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Finessi, Martina. "Muslims' participation in Ethiopian Civil Society: findings from field research in Addis Ababa." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Historia, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-11852.
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This thesis is an investigation into the Ethiopian Civil Society, with a focus on Muslims’participation and activities. This research is the result of a series of interviews carried on in AddisAbaba during my staying there thank to a scholarship from Pavia University.Chapter One is a general introduction of the study, presenting the object, the methodology anduse of sources as well as the state of the current research of the topics covered by this research.Chapter Two is a framework chapter about Islām in Ethiopia offering an historical perspective aswell as focusing on its characteristics and current developments. Chapter Three deals withEthiopian Civil Society characteristics and with its legal framework. Chapter Four constitutes thecore of this research: in it, I collected the findings of my research describing the presence ofMuslims into Ethiopian Civil Society. I analyzed the activities and characteristics of the differentorganizations and associations that I met in Addis Ababa, their self-representation concerningtheir being related with Islām and their opinions on Muslims’ marginalization and lack of nonpoliticizationin Ethiopia. A set of conclusions constitutes the last section of the thesis.
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Bandele, Oluwafemi Ayodele. "Religious participation of Christians and muslims fostering mutual social trust in Nigeria? : an exploration theological study." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96127.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Several disciplines and scholars in the interdisciplinary field of Missiology and Science of Religions are probing the concept of ‘mutual social trust’. This research provides an exploratory and descriptive study of 1,516 individual Christians and Muslims in Nigeria, with a focus on whether religious participation is fostering mutual social trust among the ‘religious Other’. This research engages Pew’s data to show the extent to which active religious participation in and outside Christian denominations and the Ummah (Muslim Community) in Nigeria fosters mutual social trust and the reasons for this. This is interpreted in order to find out if the results have implications and could be a catalyst for affirming and promoting the human dignity of the ‘religious other’. Statistical significance is an indicator of what respondents sometimes assume is expected of them (ideal situation), and hence, the reason why a practical significance compares statistics with praxis. The data is interpreted from a statistical and practical significance perspective. The first objective is to present similar research outputs, side by side, with how the data set used in this thesis has been investigated to address the research questions, hypotheses and research objectives. The second objective is to highlight areas of agreement, and if there are any discrepancies in the findings of this research, when compared to other studies. This study is an exploratory and descriptive research, which attempts to answer the questions such as “who, what, where, when or how and why?” A stratified random sample from all the seven geo-political regions, which are proportional to the population size and urban/rural population in Nigeria, was selected. One thousand five hundred and sixteen adults over the age of 18 years were interviewed by Pew Forum on ‘Religion and Public Life’, using English, Hausa, Yoruba and Pidgin languages. This sample was considered nationally representative of the Nigerian adult population. The findings indicate that a high level of uncertainty and tension exists among Christians and Muslims with regards to trusting one another in the Nigerian context. This kind of tension leads to violence and constant clashes, resulting in the kind of experiences between Muslim and Christians, recorded in recent times. The Muslims and Christians in Nigeria have had a long history of misunderstandings and through these collective learning processes; they have reached a point that the evolving and changing patterns of trust indicates their way of coping with the situation. Trust in this situation impacts on society as a “consensual reality,” which reflects on the group behavior. A new survival order is created, which makes the situation messy at times, and seemingly out of control. These findings support the notion that trust has an individual property and is also a social system.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Verskillende dissiplines en akedemici in die interdissiplinêre veld van Missologie en wetenskap van Godsdienste is besig om die konsep van gemeenskaplike sosiale vertroue te ondersoek. Hierdie studie voorsien ondersoekende en beskrywende navorsing van 1,516 individuele Christene en Moslems in Nigerië met ‘n fokus op die deelname in godsdiens as ‘n middel om gemeenskaplike sosiale vertroue te kweek onder die “godsdienstige ander”. Statistiese beduidenheid is ‘n indikator van hoe respondente voel hulle moet optree (ideale situasie) en dit is hoekom dit prakties belangrik is om die statistieke te vergelyk met die praktyk. Die data is geinterpreteer vanaf ‘n statistiese en praktiese beduidenheidsperspektief. Die doelwit van hierdie studie is om die studiemateriaal sy aan sy weer te gee met die data middele wat gebruik is om die studievraag, die hipotese en die studie objektiewe te beantwoord. Die tweede doelwit is om die ooreenkomste en verskille van die navorsing se bevindinge te vergelyk met ander studies. Hierdie studie wat ondersoekend en ook beskrywend is, streef daarna om die vraag na wie, wat, waar, wanneer , hoe en hoekom te beantwoord. ‘n Multidemensionele, nie-geordende voorbeeld van al sewe geo-politieke areas wat in ooreenstemming is met die grotte van die kevolking en stedelike/landelike populasie in Nigerië, was gekies. Pew Forum het onder haude gevoer met een duisend vyf handerd en sestien volwassenes over as 18 ‘jaar oor ‘Godsdiens en die publieke lewe’ met die gebruik van Engels, Hausa, Yoruba and Pidgin tale. Hierdie proefneming was gevind as die algemene siening in Nigerië onder volwasenes. Die bevindinge het aangedui dat daar ‘n groot hoeveelheid onsekerheid en spanning onder die Christene en die Moslems in die Nigeriese konteks is, omdat hulle nie mekaar vertrou nie. Hierdie tipe spanning lei tot geweld en konstante konflik, wat oorloop tot die situasies wat onlangs deur die media gedokumenteer is. Die Moslems en Christene in Nigerië het ‘n lang geskiedenis van misverstande en deur hierdie gesamentlike leerproses het hulle ‘n punt bereik waar die groei en veranderende patrone van hulle vertroue hul eie manier van die situasie hantees, aandui. Vertroue in hierdie situasie oefen die rol van “ooreengekome realiteit” uit, wat die gedrag van die groep reflekteer. ‘n Nuwe oorlewings meganisme is geskep wat die situasie by tye chaoties laat lyk. Hierdie bevindinge bied ondersteuning dat vertroue ‘n individuele aspek bevat en ‘n sosiale systeem is.
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Farag, Mona Kamal. "Evolving female participation in Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14681.
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This research effort will analyze the level of female political participation within the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) before and after the January 25 revolution, and whether it has changed with the transformation of Egypt’s political climate, governing system and ruling elite. An assessment of the level of female participation within the MB and its political party will occur to determine which significant factors - such as governing regime, cultural influences, security issues - have attributed to the magnitude and level of the Muslim Sisters’ political exposure and electoral activities. More specifically, this research aims to ascertain if the Muslim Sisters experience their full rights as citizens under the leadership of the MB, and whether the MB’s willingness to nominate women is a step towards achieving equality or ‘complementarity’ within its ranks, or the process of fielding female candidates is nothing more than a “democratic façade.” Or is the issue more deeply rooted within the Egyptian, and predominantly Muslim, state and society, and its social norms and existing political structures? The historical context of post-colonial politics and the crisis of authoritarian secular politics will be reviewed as well, as it has contributed to the phenomenon of reinventing the rigid influence of tradition and religion.
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Amran, Najah Nadiah. "Piety and Muslim women : the participation of Muslim women in Scotland in religious circles as a case study." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2014. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=227105.
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This thesis is an exploratory qualitative case study of Western Muslim women‟s religious experiences in Scotland. It situates piety as an object of research and was based on two and a half years of extensive participant observations and conversations with thirty Muslim women aged between 20 and 50 from diverse backgrounds, who regularly took part in religious circles where knowledge and practices of Islam are exchanged, learnt, authenticated, questioned and disseminated among the participants. It incorporated historical research methods such as library research method and interviews with the local Muslims in an attempt to research the history of Muslims‟ settlement, the establishment of mosques in Scotland and the emergence of Muslim women‟s religious gatherings in the localities. This study posed following questions: (a) How did the Muslim women individually and collectively cultivate piety? (b)What were the factors that led the women to return to their faith and attain piety? (c) What are the religious sources they used to nurture their piety? And (d) How did they approach the sources and deal with everyday situations in their surroundings as faithful and pious western Muslim women? This study has argued that piety is not a hidden characteristic in one person but it is observable through various expressions. For examples, through their collective participations in the piety circles and Islamic classes and the contributions they made for themselves, their family and the Muslim communities after they got inspired, learnt and motivated from their religious circles and members. The presence of structured organisations of Muslim women religious circles represents the presence of Muslim women‟s autonomous religious movement and their involvement in the transmission of Islamic knowledge at an informal level. It was through discussions about Islamic texts such as the texts of the Quran and Hadith during their gatherings, that the women found their own religious autonomy and the realisation that Islam serves as a liberating tool in many ways in their lives.
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Zannoun, Mohammad A. "THE EFFECTS OF RELIGIOUS RESOURCES ON MUSLIM-AMERICANS' POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND VOTING BEHAVIOR." OpenSIUC, 2013. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/751.
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The roles of the various aspects of religion have been examined regarding political thinking, ideology and the political participation of Americans including minority groups such as African Americans, Latinos, and Asians. However, little is known about the effects of Islamic religiosity on American Muslims. The Pew Survey on American Muslims (2007) (Research Center's Forum on Religion and Public Life) measures the effects of various religious beliefs, conservatism, practices, and contexts on different aspects of political thinking and participation such as registration for voting, voting in elections, beliefs about the roles of government, and sexuality. The results show that, in terms of political behavior, only the happiness factor has a significant effect on registration for voting. While belief in the Judgment Day and in the existence of angels, the belief that there is more than one interpretation of Islamic teaching, and the feeling of being an American first had significant effects on voting in the presidential elections of 2004, conservatism (the belief in the Quran's inerrancy and in taking the Quran's teachings literally) negatively affected voting for Bush. In terms of a preference for either a large or a small government and attitudes toward the responsibility of the government in helping the poor, results show that a belief in the importance of zakat and the presence of happiness increases the odds of preferring a big government. Beliefs in the Judgment Day and in angels, a perceived conflict between Western and Islamic values, and religious scales of religious commitment affect the odds of the responsibility of the government in helping the poor. Other religious factors affect attitudes towards homosexuality and the involvement of the mosque in politics and the responsibility of the government in protecting the morality of society. The results show that few of the religious factors affect the political thinking and political participation of American Muslims. More research is needed to study the political behavior of small social and immigrant groups in the US.
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Zhang, Yi, and 張怡. "Xi'an Muslim Quarter: opportunities and challenges for public participation in historic conservation." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2008. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42188908.
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Mujani, Saiful. "Religious democrats: democratic culture and Muslim political participation in post-Suharto Indonesia." The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1054572222.
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Zhang, Yi. "Xi'an Muslim Quarter opportunities and challenges for public participation in historic conservation /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2008. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42188908.
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Majani, Saiful. "Religious democrats: democratic culture and Muslim political participation in post-Suharto Indonesia." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1054572222.
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Hazimeh, Wisam. "The political survival of the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan : from participation to boycott." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2015. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/58569/.
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This thesis explores the development of relations between the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood and Jordanian regime from 1945 to 2010, in which a distinction is made between the pre- and post-1989 eras that demarked a significant shift from partnership to crisis. Utilising an historical approach, the first era is defined by both parties’ mutual pragmatism, establishing a unified understanding of the Palestinian issue, and what the nature of politics in Jordan would be. However, the post-1989 era is analysed within the context of the regime’s shift in interests from internal to external issues, subsequently changing its pragmatic discourse towards the Brotherhood and Islamic movements. This study suggests that the shift in the regime’s focus, teamed with the implementation of policies such as the ‘one vote system’ and the peace treaty with Israel, left a space for radical voices to rise within the Brotherhood. To understand if the Brotherhood is compatible to Jordan’s parliamentarian system, the research identifies circles of division within the Brotherhood between Hassan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb’s ideologies in the wake of regional conflict and poor regime-Islamist relations. This bifurcation is exacerbated in Jordan, as seen with the opposing fronts of the Jordanian Brotherhood’s Shoura Council: Hawks of Palestinian origin vs. Doves of Jordanian origin, claiming a new division: the ‘new’ Hawks, or, the ‘Salafist Brotherhood’. Supported by exclusive personal interviews with Brotherhood leaders, this thesis argues that allowing Islamist movements’ limited political participation in Jordan is essential for the country’s stability and religious modernity as since the 2007 boycott, increasing numbers of al-Bannaist Doves have converted into Qutbist Hawks. This has empowered the Hawks to demand fundamental reforms regarding the monarchy’s existence, initiating the Brotherhood’s final 2010 political boycott, and positioning the once-allied movement outside the political process and indefinitely removed from accountability.
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Easat-Daas, Amina. "Muslim women's political participation in francophone Europe : a comparative study of France and Belgium." Thesis, Aston University, 2015. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/33396/.
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Muslim women constitute almost half of all European Muslim parliamentarians, yet they are typically framed as oppressed or as a threat to European values. Simultaneously, although France and francophone Belgium are seen as similar, there are significant disparities in the levels of Muslim political representation in each case. The introduction outlines the rationale behind studying the principal motivations, opportunities and barriers to Muslim women’s political participation in France and francophone Belgium, and also the basis of studying the role of ‘European Islam’, political opportunity structures, secularism and Muslim women’s dress. The second chapter details the research design and methodological approaches applied in the study. Via the in-depth comparative analysis of each context and its norms, along with data derived from semi-structured qualitative interviews with Muslim women who participate in politics, the subsequent chapters present findings related to the nature of Muslim women’s political participation in France and francophone Belgium. Chapter Three details the expressed motivations derived from experiences, Islamic and European values, discusses their desires to participate in political projects that will benefit the wider society and groups with whom they socially identify, and how this leads to the Muslim women pursuing diverse political engagement. Chapter Four explores the role of contextual norms and political opportunity structures in shaping and contributing to the distinct disparities in the nature of reported opportunities for political participation encountered by Muslim women in the two cases. Chapter Five details the obstacles to participation posed by Muslim women’s dress in France and the emergence of such patterns in Wallonia. It also outlines the barriers to Muslim women’s political participation linked to Islamophobia, racism and gender. The concluding chapter brings together the principal conclusions of the study, namely the similar faith related motivations to pursue political engagement expressed by the Muslim women who participated in this study, the increasingly similar barriers to political participation faced by Muslim women presented by norms surrounding Muslim women’s dress in the two cases. The study also details the different effects of the political opportunities on the nature of political roles occupied by Muslim women in France and Belgium. Finally, the thesis highlights the remarkable resilience and consistent determination of Muslim women in the two cases.
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Torrekens, Corinne. "La visibilité de l'islam au sein de l'espace public bruxellois: transaction, reconnaissance et identité." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210562.
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L’objectif principal de cette recherche consiste à restituer dans un cadre analytique la présence et la visibilisation de l’islam à Bruxelles. Il s’agit en l’occurrence de produire une connaissance scientifique des islams présents à Bruxelles, d’identifier leurs impacts sur la vie de certains quartiers et de repérer leurs modes d’organisation locale. En rendant compte des liens possibles entre les institutions de l’islam local, comme les moquées, et d’autres institutions belges, et tout particulièrement les autorités politiques locales, cette thèse entend traiter plus spécifiquement des transactions politiques intervenant entre les mosquées et les institutions politiques, essentiellement locales. Elle entend donc révéler comment se construit un islam par le bas qui s’enracine dans des pratiques et des relations entre acteurs locaux et ce, en rendant compte des transactions politiques qui président à sa reconnaissance et son institutionnalisation locale. Dans ce cadre, notre objectif est de mener une analyse politique de l’enracinement local de l’islam bruxellois et des transactions politiques qui émergent à son égard, bien loin des déchirements induits par la passion médiatico-politique. Nous y formulons l’hypothèse qu’il existe, au sein de ce que l’on pourrait globalement appeler la « communauté musulmane » bruxelloise, une lutte menée par une nouvelle catégorie de leaders, les présidents de mosquées, qui prend appui sur des dimensions identitaires communes à référents islamiques transcendant les différents clivages structurant le tissu associatif musulman et visant à exprimer le déni de reconnaissance et de légitimité de la visibilité de l’islam. Cette protestation émerge au niveau local car, et il s’agit de notre deuxième hypothèse, l’action du pouvoir communal offre une structure d’opportunités politiques aux représentants de mosquées en termes d’accès à certaines ressources tant matérielles (infrastructure, financement, agenda) que symboliques (reconnaissance, représentativité, légitimité) en même temps qu’elle catégorise cette mobilisation politique, qu’elle influe sur celle-ci en l’obligeant à s’inscrire dans un registre limité (la gestion de l’islam local) et qu’elle implique des transactions aux niveaux des référentiels de l’action (visibilité de l’islam/neutralité voire laïcité de l’espace public).Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Juhari, Mohamed Shamsuri. "Perceptions of Singaporean Malay-Muslim youths participating in community outreach programmes : capacity building for critical thinking?" Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3004/.
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This thesis documents the researcher’s exploratory investigation into the effectiveness of community learning programmes, run primarily by local social welfare organizations, in building up the critical thinking capacities of Malay-Muslim youths in Singapore. The premise is that a lack of critical thinking competencies among members of the Malay-Muslim community at large has contributed to the many problems that they are currently facing such as negative stereotyping, the lag in educational attainment and the inability to match the socio-economic progress achieved by the other ethnic groups in the country. Essentially, this research points to such issues as resulting from the prevalence of negative mental models within the Malay worldview. Underpinned by an eclectic research framework based on the theories of Freire, Giddens and Bourdieu, the study begins by seeking Malay-Muslim youths’ perceptions of issues facing their community. However, what is more crucial is that it asks these youths to relate their personal experiences in participating in the activities conducted by these organisations and how they subsequently were, or were not, ‘conscientised’. The research sees such effects as an indication of capacity building for critical thinking. Based on the participants’ responses, this study has identified five experiential categories which, when encountered by the youths, played a role in conscientising and subsequently building up their capacities for thinking critically of themselves and their community. The findings of the research will now be shared with all relevant parties interested in such issues. Several recommendations have also been subsequently formulated.
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Bergh, Viveka. "Syriska Muslimska Brödraskapet, En genusresa." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Religionshistoria, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-226091.
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The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood has since the start of the Syrian uprising in March 2011 moved from a low-key position in exile to become one of the main actors in the political opposition. There appears to be a consensus among researchers today on the democratic commitment of the Syrian Brotherhood. However, ambiguity remains regarding its commitment towards gender equality, women’s rights and participation. This essay focuses on the gender discourse of the Syrian Brotherhood’s leadership, according to its policy-documents, from 2004 – 2013. By applying a critical discourse analysis, a movement from a more Islamist, exclusionary discourse in 2004 towards a more inclusive, feminist inspired discourse in 2013 becomes apparent. Nonetheless, traditional gender roles linger and more Islamist and pan-Arab, pan-Islamic discourses are not distant features. The movement of the gender discourse towards greater inclusion confirms claims made by democratic theorists on inclusion and moderation.
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Keen, Alice. "Blind to faith: Participation of faith leaders in a gender-based violence prevention project in Liberia." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23905.
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Sexual and gender-based violence against women and girls is a major challenge across the world which requires engaged and sustained action to see change (Abramowitz and Moran, 2012). Communication for Development approaches are often used in GBV-prevention programmes because they provide a means of engaging people at a community-level, whether that is through one-way behaviour-change messages on mass media or through participatory community projects engaging people in dialogue. Through analysis of the Episcopal Relief and Development (ERD) Project on ‘Engaging Faith-Based Organizations to Prevent Violence Against Women & Girls and Increase Survivors’ Access to Services (2015-2017)’, this degree project explores the question of whether engaging with the faith-realities of communities will increase the depth of participation amongst participants. The ERD project focusses on equipping faith leaders, both Muslim and Christian, to engage in activity which shares GBV-prevention messages with their congregations and points victims and survivors to relevant support services. From the available data, it is not possible to conclusively argue that engagement with the faith context enhanced the depth of participation. However, applying three of Freire’s concepts, namely conversion to the people, dialogue and context, I argue that the ERD project aligns with Freire’s conceptualisation of participation more closely than similar projects that are ‘faith blind’.
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McGee, J. E. "Keeping the faith : a study of Muslim schoolgirls' identity and participation in school-based PE, and teachers' understanding of students' religious needs." Thesis, University of Worcester, 2011. http://eprints.worc.ac.uk/1604/.
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This thesis is an ethnographic case study empirical investigation of a group of Muslim schoolgirls and their PE teachers at two schools in the West Midlands. It examines the issues surrounding their religious and ethnic identity and how this may conflict with participation in school-based PE . The issues raised in the introductory literature on ethnic identity, gender and cultural issues in PE give rise to the over-riding purposes and key aims of the present study. The four main aims are:- 1. To investigate the identity of Muslim schoolgirls. 2. To investigate whether the Muslim female identity impacts upon participation in school-based PE 3. To investigate PE teachers‟ perception of the Muslim female identity and how they meet the needs of female Muslim pupils in PE and school sport 4. To investigate whether the PE teachers use inclusive practices in their lessons. Social Identity Theory underpinned the study focusing the research analysis and interpretation and aims to explicate the PE experiences by employing a qualitative methodology and in the process generate theory grounded in the data. The empirical data were gathered over a period of twenty months, mainly by in-depth interviewing of the two sets of respondents, using semi-structured interview schedules. Through forms of triangulation, the research illuminates the same issues from two different perspectives: the pupils and their teachers. The social categories of ethnicity and religion play a key part in shaping the identity of Muslims schoolgirls. The girls have supportive families whose values are moulded to a large extent by an Islamic ethos. However, the teachers, by-and-large, misunderstand various religious and cultural mores of these pupils‘ and their families. The girls perceive PE as a subject, which allows for freedoms not found elsewhere in the curriculum and they recognise the importance of physical activity. Nevertheless, the study confirms the findings of previous research, which found that issues of kit, fasting during Ramadan and extra-curricular activities posed problems for Muslim pupils; 4 these are features, which are especially compounded when teachers are not aware of the issues. The findings exposed the inadequacies of teacher training and the exclusionary nature of traditional physical education settings. It was apparent that although teachers were committed to inclusive practice, in reality the experiences of pupils were more reliant upon the quality of individual teachers. Teachers are effective where they have been trained to teach in multi-ethnic schools and are, therefore, sensitive to the issues involved. Multi-cultural and racism-awareness courses appear to be indispensable for a better understanding of the pupils and making them available to all teachers, regardless of their hierarchical standing, can be advantageous.
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Barakat, Rabih. "La participation politique des minorités nationales musulmanes en Europe." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012STRAA017.
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La participation politique d’une minorité protège son identité culturelle et renforce la paix et l’intégration dans l’Etat. La jouissance des nouveaux groupes minoritaires musulmans européens de leurs droits à la participation politique suppose qu’ils soient reconnus juridiquement comme des minorités ce qui nécessite l’écartement des éléments de reconnaissance de citoyenneté et d’ancienneté. Les institutions internationales tendent de plus en plus à considérer que les minorités n’ont plus besoin de ces deux critères pour bénéficier des droits des minorités. Par contre, cette tendance est peu suivie par les Etats. La participation politique est une notion vaste qui comprend toute activité politique institutionnalisée ou informelle.La participation effective de minorités nécessite la jouissance des droits fondamentaux à la liberté d'expression, de réunion et d'association, ainsi que du droit de voter, d’être élu et d’accéder à la fonction publique pour les ayants droit (citoyens). Une égalité réelle et une participation effective des minorités nécessitent l’adoption des mesures d’action positive. Elles peuvent concerner le droit de vote (représentation) ou le droit de prendre part au processus décisionnel (participation) par le biais des mécanismes comme l’autonomie territoriale, culturelle ou fonctionnelle. Une variété des dispositions juridiques internationales (déclaratoires ou de soft law), ainsi que des législations étatiques favorisant la participation offrent une sorte de catalogue très utile pour traiter la question. Les Etats peuvent y puiser pour générer un système de participation des minorités le plus approprié à chaque contexte étatique et minoritaireThe political participation of a minority protects her cultural identity and reinforces peace and integration in the state. In order to be able to enjoy full rights to political participation, the new European Muslim minorities have to be legally recognized as minorities and this must be done without requiring citizenship and long term residence. International institutions tend to consider that minorities no longer need these two criteria to qualify for minority rights. However, this trend is not followed by states. Political participation is a broad concept that includes all political institutionalized or informal activities. The effective participation of minorities requires their enjoyment of fundamental rights to freedom of expression, assembly and association and the right to vote, to be elected and access to the public service ( for citizens ). Real equality and effective participation of minorities require the adoption of affirmative action measures, which may concern the right to vote (representation) or the right to participate in decision-making (participation) through mechanisms such as territorial, cultural and functional autonomy. A wide range of international legal provisions (mostly declaratory or soft law) and state legislations promoting participation offer useful means to solve the problem. States can use them to generate the most appropriate system of minority participation in any state or minority context
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Smith, Meredith Eve. "Somali American Music Participation in Secondary Public School Music Programs:Perceptions of Parents, Community Members, and a Cultural Liaison." The Ohio State University, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1619102956471355.
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Hassan, Walla Shehata Sayed [Verfasser]. "The challenges of integration for Muslim adolescents in Germany from the perspective of social work: participation in culture and sports activities / Walla Shehata Sayed Hassan." Kassel : Universitätsbibliothek Kassel, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1241686572/34.
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Lamont, Sarah. "Deconstructing the Dichotomy: Muslim American University Students' Perceptions of Islam and Democracy." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1336083346.
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AIANI, MARINA. "LE NUOVE CITTADINE ED IL CONSUMO DI NOTIZIE: UN'INDAGINE SU PARTECIPAZIONE, APPARTENENZE E TRASMISSIONE CULTURALE DELLE GIOVANI DI ORIGINE ARABA A MILANO." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6098.
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Sebbene la presenza dei figli degli migranti stia assumendo sempre maggior rilievo anche in Italia la ricerca ha posto poca attenzione alle loro scelte di consumo mediale e all’appropriazione dei media come risorse sociali ed ambientali. La tesi si focalizza sul caso delle giovani donne di origine araba per indagare il ruolo giocato dal consumo di notizie nella cornice più complessa dei processi di negoziazione di identità. Un focus è riservato alle tre dimensioni di appartenenze, partecipazione e trasmissione culturale tra generazioni – in relazione alle madri e ai coetanei. Un’indagine, a livello più “macro”, indaga le possibili implicazioni per il dialogo interculturale. Attraverso la raccolta di quarantotto storie di vita un primo livello di analisi diacronico indaga presenza e intensità del consumo di news nelle fasi della vita per comprendere se possa rappresentare un rito di passaggio all’età adulta, mentre una seconda pista cerca di comprendere come esso si leghi alla questione del sentirsi “cittadini”, in termini di riconoscimento, appartenenza e per scoprire se il consumo di news possa diventare una risorsa per essere soggetti attivi nella sfera pubblica. Tutte le giovani donne di origine araba vivono a Milano, hanno tra i diciotto e i trentadue anni e differiscono per le variabili di 1) nascita o arrivo in Italia dopo i 6 anni; 2) attivismo e 3) religiosità (musulmane, copte ortodosse, atee).Although the presence of migrants’ sons and daughters is gaining more and more importance also in Italy, the research have not given special attention to their choices concerning media consumption and to the appropriation of the media as social and environmental resources. This thesis is focused on the case of young women of Arab origin in order to investigate the intersections between news consumption and the negotiation of the social identity. A first focus is on three dimensions: participation, belonging and cultural transmission – in comparison with mothers and peers. A second “macro” level of the research investigates the implications as regard to intercultural dialogue. Through the collection of forty-eight life histories, a first level of diachronic analysis investigates the presence and the intensity of news consumption in different stages in order to understand if it could be a rite of passage to the adulthood, while a second track tries to understand how this is connected to the feeling of being “citizens”, in terms of identification, belonging and to investigate if news consumption may be a resource to be active citizens in the public sphere. All young women of Arab origin live in Milan, they are between eighteen and thirty-two years old, and differ in variables 1) they were born or arrived in Italy since they were 6 years old, 2) activism and 3) religion (Muslims, Coptic Orthodox or atheists).
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AIANI, MARINA. "LE NUOVE CITTADINE ED IL CONSUMO DI NOTIZIE: UN'INDAGINE SU PARTECIPAZIONE, APPARTENENZE E TRASMISSIONE CULTURALE DELLE GIOVANI DI ORIGINE ARABA A MILANO." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6098.
Full textAbstract:
Sebbene la presenza dei figli degli migranti stia assumendo sempre maggior rilievo anche in Italia la ricerca ha posto poca attenzione alle loro scelte di consumo mediale e all’appropriazione dei media come risorse sociali ed ambientali. La tesi si focalizza sul caso delle giovani donne di origine araba per indagare il ruolo giocato dal consumo di notizie nella cornice più complessa dei processi di negoziazione di identità. Un focus è riservato alle tre dimensioni di appartenenze, partecipazione e trasmissione culturale tra generazioni – in relazione alle madri e ai coetanei. Un’indagine, a livello più “macro”, indaga le possibili implicazioni per il dialogo interculturale. Attraverso la raccolta di quarantotto storie di vita un primo livello di analisi diacronico indaga presenza e intensità del consumo di news nelle fasi della vita per comprendere se possa rappresentare un rito di passaggio all’età adulta, mentre una seconda pista cerca di comprendere come esso si leghi alla questione del sentirsi “cittadini”, in termini di riconoscimento, appartenenza e per scoprire se il consumo di news possa diventare una risorsa per essere soggetti attivi nella sfera pubblica. Tutte le giovani donne di origine araba vivono a Milano, hanno tra i diciotto e i trentadue anni e differiscono per le variabili di 1) nascita o arrivo in Italia dopo i 6 anni; 2) attivismo e 3) religiosità (musulmane, copte ortodosse, atee).Although the presence of migrants’ sons and daughters is gaining more and more importance also in Italy, the research have not given special attention to their choices concerning media consumption and to the appropriation of the media as social and environmental resources. This thesis is focused on the case of young women of Arab origin in order to investigate the intersections between news consumption and the negotiation of the social identity. A first focus is on three dimensions: participation, belonging and cultural transmission – in comparison with mothers and peers. A second “macro” level of the research investigates the implications as regard to intercultural dialogue. Through the collection of forty-eight life histories, a first level of diachronic analysis investigates the presence and the intensity of news consumption in different stages in order to understand if it could be a rite of passage to the adulthood, while a second track tries to understand how this is connected to the feeling of being “citizens”, in terms of identification, belonging and to investigate if news consumption may be a resource to be active citizens in the public sphere. All young women of Arab origin live in Milan, they are between eighteen and thirty-two years old, and differ in variables 1) they were born or arrived in Italy since they were 6 years old, 2) activism and 3) religion (Muslims, Coptic Orthodox or atheists).
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Collignon, Anne-Françoise. "La parole et la dissidence : engagements féminins au sein du Hizbut Tahrir en Indonésie." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0172.
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Le Hizbut-Tahrir Indonesia, « organisation sociale » qui tire ses origines du Moyen-Orient a pour finalité l'établissement d'un califat avec la charia comme loi unique. Parce qu'elle agit en toute légalité en Indonésie, la branche féminine du Hizbut-Tahrir Indonesia, (le Muslimah Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia) offre par ses actions collectives et ses modes de recrutement une grande visibilité de ses activités. Cette visibilité actuelle nous a permis de conduire un terrain auprès de ses membres entre 2009 et début 2013. Ce terrain nous a ouvert l'opportunité de nous pencher sur les motivations qui poussent ces femmes à devenir activistes et à se reconstruire une nouvelle identité au sein d'une organisation telle que le MHTI. Peut-on voir, à travers ces stratégies de communication, une possibilité de se démarquer de la ligne directrice du HT élaborée par des hommes exclusivement et dont le leadership est interdit aux femmes ? Ou « au contraire », est-ce que l'espace de parole accordé aux femmes renforce-il le rôle des hommes ? Quel est le degré de dissidence toléré de la part des femmes du MHTI ? Enfin, la méthode du HT qui passe par une interaction de son discours avec la société soulève le degré de la réception de son discours auprès du public. Est-il perçu comme une forme d'oppression ou bien au contraire agit-il comme une ouverture à la discussion ? Comment un discours global s'ajuste-t-il aux réalités locales et sociales ?The Indonesian Hizb ut -Tahrir, "Social Organization" whose origins come from the Middle East, aims to establish a caliphate with the sharia as the only law. Because it is legal in Indonesia, the Women's Branch of Hizb ut -Tahrir Indonesia (the Muslimah Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia) offers through its Collective Actions and Mobilization (or recruitment) Process, a high Visibility of their Activities. This current Visibility allowed us to conduct a Field among its Members between 2009 and early 2013. This Field gave us the Opportunity to try and understand the Motivation of these Women to become Activists and to build a new Identity in an Organization such as the MHTI. The MHTF Framing Structures induces a Plurality of Approaches to female Audiences. We can raise the following Question : do these Communication Strategies give MHTI's Women an Opportunity to stand out from the Leadership of HT's Line whose Leadership is forbidden for Women ? Or "on the Contrary", is the Space given to Women a Way to strengthen the role of Men? What is the Degree of Dissidence tolerated by MHTI Women ? Finally, the Method of HT which has a Form of Interaction with the Society raises the Question of its Discourse Reception among the People. Is it seen as a form of oppression or on the contrary, is it an opportunity of an opening to Discussion? How does a global Discourse adjusts to local and social Realities?
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Akhtar, Parveen. "The paradox of patronage politics: Biraderi, representation and political participation amongst British Pakistanis." 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/9068.
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PEACE, Timothy. "Another world, but with whom? : a Franco-British comparison of the participation of muslim activists in the global justice movement." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15396.
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Defence date: 9 December 2010Examining Board: Rainer Bauböck (EUI); Donatella Della Porta (EUI) (Supervisor); Marco Giugni (Université de Genève); Michal Wieviorka (École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis investigates how progressive social movements deal with religious pluralism and religious political activism by engaging in a cross-country comparison of Muslim activists and their participation within the movement against neo-liberal globalisation (also known as the Global Justice Movement). Taking the example of two nation states which have a similar post-colonial history of migration and settlement, Britain and France, the thesis seeks to explain why we observe such differences in the reactions of social movement leaders to the novel development of Muslim activism within the movement. Using concepts developed in the study of social movements; in particular political opportunity structures (POS) and framing processes, three main findings emerge. Firstly, religion itself is not an explanatory factor behind the involvement of Muslims in this movement, although it may be strategically employed to encourage others. Secondly, reactions to Muslim participation by social movement organisations can be largely attributed to the respective philosophies of integration in each nation state. Social movement leaders in Britain are keen to show how diverse their organisations are by encouraging Muslim participation. In France, such diversity is perceived as weakness because it challenges their collective identity. Counterintuitively, we find more French Muslims willing to participate in social movements despite hostility to their presence by others. This is due to a stronger tradition of mobilisation within the left. Thirdly, different biographical outcomes of activism by Muslim activists within the GJM can be accounted for due to external political opportunity strucutures. British Muslim activists went on to form an electoral alliance with the radical left because of favourable opportunity structures but their French counterparts failed to do the same because opportunities were closed.
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Foroutan, Yaghoob. "Determinant's of women's employment participation: Muslim / non-Muslim differentials in Australia." Phd thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/10819.
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The employment participation of women, as the major issue of this study, is a
phenomenon with a variety of studies that in the social sciences has been described as
'potentially infinite' (Evans 1996: 68). However, the conduct of research in various
contexts is essential in order to reveal the varying aspects of this phenomenon. This
study has given specific attention to the impact of religion, which 'was once at the
forefront of demographic research (McQuillan 2004:25), on women's employment
participation. Religion is generally considered to be connected with traditional views
and values on gender roles in the household. This is particularly the case in the Islamic
context where the level of women's employment participation, as an indicator of gender
outcomes, has often been found to be comparatively low. As the empirical observations
of this study related to the multicultural and multiethnic setting of Australia, the study is
also associated with the factors of migration and ethnicity.
This study has used special tabulations from the full 2001 Population and Housing
Census of Australia dealing with almost 5.4 million women in the main working ages
(that is, 15-54). The study has used logistic regression analysis as a standardisation
process. This has provided the opportunity to examine the relative impact of each
determinant of women's employment participation while simultaneously controlling for
other determinants included in the analysis. In addition, for two major reasons, the
multicultural and multiethnic setting of Australia where this study has been taken place has provided unusual opportunities for this study. In this study, we have been able to
compare employment participation of Muslim and non-Muslim women. Moreover, as
these women came from a wide range of countries throughout the world, we have been
able to examine the employment differentials between these two groups of women
across the regions of origin and to investigate different patterns of employment
participation of Muslim women by birthplace. More importantly, this investigation of
ethnic variations provides empirical evidence for the theoretical debate as to whether
religion per se or other determinants explain the lower level of women's employment
participation in the Islamic settings. This study has been able to separate the effect of
religion from that of region of origin reflecting various socio-cultural backgrounds and
experiences. It is acknowledged, however, that this study has faced limitations related to
the measurement of selectivity due to the migration process, the possibility of
disadvantage through discrimination on the part of employers in the destination country,
and the matter of religiosity.
The results of this study have revealed a substantially heterogeneous composition of
Muslim women across the different regions of origin in terms of characteristics
influencing employment participation. Accordingly, considering Muslim women in
Australia only as a single group without paying attention to their ethnic differences is
insufficient and could be misleading. This pattern also holds for the employment status
of women as the influence of Islamic affiliation varies significantly across the regions of
origin. Significant ethnic variation was found to apply to the effects of most
determinants of the employment status of women, whether Muslim or non-Muslim. The
gap between these two groups of women with regard to the effects of most determinants of employment status and occupational levels varies markedly across the region of
origin. However, once employed, we did not find a significant influence of Islamic
affiliation on women's occupational levels even across the regions of origin. The results
of this study have also indicated that both family formation characteristics and human
capital endowments have greater implications for women's employment status than
religion.
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Khan, Tabinda Mahfooz. "Institutions not Intentions: Rethinking Islamist participation in Muslim democracies." Thesis, 2015. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8C8286Z.
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This dissertation uses the case of Pakistan to argue that the compatibility of shari'a and democracy depends on the design of institutions through which Islamist moral arguments are processed and which shape their interaction with liberal detractors. Instead of extrapolating Islamist intentions from theoretical tracts deemed canonical or from their official statements, this dissertation examines the link between ideas and institutions by mining a wide-range of English and Urdu-language texts from Pakistani courts, parliament, law journals, the advisory Council of Islamic Ideology and Women's Status Commissions, transnational rights advocacy NGO and Islamist publications, newspapers and TV debates, and 40-years of articles on democracy and state Islamic lawmaking from two leading madrassa journals. An analysis of 3 case studies of Islamic lawmaking reveals that the judiciary has been able to foster "authentic deliberation" between liberals and Islamists (which Guttman and Thompson define as reciprocal reasoning with civility and respect), leading to the moral accommodation of Islamists in the constitutional democratic order as well as steady advances in constitutionally-guaranteed fundamental rights. However, deliberation through political institutions - a legislature dominated by the executive branch, which has been alternately controlled by military dictators and civilian heads of internally undemocratic political parties - has led groups in power to pass desired laws without giving the minority side reasons internal to their moral framework, leading the losing side to declare the law "un-Islamic" and to later collaborate with military rulers to attain their desired change. By adopting the lens of "internal" vs. "external" reasoning to analyze the moral deliberation between liberals and Islamists during episodes of Islamic lawmaking, which is used by scholars of moral and political theory, particularly in the deliberative democracy tradition, I am able to suspend judgment about the content of Islamist positions. This allows me to show that their moral critique of liberalism is directed at the kind of liberalism advocated by transnational rights NGOs, which John Gray has described as the conception of liberalism as a "rational consensus on values," and that they have been the most ardent champions of what Gray has termed "modus vivendi" liberalism and which is indeed the arrangement embodied in Pakistan's constitutional and legal system, which has a dual commitment to shari'a and individual rights. Particularly, from 1978-85, there was a major structural shift in judicial reasoning when the mechanism of "Islamic judicial review" was introduced through shari'a courts, which were empowered to strike down laws as un-Islamic on citizen petition, or on their own initiative, and which were staffed by a minority of `ulama and a majority of common law judges, who were compelled to reason within the fiqh tradition (and depart from consensus-based opinions of the fuqaha only as a last resort, if there was no way to reconcile them with modern circumstances). From the accounts of legal scholars, the constitutional role granted to shari'a since the 1980s has led to a liberalization of colonial-era laws, while the judiciary has continued its steady expansion of women's rights in Muslim divorce law and in areas of law that do not entail a direct conflict with fiqh-based provisions. Superior court judges have pursued this liberalism through "creative compromise;" in public statements they have affirmed the constitution's commitment to gender equality but when dealing with the fiqh tradition, they pursue gender equality as a legal effect (pragmatism) rather than as a premise on the basis of which the fiqh tradition should be "reconstructed." While the latter is a Muslim modernist position and has been the demand of transnational rights advocacy NGOs since the 1980s, "gender equality" was never recognized as a premise in the fiqh tradition, much like other moral and religious traditions which posit the family as the basic social unit, and derive the mutual rights and duties of men and women from their role in the family. Contrary to the common representation of Islamists, in-depth evidence from Pakistan, especially in the last decade when judicial and media independence increased, shows that the main `ulama and Islamist electoral parties have shown flexibility in their positions, sometimes appropriating long-standing demands of women's rights campaigners for their own electoral platforms (to prove that they are women-friendly), while western-funded rights advocacy NGOs have maintained their original position that gender equality must be used as a premise to re-frame all laws, including fiqh-based laws.
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Zahid, Naghma. "Political participation of muslim women -A case study of delhi." Thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/833.
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Adnan, Muhammad Zamakhsary, and 阿德南. "The motivation behind Muslim customer participation in the sharing economy in Indonesia." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/wx2686.
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Iftekhar, Pumma. "Muslim women and their participation in public life: A case study of U.P." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/937.
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LEE, FANG-I., and 李芳儀. "Study of Participation in Muslim Friendly Tourism Certification of Bed and Breakfast Accommodation Managers." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/8ebkds.
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碩士國立暨南國際大學
觀光休閒與餐旅管理學系
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In order to develop the Muslim tourism market, the Tourism Bureau, Ministry of Transportation and Communications has commissioned Chinese Muslim Association to counsel the domestic restaurant and hotel industry to improve the reception environment and obtain relevant Muslim certifications. The main purpose of this study is to understand the relevant factors of the B&B operators' desire to participate in the Muslim certification through the variables such as "perceived usefulness(PU)", "perceived ease of use(PE)", "attitude(A)" and "behavioral intention(BI)". The purpose of the study: First, to understand the level of awareness of B&B accommodation managers. Second, understand the factors affecting the participation in Muslim certification of B&B accommodation managers. The results of this study found that: First, there is a positive and significant impact on the PE and PU of the B&B accommodation managers. Second, there is a positive and significant impact on the PU and A of the B&B accommodation managers. Third, there is a positive and significant impact on the PE and A of the B&B accommodation managers. Forth, there is a positive and significant impact on the A and BI of the B&B accommodation managers.
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Ismail, Nadia. "Women and political participation : a partial translation of ‘Abd al-Ḥalīm Muhammad Abū Shaqqah’s Taḥrīr al-Mar’ah fī ‘Aṣr al-Risālah (The liberation of women in the prophetic period), with a contextual introduction to the author and his work." Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/22256.
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This thesis is a translation of a chapter that examines the role of Muslim women in politics during the early Islamic period and their engagement with religious and political discourses. This subject raises a combination of provocative challenges for Islamic discourse as Muslim women have had a complex relationship with their religious tradition dating back to the very inception of Islam. Despite Qur’ānic injunctions and Prophetic affirmations of the egalitarian status of Muslim women, social inequality and injustice directed at women remains a persistent problem in Muslim society. In the translated text Abū Shaqqah goes about re-invoking the normative tradition in order to affirm the role of Muslim women in politics. Furthermore the translation is prefaced by a critical introduction outlining the contours of the 20th century landscape, which attempts to describe the struggle of Muslim women in Abū Shaqqah’s time.Religious Studies and Arabic
M.A. (Arabic)