacionismo político en las democracias occidentales /." Madrid : Centro de estudios políticos y constitucionales, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb413702484.
Astor, Pierre-François. "Jeanne-Paule Sicard,1913-1962 : l'anonymat et l'influence politique." Nice, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999NICE2032.
Barbeau, Carole. "L'environnement de socialisation politique des jeunes femmes au Québec." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ58440.pdf.
Laurent, Evelyne. "Les fondements d'une politique de l'emploi pour les femmes." Rouen, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985ROUELLAU.
Vallet, Louis-André. "La mobilité sociale des femmes en France : la participation des femmes aux processus de mobilité sociale intergénérationnelle." Paris 4, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA040183.
This thesis proposes a large research program to include women in the study of intergenerational social mobility in France. The topics studied are occupational mobility, marital mobility and the degree to which personal characteristics of wives and mothers are significant elements to understand the trajectories of families within the social structure. The national data used come from the 1962. 1968, 1975, 1982 population census, the “enquete sur l'emploi” de 1953 and the surveys “formation-qualification professionnelle” carried out by the Institut National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques during the years 1970, 1977 and 1985 on national representative samples (about forty thousand men and women each). Quantitative and statistical analysis uses log-linear modeling, path analysis, correspondence analysis and logistic regression. The thesis presents a large number of results which are important for the orientation of future research on intergenerational social mobility in France
Aravena, Rivera Patricia. "Construction du sens dans le discours politique de la femme." Paris 5, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA05H070.
Serrano, Claudia. "Femmes : changement culturel, identité et citoyenneté : étude de l'action collective des femmes sous la dictature militaire au Chili." Paris, EHESS, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992EHES0024.
In the 1980s, a collective action phenomenon took place among women of the middle and lower classes in chile. This did not attain the importance of a social movement, but was more like a kind of cultural movement in the sense that it represented a critique against traditionalism and a cry for modernization. The women's movement was a combination of specific gender identity, social integration and political representation. But these three elements were somewhat contradictory, achieving coherence only in the political sphere. The notions of identity and equality appeared to negate each other. No balance was possible : the women either entrenched themselves behind cultural aspects, severely criticizing the egalitarian perspective out of fear of co-optation of the feminist discourse by the politicians, or they marched decidedly into the political game, seeking to form part of the political class. The will to participate was stronger than the motion for a feminine specificity, so that in fact the women were closer to an alliance with the new governing elite than to an authentic modernizing cultural movement
Boyd, Marie-Pierre. "Crises politiques, images des femmes et représentations du pouvoir." Paris, EHESS, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002EHES0116.
Because the women, as critical group, act preferently on the public scene during the troubles and disorder’s periods, it can be interesting to ask if the political crisis that France has known during the XXth century (1936, 1940-1945, 1968) have been decisive for their access to citizenship and the political capacity. Is the political crisis favourable to the women? Have these crisis transformed the social sex relationships? Have they broken the historical linearity? Women’s images, imaginary production, can help to determinate it. We can consider indeed that images contain “the substance of politics”: they explain and justify a power’s representation that traditionally excludes women from the public, institutional and real power. In other words, images show not only how the women are thought in the political and social organization but too how this organization is thought itself, that is to say, which are its main values and principles. If we examine more particularly women’s images during the crisis time – considered as a crisis of the traditional’s power representation – we can show a coincidence between women’s political power exclusion and a process for restablishing order. We have to question this coincidence. A reflexion about the recent French law for political parity complete this sociological research
Buitelaar, Maria Wilhelmina. "Fasting and feasting in Morocco : women's participation in Ramadan /." Oxford : Berg, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35669978x.
Champ, Hannah. "Critical Feminist Institutional Analysis of Haiti’s «Politique d’egalité femmes hommes»." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/38011.
Pionchon, Sylvie. "Les femmes et la politique : éléments d'explication d'une sous-représentation." Grenoble 2, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001GRE21023.
Guéraiche, William. "Les femmes de la vie politique française, de la Libération aux années 1970 : essai sur la répartition du pouvoir politique." Toulouse 2, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992TOU20069.
Has the granting of the civil liberties to women had any impact on how politics functions ? After the liberation, it seems to had. Yet, since the coming of the fourth republic, women's involvement in politics has been limited. A new political system took shape in which the participation of women was limited. In the nineteen seventies, this political system was contest but not to the point where it was properly challenged