Journal articles on the topic 'Partai Keadilan (Justice Party, PK)'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Partai Keadilan (Justice Party, PK).
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 40 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Partai Keadilan (Justice Party, PK).'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Yuniartin, Titin. "Framing Agama Dalam Politik Praktis (Studi tentang Wacana Politik Keagamaan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera)." Hanifiya: Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama 2, no. 1 (February 25, 2019): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/hanifiya.v2i1.4271.
Full textAbstract:
This paper discusses the political identity of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). PKS is one of the parties based on Islam but stands firmly in the auspices of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. PKS is born from movement, LDK-KAMMI-PK-PKS. The ideals of the Khilafah Islamiyah are always present in the ideals of the movement. Although in the auspices of plural and multicultural country, the PKS still exists to adjust with the Republic of Indonesia. PKS political identity for some may seem gray. This is understandable, especially if we look at it from the perspective of incomplete Islamic understanding. The concept of the caliphate of Islamiyah ala PKS is different from what is understood and developed in other activism. In essence, the Islamic caliphate that the PKS wants to uphold is international justice, international welfare, international harmony, and world prosperity. It starts from building prosperity, harmony, and national justice.
2
MAROM, AHMAD ANFASUL. "STRATEGI REKRUTMEN PARTAI KEADILAN SEJAHTERA YOGYAKARTA." ALQALAM 28, no. 3 (December 30, 2011): 469. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/alqalam.v28i3.887.
Full textAbstract:
Nowadays, recruitment becomes a serious problem for political party reform in Indonesia. We have witnessed many instant cadres who lacked competence but easily obtained a position. Apparently, this issue has become a trend among parties causing the party function to change into broker such as Out Sourching Company. Before the cadres were engaged in political activities, they were already known in the public space such as celebrities, rich men, and elite families. By this context, we need to pay attention toward this phenomenon because from this point the policy makers are made. This paper will highlight the recruitment process of Prosperous and Justice Patry (PKS) in Yogyakarta. The time setting is after 2009 Election. There are two research questions that will be discussed here: First, what kind of strategies do PKS use in recruiting their cadres? Second, how do they select their cadre to be placed in strategic positions (party, executive, legislative)? Furthermore, this paper will adopt some theories of recruitment to examine the PKS's political party typology.
Keywords: Islamic party, Prosperous and Justice Party (PKS), Yogyakarta
3
Muchtar, Khoiruddin, and Aliyudin Aliyudin. "Public Relations Politik Partai Keadilan Sejahtera dalam Pemilukada Jawa Barat." Communicatus: Jurnal Ilmu komunikasi 3, no. 1 (June 25, 2019): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/cjik.v3i1.5047.
Full textAbstract:
The research aims to obtain an overview of the media relations of the Prosperous Justice Party in building party image, determining strategies in maintaining positive relations with the media, and utilizing social media in forming the opinions of candidates for governor of West Java in 2018. Research uses constructivist paradigms, qualitative approaches and case study methods . The results of the study show that, political public relations within the Prosperous Justice Party are carried out by building togetherness and consolidation as well as cadre formation in a family and equality manner. Communication within the Prosperous Justice Party began to be addressed and conditioned, especially the spread of information within the PKS. PKS external communication is carried out by building a positive image of the party, building coalitions with other parties, and socializing the characteristics of West Java governor candidates so that they can be accepted by the community. The imaging strategy carried out by the Prosperous Justice Party in the media is done by building good relationships with the media and utilizing social media appropriately as well as utilizing E-mail, blogs, social media or Twitter. PKS vote acquisition as runner-up in 2018 West Java Pilgub shows, the existence of PKS as a party that is quite trusted and calculated.Penelitian bertujuan untuk memperoleh gambaran tentang media relations Partai Keadilan Sejahtera dalam membangun citra partai, menentukan strategi dalam memelihara hubungan positif dengan media, serta pemanfaatan media sosial dalam membentuk opini calon gubernur Jawa Barat Tahun 2018. Penelitian menggunakan paradigm konstruktivis, pendekatan kualitatif dan metode studi kasus. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa, Public relation politik di internal Partai Keadilan Sejahtera dilakukan dengan membangun kebersamaan dan konsolidasi sekaligus dengan pembinaan kader secara kekeluargaan dan kesetaraan. Komunikasi internal PKS mulai dibenahi dan dikondisikan, terutama dalam penyebaaran informasi di internal PKS. Komunikasi eksternal PKS dilakukan dengan membangun citra positip partai, membangun koalisi dengan partai lain, dan mensosialisasikan karakteristik calon gubernur Jawa Barat sehingga bisa diterima oleh masyarakat. Strategi pencitraan yang dilakukan oleh Partai Keadilan Sejahtera di media dilakukan dengan cara membangun hubungan yang baik dengan media dan memanfaatkan media social secara tepat seperti halnya pemanfaatan E-mail, blog, media sosial ataupun Twitter. Perolehan suara PKS sebagai runner up Pilgub Jabar 2018 menunjukan, eksistensi PKS sebagai partai yang cukup dipercaya dan diperhitungkan.
4
', Wazni. "REKRUTMEN CALON ANGGOTA LEGISLATIF PEREMPUAN OLEH PARTAI POLITIK DI KOTA PEKANBARU PADA PEMILU 2009; Kasus Partai Demokrat, Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan dan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera." Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 10, no. 2 (October 23, 2013): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35967/jipn.v10i2.1605.
Full textAbstract:
This study describes that how women legislative candidates were recruited by political parties atPekanbaru City in General Election 2009. The Democratic Party, The Indonesian Democratic Party –Struggle and The Prosperous Justice Party become cases study. Firstly, The Democratic Party usedinternal mechanism by local patronage type. On other hand, The Indonesia Democratic Party – Struggleused internal mechanism by central patronage type. However, both are an ascriptive style recruitment. Inaddition, The Prosperous Justice Party used internal mechanism by local bureaucratic. But, this style isan achievement oriented recruitment. Finally, in according to Kingsley that political party can consider 7points for recruitment. Namely, social background, political socialization, initial political activity,apprenticenship, occupational variables, motivation dan selection.Key words: political recruitment, women legislative candidates and political party.
5
Burdah, Ibnu. "New Trends in Islamic Political Parties in the Arab Spring Countries." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 52, no. 2 (December 20, 2014): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2014.522.459-485.
Full textAbstract:
The recent developments of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring countries show new orientation and agendas, i.e. reconfirmation of their commitment to democratic values, strengthening civil society, and adopting human rights principles. In the same time, they indicate not to be interested in the old Islamic agendas relating to jihad for Islamic states (dawlah Islāmiyah) and “global Islamic government” under one centralized caliphate (al-khilāfah al-Islāmiyyah). It is the case of Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, Freedom and Justice Party (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) in Egypt, and Awakening Party (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) in Tunis. This paper seeks to explore and explain this new fact. Based on literary research and interviews with the leaders of the Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, the paper concludes that the new orientation and agendas of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring states are related to democratization in the world, strong waves of Arab spring in many Arab states, and the dynamics of the internal parties.[Perkembangan mutakhir partai-partai politik Islam di sejumlah negara Arab “Musim Semi” menunjukkan adanya perubahan orientasi dan agenda baru, berupa penegasan kembali komitmen mereka terhadap nilai-nilai demokrasi, penguatan masyarakat sipil, dan adopsi prinsip-prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pada saat yang sama, mereka tampak kurang tertarik kepada agenda-agenda politik Islam lama seperti jihad bagi pendirian negara Islam dan pendirian pemerintahan Islam global di bawah satu khalifah yang tersentralisasi. Hal ini relevan terhadap kasus Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) di Maroko, Partai Kebebasan dan Keadilan (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) di Mesir, dan Partai Kebangkitan (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) di Tunisia. Artikel ini berupaya mengeksplorasi dan menjelaskan fakta baru ini. Berdasarkan kajian pustaka dan wawancara dengan sejumlah petinggi Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan di Maroko, penulis berkesimpulan bahwa orientasi baru ini terjadi akibat dari gelombang demokratisasi dunia, “angin kencang musim semi” Arab yang begitu kuat, dan dinamika internal partai.]
6
Putra, Agung Pratama, Norhuda Norhuda, and Nico Oktario Adytyas. "Institusionalisasi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) dan Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) di Kota Palembang." Ampera: A Research Journal on Politics and Islamic Civilization 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/ampera.v2i1.7515.
Full textAbstract:
This research is entitled "INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN PALEMBANG CITY: A Case Study of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP)". This research explains that the institutionalization of Islamic political parties in Palembang City can affect the results of the legislative elections and the existence of voters, which at the time of the 2019 legislative elections in Palembang City, the votes and seats of Islamic political parties experienced very significant changes in terms of the number of votes. and legislative seats. Islamic political parties that experienced an increase in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) when the 2014 legislative general election received three seats but in the 2019 legislative general election it got five seats, while the Islamic political parties which experienced a decrease in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Party The Development Association (PPP) when the 2014 legislative election won two seats, but in the 2019 legislative general election, it only got one seat.
The reason the author chose the title Institutionalization of Islamic Political Parties in Palembang City is due to the extent to which Islamic parties have or have not been institutionalized, this research on the institutionalization of political parties uses the theory of Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand political parties are considered institutionalized if there are four degrees of institutionalization such as Degree of System, Degree of Value Identity , Degree of Decision Autonomy and Degree of Public Knowledge. Based on the theory used, the results of this study, among others, prove that PKS can be said to have been institutionalized and PPP has not been institutionalized based on the four degrees of political party institutionalization theory concept according to Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand. So that it can be directly proven by the results of research findings where the institutionalization of PKS and PPP parties has similarities and differences between the two Islamic political parties in absorbing the people's aspirations and fighting for the interests of Muslims in Palembang City.
7
Reynaldin, Dede Anggy. "SISTEM REKRUITMEN DAN KADERISASI PARTAI KEADILAN SEJAHTERA DI JAWA BARAT." Jurnal Caraka Prabu 2, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 142–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jcp.v2i2.390.
Full textAbstract:
This research entitled �the system of Recruitmen and the prosperous justice party cadre recruitment in West Java�. The real problem in this research not yet optimal recruitment and cadre recruitment system which applied the PKS in West Java, as seem fro, the existence of a decrease in the percentage of the vote in legislative elections West Java, so the researchers took factors influencing the process of cadre recruitment patterns according to Harun who are institutional, cadre recruitment patterns, quality and time. As for the identification of the problem as follows : (1). How the system of recruitment and the Prosperous Justice Party cadre recruitment in West Java?, (2). What are the Factors that inhibit recruitment and cadre recruitment system in the Prosperous Justice Party in West Java?, (3). Any efforts to overcome barriers in the system of recruitment and the Prosperous Justice Party cadre recruitment in West Java? In this study, researchers used a descriptive research methods wit qualitative approaches. The techniquw of data collection was done through literature study, observation and interview key informants in depth with DPW PKS West Java, and the informants supporters chairman of cadre recruitment and PKS cadre. Determination of informants/purposive sampling done in a resource that is chosen with consideration and specific purpose. While the main instrument in the study are researchers themselves. Based on the result of the study showed : (1). Recruitment and cadre recruitment pattern have not been implemented optimally so that the need for renewal in the methods of recruitment and cadre recruitment conducted by the Prosperous Justice Party in West Java. (2) The role of the instituations existing in the PKS cadre recruitment namely recruitment of members through Dakwah movement in various walks of the life by means of an intensive approach towards prospective. (3). Phasing in any cadre recruitment agenda is a method to improve the quality of cadres of the the PKS candidate in West Java. (4). The PKS used the system semester in each recruitment agenda and cadre recruitment. (5). There are barriers that exist in the system of recruitment and the PKS cadre recruitment. (6). Efforts continue to be made to overcome existing barriers.
8
Ufen, Andreas. "Parliamentary Elections in Indonesia: President Susilo on the Rise." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 28, no. 2 (June 2009): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810340902800205.
Full textAbstract:
The Indonesian parliamentary elections in April 2009 have been characterized as peaceful, free, and fair. All in all, the young democracy has been stabilized. The PD (Partai Demokrat, Democratic Party), the electoral vehicle of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, won with 20.8%. It is mostly secular parties, that is the PD, Golkar (Partai Golongan Karya, Party of Functional Groups) and the PDI-P (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia – Perjuangan, Indonesian Democratic Party – Struggle), which now dominate the party system. Support for the Islamic parties has dwindled; only the Islamist PKS (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, Prosperous Justice Party) was able to gain slightly. The rapid rise of the PD and two smaller new parties is testimony to the fluidity of the party system. The results corroborate a trend of a weakening of socio-political “streams” ( aliran). This development is due to the increasing personalization and commercialization of politics and the impact of mass media. Moreover, electoral reforms (the introduction of an “open list”) seem to have strengthened local politicians vis-à-vis party headquarters in Jakarta.
9
Yulianto, Much. "PERAN BUDAYA ORGANISASI DALAM MEWUJUDKAN VISI MISI PARTAI KEADILAN SEJAHTERA (PKS)." JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL 15, no. 2 (November 24, 2016): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jis.15.2.2016.90-102.
Full textAbstract:
Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) as large organization has been putting the organizational culture as a primary need to build both institutional work and the dynamics activities of members that were managed to realize the vision and mission of the party. Organizational culture as an internal force as well as institutional capital to realize the vision and mission of the party should be able to be evaluated in presence and role in order to realize of the vision and mission of the organization.This study aims to determine the role of organizational culture in realizing the vision and mission of PKS. This research is a qualitative descriptive study. The data collection was done by in-depth interviews.The results showed: (1) organizational culture play a role in shaping the identity and character of party members; (2) The organizational culture also plays a role in encouraging loyalty and solidity of party members; (3) the organizational culture at PKS played role in strengthening the confidence of individual members.
10
Wahyudi, Nostalgiawan. "Between Islam, Politics, and Democracy: The Political Ideology of Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS)." Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 5, no. 1 (October 5, 2017): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jissh.v5i1.23.
Full textAbstract:
This paper explores the political ideology of one of the most recent Islamic revivalist parties in Indonesia, the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) or the Prosperous Justice Party. The rigidity and strong politico-ideological foundations of the PKS do not ft easily in contemporary Indonesian Muslim society; it is important to find the reasons why the PKS has become moderate in its approach to Indonesian politics. This examination of the PKSs ideology covers institutional development, political strategies and its attitude to democracy. The political drive of the party has its origins in its very basic ideology that links to the political character of the Muslim Brotherhood. The party uses a rational approach to adapt the objectifcation of Muslim needs from a homogenous to a pluralist society that naturally insists the party contextualise its ideology in building an Islamic state,shar??a implementation and democracy.
11
Walahe, Dewi. "Kekuatan Politik Perempuan dalam Organisasi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) di Kabupaten Gorontalo." Gorontalo Journal of Public Administration Studies 1, no. 1 (April 23, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.32662/gjpads.v1i1.175.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study is to know the political power of women in the organization of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Gorontalo District. The research method used is quantitative method, and research type is descriptive. Data collection using questionnaires, interviews, observation and documentation. The research informant is the leader of the PKS Party of Gorontalo district. The result of the research shows that 1) the representation of women in the governance of the PKS party in Gorontalo Regency has not been able to fulfill women's representation 30% in the management of political parties according to Law no. 2 Year 2008 Jo. Law no. 2 Year 2011 on Political Parties. 2) There are four factors that inhibit the fulfillment of 30% of women's representation until it is not fulfilled: First, from the normative point, the Law regulating it is Law no. 2 Year 2008 Jo. UU no. 2 Year 2011 on political parties is not effective in the implementation process. Second, the cultural factor, patriarchal culture, where is men have a higher position than women; third, the Political Party Factor itself. The party sometimes never gives women the opportunity to occupy strategic positions in party stewardship so women are sometimes overlooked; and fourth, the factor of the woman's personal. Indonesian women are still a lot of pessimists or feel afraid of themselves.
12
', Wazni. "Strategi Koalisi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera dalam Pemenangan Pemilihan Walikota dan Wakil Walikota Pekanbaru 2010-2011." Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 12, no. 2 (November 26, 2015): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.35967/jipn.v12i2.2908.
Full textAbstract:
PKS has requirements that must be observed by candidates for mayor / deputy mayor tobe carried include: having the support of political parties, the mass base of supportand success program. Because the non-fulfillment of the quota of 15 seats in parliament,PKS makes the initial coalition with Paradise as individu.Selanjutnya, the coalitioncontinued with the coalition parties combined. There are six parties joined-Versecarries Firdaus Cahyadi are: PKS, Hanura, UN, PDK, the Democratic Party and thePDI-P.Keywords: Coalition, Election, the Prosperous Justice Party.
13
Rofhani, Rofhani, and Ahmad Nur Fuad. "Moderating Anti-Feminism: Islamism and Women Candidates in the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS)." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 40, no. 1 (April 2021): 156–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103421989076.
Full textAbstract:
As Indonesia’s leading Islamist party, the Prosperous Justice Party ( Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, PKS) has attracted much scholarly interest, prompting debate on the extent to which the party’s inclusion in electoral politics has required it to moderate its initially strict ideological vision. In this article, we extend consideration of this “inclusion-moderation” thesis to the party’s attitudes and practices regarding women. PKS has a large and active female support base, but it emphasises that women’s political and social roles should be secondary to their primary duties in the domestic sphere. Through a close study of female PKS candidates in Indonesia’s 2019 legislative elections in East Java, we show that women members of the party are moderating the party’s anti-feminist stance. Though they do not explicitly challenge party ideology, they demonstrate significant independent agency in their campaign practices, engaging in outreach to female voters in a strongly practical rather than strictly ideological mode.
14
Rokhmad, Abu. "DASAR NEGARA DAN TAQIYYAH POLITIK PKS." Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 22, no. 1 (June 15, 2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.2014.22.1.255.
Full textAbstract:
<p class="IIABSBARU">This article studied about the relationship between Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS/the Prosperous Justice Party) and Pancasila as the state’s philosophy. PKS didn’t have the experience of the struggle of Indonesian independence and the difficult period of the Pancasila formulation. PKS was born after Pancasila convinced as the national agreement. The political attitude of PKS to Pancasila as the state’s philosophy is still indistinct. PKS viewed as political party that hide their truly intent: between receiving Pancasila and implementing islamic shari’ah. The aspiration of implementing islamic shari’ah has been concealing in vision and mission as well as in the heart of PKS’s cadres. The aspiration will be done by peaceful and constitutional ways.</p><p class="IIABSBARU" dir="RTL" align="center">***</p>Artikel ini mengkaji relasi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) dengan Pancasila sebagai dasar negara. PKS tidak mengalami perjuangan meraih kemerdekaan dan masa-masa sulit perumusan Pancasila. PKS lahir setelah Pancasila diyakini sebagai perjanjian suci kebangsaan. Sikap PKS terhadap Pancasila sebagai dasar negara masih mengambang. Ia dipandang menyembunyikan maksud hati yang sebenarnya: antara menerima Pancasila atau menegakkan syariat Islam. Cita-cita menegakkan syariat Islam tersimpan dalam visi, misi dan hati para kader PKS, yang akan dilakukan secara damai dan konstitusional.
15
Permana, Tri Cahya Indra. "MODEL PENYELESAIAN PERSELISIHAN PARTAI POLITIK SECARA INTERNAL MAUPUN EKSTERNAL (The Model of Political Party Dispute Settlement Internally and Externally)." Jurnal Hukum dan Peradilan 5, no. 1 (March 15, 2016): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.25216/jhp.5.1.2016.35-52.
Full textAbstract:
Undang-Undang Parpol mengatur bahwa perselisihan Parpol diselesaikan secara internal oleh Mahkamah Partai atau sebutan lain daripada itu dan secara eksternal oleh Pengadilan Negeri dan Mahkamah Agung. Substansi perselisihan yang final dan mengikat di Mahkamah Partai adalah perselisihan kepengurusan, selebihnya dapat diajukan upaya hukum ke Pengadilan Negeri dan Mahkamah Agung. Di dalam praktek, pengaturan tersebut telah menjauhkan dari rasa keadilan, kepastian hukum dan kemanfaatan, oleh karenanya sebaiknya direvisi yang mana perselisihan PAW, pelanggaran terhadap hak anggota partai politik, penyalahgunaan wewenang, pertanggungjawaban keuangan, dan atau keberatan terhadap keputusan partai politik (termasuk keputusan untuk tidak memutuskan terhadap sesuatu hal) final dan mengikat dengan Putusan MPP. Sedangkan perselisihan kepengurusan dapat diajukan upaya hukum ke Mahkamah Konstitusi. Political parties act stipulates that a political party dispute resolved internally by the Mahkamah Partai or other designation of that and externally resolved by the District Court and the Supreme Court. The dispute substance in Mahkamah Partai which is final and binding is about organization dispute, the other can be settled in District Court and the Supreme Court. In practice, that arrangement makes the decision apart from the sense of justice, legal certainty and utility. Therefore, these rules should be revised so that the regulation of PAW, violations of the rights of members of political parties, abuse of authority, financial liability, or an objection to the decision of political parties (including the decision not to decide on something) is final and binding through Mahkamah Partai decision. While the organization disputes can be submitted to the Constitutional Court for legal action.
16
Priohutomo, Hardianto Widyo, Kamarudin Kamarudin, and Syahrul Hidayat. "The Emergence of Gerakan Arah Baru Indonesia (Garbi) and Factionalism in Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS)." Jurnal Politik 5, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/jp.v5i1.222.
Full textAbstract:
This article discusses factionalism in Islamic political parties in contemporary Indonesian politics, especially within Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party). The factionalism inside the party has occurred since the 2004 elections due to differences in the party management between those who prefer an idealist approach and pragmatism. However, the differences between the proponents of each approach do not produce any friction leading to the emergence of a splinter group until the current leadership. It is only after the commencement of the 2015–2020 PKS leadership has the factionalism finally given birth to a new organization, Garbi (Gerakan Arah Baru Indonesia or Indonesian New Direction Movement). This study will discuss the emergence of splinter groups in PKS by using Boucek’s factionalism theory. The case of Garbi shows that stages of factionalism in PKS tend to be cooperative and leading to competition. However, before the rise of Garbi itself, which is declared as a movement instead of a political party, the factionalism within PKS has yet entered the competitive stage. This study argues that the factionalism has been heavily influenced by deep-rooted doctrinal values among its cadres that may hinder any severe impacts of competitive or even degenerative factionalism. Therefore, even though the factionalism appears to move towards degeneration in the near future, PKS appears to have managed the impact of the process with relative smooth and is able to maintain its solidity at certain level.
17
Muzakki, Akh. "Islamisme dan Politisasi Agama Model PKS dalam Pilpres 2009." ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman 5, no. 1 (January 22, 2014): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/islamica.2010.5.1.61-76.
Full textAbstract:
In the past decade or so, Islamism as a political concept and perhaps as an ideology has gained strong momentum in Indonesia. The fall of Soeharto after more than three decades in power has helped this ideology to emerge and exert itself particularly in the form of religion oriented political party. This paper is interested in exploring the expression and actualization of Islamism by scrutinizing the political behavior of Justice and Welfare Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera / PKS) during the 2009 presidential election. We are particularly interested in looking at the use of religious symbols and rites by the party for clear political purposes. We argue that Islamism has been manipulated by PKS during that election as a vehicle to gain power. Hence, the main problem that this paper deals with is actually the idea of the politization of religion by a political party claiming to have represented Islam and its noble teaching.
18
Octavia, Lanny. "Islamism & Democracy: A Gender Analysis on PKS’s Application of Democratic Principles and Values." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 50, no. 1 (June 26, 2012): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2012.501.1-22.
Full textAbstract:
The increasing popular support for Islamist parties in democratic countries incites public suspicion concerning whether the Islamists’ participation in procedural democracy guarantees their commitment for substantial democracy, which in principle requires equality of rights among citizens regardless of their religion and gender. Indeed, gender politics often appears at the centre of the lslamist agenda, as they seek to construct a new moral order based on a conservative gender perspective. A greater concern arises on whether the Islamists will eventually lead society towards democracy or, conversely, towards theocracy. In Indonesia, the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS) shows a remarkable development and significant electoral achievement. Some observers viewed that PKS is opportunistically using democratic means to “hijack” it for their Islamist agenda waiting for when political power is in their hands. Others believe PKS’s involvement in real politics will, in the end, lead to a “gradual secularisation” of their Islamist agenda. Based on a gender analysis, this paper examines whether PKS’s fulfillment of the formalist criteria of democracy is compatible with their application of democratic principles and values.[Semakin menguatnya dukungan terhadap partai Islam memincu kecurigaan publik yang mempertanyakan apakah partisipasi kalangan islamis dalam demokrasi prosedural menjamin komitmen mereka bagi tegaknya demokrasi substansial, demokrasi yang mensyaratkan kesetaraan bagi semua orang tanpa terkecuali. Sebenarnya, agenda politik gender yang didengungkan oleh kalangan islamis tidak bisa dilepaskan dari perspektif konservatif mereka mengenai relasi gender. Pertanyaannya kemudian, apakah yang mereka agendakan akan berlabuh pada pemantapan demokrasi atau --sebaliknya‑‑ menuju teokrasi. Di Indonesia, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) adalah satu-satunya partai Islam di Indonesia yang berhasil berkembang pesat dan mampu mendulang suara secara signifikan. Bagi beberapa pengamat, PKS merepresentasikan partai Islamis yang berhasil “menunggangi” demokrasi untuk memperjuangkan agenda islamis mereka. Ini akan tampak jelas jika PKS berhasil menjadi partai penguasa. Kendati demikian, beberapa kalangan lainnya berkeyakinan bahwa keterlibatan PKS dalam politik demokratis akan “mensekulerkan” agenda islamis mereka. Dengan analisis gender, tulisan ini hendak menjawab apakah kriteria formal mengenai nilai dan prinsip demokrasi yang melekat pada PKS sejalan dengan apa yang mereka praktekkan.]
19
Soraya, Sarah. "Konsistensi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera di Luar Pemerintahan Joko Widodo pada Periode 2014-2019 dan 2019-2024." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI) 2, no. 2 (February 24, 2022): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v2i2.24955.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract. In 2019 Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) chose to be in another carriage of opposition, although other major parties tried to make friends with the government. Referring to the vote in the 2014-2019 elections, the number of PKS voters increased sharply by 36% to a difference of 3,013,459 votes, from 2019 to 2014. Therefore, this article will examine what factors made the Prosperous Justice Party choose to remain in opposition during the two periods of Joko Widodo's leadership as well as the impacts obtained both internally and governmently. This research uses qualitative method. The results showed that when compared to most other parties that voted to join the coalition, they chose to be consistent. This was done to attract new voters. On the other hand, they are is trying to defend its base of voters. The opposition is doing it in the legislative sector while still providing constructive inputs. The impact of the decision is to get a positive response with the increase in votes and flexibility in expressing opinions in parliament. Keywords: Opposition, PKS, political parties, base voters, vote increase. Abstrak. Pada tahun 2019 PKS memilih untuk berada di gerbong lain yaitu oposisi, meskipun partai besar yang lain beramai-ramai berusaha untuk berkawan dengan pemerintah. Mengacu pada perolehan suara pada pemilu 2014-2019, jumlah pemilih PKS mengalami kenaikan yang cukup tajam sebanyak 36%. Sehubungan dengan itu artikel ini akan mengkaji faktor yang membuat PKS memilih beroposisi selama dua periode Joko Widodo serta dampak yang didapatkan baik internal maupun pemerintah. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa jika dibandingkan dengan kebanyakan partai lain yang memilih untuk bergabung dengan koalisi, PKS memilih untuk konsisten. Hal tersebut dilakukan untuk menarik minat pemilih baru, sekaligus berusaha mempertahankan para base voters. Oposisi dilakukan dalam sektor legislatif dengan tetap memberikan masukan-masukan konstruktif. Dampak dari keputusan beroposi yaitu mendapatkan respon positif dengan adanya kenaikan suara dan keleluasaan berpendapat dalam parlemen.Kata Kunci: Oposisi, PKS, partai politik, base voters, kenaikan suara.
20
Mushonnaf, Muhannan Mu'min. "PRAKTIK NIKAH TANPA PACARAN DI LINGKUNGAN ANGGOTA PELOPOR PARTAI KEADILAN SEJAHTERA (PKS) DAN PENGARUHNYA TERHADAP HARMONI RUMAH TANGGA." Al-IHKAM: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga Jurusan Ahwal al-Syakhshiyyah Fakultas Syariah IAIN Mataram 14, no. 1 (June 28, 2022): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/alihkam.v14i1.6583.
Full textAbstract:
In Indonesia, one of the communities that practice the concept of marriage without dating is the institution or congregation of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). PKS in practice, is often identified with the grouping of their cadres in choosing a mate. In its application, there is no term dating between men and women, but to get to a marriage is called ta'aruf. Furthermore, what is interesting to study is the extent to which the process or practice of marriage without dating affects the household harmony of the PKS pioneer cadres. In other words, the practice of marriage in the ta'aruf way, without a personal relationship between the prospective bride and groom, will affect the quality of the marriage of the PKS members.
This research was conducted using a qualitative approach. Qualitative research aims to obtain an authentic understanding of people, as perceived by the people concerned. Qualitative methods are used to reveal the nature of one's experience with certain phenomena. In addition, qualitative methods can also be used to reveal something in batik that is a little and unknown phenomenon. This method can also be used to gain insight into something little known. The focus of this research is the harmony of individual marriages, in this case the pioneer members of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) of East Lombok Regency, who married without dating.
The conclusion from the discussion above is that there is a practice of marriage without dating among the pioneer members of the PKS in East Lombok Regency. The pioneer members of the PKS East Lombok Regency married through an institution owned by PKS, namely the Marriage Institution, which aimed to carry out the ta'aruf process as wasilah for the meeting of prospective brides and grooms. This affects the household harmony of PKS members. In general, interviews conducted with PKS members and the community who interact with PKS members show that PKS cadre households are harmonious households.
21
Syahda, Adelline. "Tafsir Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 55/PUU-XVIII/2020 Terhadap Syarat Kepesertaan Partai Politik dalam Pemilu 2024." SALAM: Jurnal Sosial dan Budaya Syar-i 9, no. 5 (July 2, 2022): 1377–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/sjsbs.v9i4.26679.
Full textAbstract:
The registration of political parties participating in the election should pay attention to the perspective of justice both in terms of regulation and practice. In order to participate in the election, a political party must have passed verification by the KPU. The terms of participation of political parties to participate in elections are regulated in Article 173 of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning Elections. Efforts to obtain fair and equal treatment before the law in the registration of election participants can be seen through several judicial reviews of the Constitutional Court Decisions. This balance of treatment is based on equality of opportunity in the participation of the nation's life as a contribution in the political field according to Article 28D of the 1945 Constitution. Lastly, Decision Number 55/PUU-XVIII/2020 divides the qualifications of political parties as candidates for the 2024 general election into two, namely first, political parties that are only verified administratively, secondly, political parties that are verified administratively and factually. This study aims to describe the requirements for political parties to participate in elections according to the Election Law and the implications of the issuance of the Constitutional Court Decision on the development of the meaning of verification. The writing uses normative research methods. This research will provide findings on the two formulations of the problem and recommendations as conclusions.Keywords: Political Parties; Party Verification; Elections AbstrakPendaftaran partai politik peserta pemilu sudah seharusnya memperhatikan perspektif keadilan baik secara regulasi maupun praktik. Untuk menjadi peserta pemilu, partai politik harus telah ditetapkan lulus verifikasi oleh KPU. Syarat kepesertaan partai politik menjadi peserta pemilu diatur dalam Pasal 173 UU Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilu. Upaya untuk mendapatkan perlakuan yang adil dan sama dihadapan hukum dalam pendaftaran peserta pemilu dapat dilihat melalui beberapa judisial review Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi. Keseimbangan perlakuan ini didasari atas kesamaan kesempatan dalam peran serta kehidupan berbangsa bernegara sebagai kontribusi di bidang politik sesuai Pasal 28D UUD 1945. Terakhir Putusan Nomor 55/PUU-XVIII/2020 membagi kualifikasi partai politik calon peserta pemilu 2024 atas dua yaitu pertama, politik yang hanya diverifikasi secara administrasi, kedua, partai politik yang dilakukan verifikasi secara administrasi dan factual. Kajian ini bertujuan mendeskripsikan syarat partai politik menjadi peserta pemilu menurut UU Pemilu serta implikasi terbitnya Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi terhadap perkembangan pemaknaan verifikasi. Penulisan menggunakan metode penelitian normatif. Penelitian ini nantinya akan memberikan temuan atas kedua rumusan masalah tersebut dan rekomendasi sebagai simpulan.Kata Kunci: Partai Politik; Verifikasi Partai; Pemilu
22
Arifin, Zainal, and Lailatu Rohmah. "THE CONCEPT OF LEADERSHIP OF THE TRANSNATIONAL ISLAMIC IDEOLOGY PERSPECTIVE AND RESPONSES TO DEMOCRACY PRACTICES IN INDONESIA." AKADEMIKA: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 24, no. 1 (October 21, 2019): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/akademika.v24i1.1474.
Full textAbstract:
This research analyses the concept of leadership within transnational Islam tradition in Indonesia and their response towards democracy, particularly within three largest transnational organizations of Jama’ah Tabligh, Jama’ah Tarbiyah, and Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Based on an extensive literature study and in depth interviews, this research found that: first, leadership concept in the tradition of (1) Jamaah Tabligh is called “Amir” which is appointed through a dialogue (musyawarah). The Amir is responsible to preach ‘the da’wah ‘ala> Minhaj an-Nubuwwah (proselytizing Islam using Prophetic methods) through ‘khuru>j fi> sabi>lilla>h; (2) Jama’ah Tarbiyah is called “Majlis Syuro” as the highest body of the Islamic party which functions as “ahlul halli wal ‘aqdi” (the consultative assembly) in its political movement represented by Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party/ PKS); and (3) HTI is called “Khalifah” that calls for the system of ‘Khila>fah ‘ala> Minha>ji an-Nubuwwah’. Second, those three organizations have divergent responses regarding the practice of democracy in Indonesia. The responses are (1) Jamaah Tabligh chooses to be apolitical and let its followers whether to participate in the democracy or not; (2) Jamaah Tarbiyah supports the democracy system by establishing Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), and (3) HTI opposes democracy because the concept is born from the capitalist ideology, a kufr system as it created by human and is not taken from Shari’ah concept.
23
Murdiana, Elfa, and Titut Sudiono. "SELF-AWARENESS MOVEMENT: DERADICALIZATION OF STUDENTS' RELIGION UNDERSTANDING IN LAMPUNG PROVINCE." AKADEMIKA: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 24, no. 2 (January 8, 2020): 411. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/akademika.v24i2.1820.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract
This research analyses the concept of leadership within transnational Islam tradition in Indonesia and their response towards democracy, particularly within three largest transnational organizations of Jama’ah Tabligh, Jama’ah Tarbiyah, and Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Based on an extensive literature study and in depth interviews, this research found that: first, leadership concept in the tradition of (1) Jamaah Tabligh is called “Amir” which is appointed through a dialogue (musyawarah). The Amir is responsible to preach ‘the da’wah ‘ala> Minhaj an-Nubuwwah (proselytizing Islam using Prophetic methods) through ‘khuru>j fi> sabi>lilla>h; (2) Jama’ah Tarbiyah is called “Majlis Syuro” as the highest body of the Islamic party which functions as “ahlul halli wal ‘aqdi” (the consultative assembly) in its political movement represented by Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party/ PKS); and (3) HTI is called “Khalifah” that calls for the system of ‘Khila>fah ‘ala> Minha>ji an-Nubuwwah’. Second, those three organizations have divergent responses regarding the practice of democracy in Indonesia. The responses are (1) Jamaah Tabligh chooses to be apolitical and let its followers whether to participate in the democracy or not; (2) Jamaah Tarbiyah supports the democracy system by establishing Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), and (3) HTI opposes democracy because the concept is born from the capitalist ideology, a kufr system as it created by human and is not taken from Shari’ah concept..
Keywords: Leadership. Transnasional, and Democracy
24
Nasiwan, Nasiwan. "A shift of political education to the market's needs: A criticism for the development of a value-based political education of Partai Keadilan Sejahtera." Jurnal Civics: Media Kajian Kewarganegaraan 18, no. 2 (October 31, 2021): 324–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/jc.v18i2.44173.
Full textAbstract:
This research aims to understand the shifting of political education at Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperity and Justice Party (PKS). I employ theory of social contract to analyze phenomena involving the elites and the rest of the Muslims. This research is a study of the literature complemented with an in-depth interview with those who involve in the political education either as the subjects or objects of it. The data, then, were analyzed by means of a method of critical discourse. The political education shifting, partly, is related to the shifting of conception on the relationship between Islam, as normative values, and Indonesia, as the context for its implementation. At first, PKS tends to produce a cadre who has strong characters such as a pious cadre and loyal to the party. Majority of the elite party failed to represent themselves at the Parliament. Then, they develop political education which produces activists who are capable of accommodating Islamic values to the political calculation. At last, PKS follows the market demand of middle class Muslims who aspire to produce the religious and modern young Muslim generation. By so doing, PKS is able to expand its political influence amongst the people, especially the Muslim.
25
Fuad, Ai Fatimah Nur. "Kajian Literatur tentang Perkembangan Historis dan Transformasi Dakwah Gerakan Tarbiyah di Indonesia." Jurnal Lektur Keagamaan 17, no. 2 (February 20, 2020): 349–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31291/jlk.v17i2.744.
Full textAbstract:
This research analyses the historical development of the Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia. Specifically, it analyses on how and to what extent the da’wa of the Tarbiyah movement has been transformed due its changing of religious, social and political dynamics of Indonesia since 1970s until now. Based on this written document-based research, I argue that the gradual transition of the Tarbiyah movement from a politically repressed network of religious purists in the 1970-80s into a fully-fledged dakwah political party (the Prosperous Justice Party /PKS) was the outcome of new ‘political opportunities’ which emerged during a period of democratisation. The political situation during the time of the Tarbiyah movement’s emergence in the early 1980s saw state repression of Islamic movements and this constraint on political opportunity structures was one of the main factors causing the Liqo to be informally organised. Only in the post-New Order period (begun in 1998) did the movement start to generate its formal organizational structure in the shape of a political party named the PK(S). The move towards formality aimed to take advantage of the ‘political opportunity’ provided by a more democratic government, while the less formal and the informal aspects of their organisation supports the party in recruiting new members and mobilizing its sympathisers.Keywords: Da’wa, Tarbiyah movement, PKS, Politics, Indonesia.Penelitian ini mengkaji perkembangan historis gerakan Tarbiyah di Indonesia. Secara khusus, penelitian ini mengkaji mengenai bagaimana dan sejauhmana dakwah gerakan Tarbiyah ini telah mengalami transformasi disebabkan oleh perubahan dinamika keagamaan, sosial, dan politik Indonesia sejak tahun 1970-an sampai saat ini. Berdasarkan penelitian berbasis analisa dokumen tertulis untuk ini, saya berpendapat bahwa transisi bertahap gerakan Tarbiyah dari jaringan agama puritan yang ditekan secara politis pada tahun 1970-1980-an menjadi sebuah partai politik dakwah pada akhir 1990-an adalah hasil dari peluang politik atau ‘political opportunity' yang muncul selama periode demokratisasi. Situasi politik selama masa kemunculan gerakan Tarbiyah pada awal 1980-an menyebabkan represi negara atas gerakan Islam dan kendala pada struktur kesempatan politik ini adalah salah satu faktor utama yang menyebabkan liqo diorganisir secara informal. Pada periode pasca-Orde Baru (dimulai pada tahun 1998) gerakan ini mulai menghasilkan struktur organisasi formal dalam bentuk partai politik bernama PKS. Langkah perubahan menuju formalitas bertujuan untuk mengambil keuntungan dari 'peluang politik' yang dibuka oleh pemerintah yang lebih demokratis, sementara aspek yang kurang formal dan informal dari organisasi /gerakan mereka tetap bisa mendukung partai dalam merekrut anggota baru dan memobilisasi simpatisannya.Kata Kunci: Dakwah, Gerakan Tarbiyah, PKS, Politik, Indonesia.
26
Ismawati, Rd Dewi, Rohadi Rohadi, and Soni Akhmad Nulhaqim. "PERAN POLITIK CEU POPONG DALAM MEMBANGUN BANGSA YANG HARMONI." Jurnal Kolaborasi Resolusi Konflik 1, no. 2 (August 15, 2019): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jkrk.v1i2.23236.
Full textAbstract:
Kebudayaan dan gender tidak dapat dipisahkan. Dalam budaya Sunda, kedudukan perempuan dalam wilayah domestik maupun di luar bisa menjadi kontradiktif. Ceu Popong sebagai perempuan asli Sunda membuktikan bahwa, terlepas dari beragam persepsi bagaimana budaya Sunda dalam memandang kedudukan perempuan, ia tetap bisa mengembangkan diri sebagai politisi hingga terpilih menjadi Anggota DPR-RI selama lima periode. Dalam perspektif teori gender dan gerakan feminis, perubahan peran Ceu Popong sebagai pengurus rumah tangga menjadi politisi membuktikan pentingnya pendidikan dan keadilan sosial sebagai kunci pemberdayaan perempuan, khususnya di ranah politik praktis. Ceu Popong juga telah membuktikan identitas pribadi, seperti gender, suku, atau bahkan partai, merupakan salah satu dari banyak faktor untuk membangun harmoni bangsa dalam keberagaman. The concept of culture and gender cannot be separated. In Subdanese culture, women position in domestic and public area can be contradictive. Ceu Popong as Sundanese woman proves that, regardless the varies perception of women position in Sundanese culture, she can actualize her role as politicianand got elected as member of parliament (DPRRI) for five periods. Gender theory and feminism movement theory, explained this role changes from householf wife to politician is a proof of the importance of education and social justice as the keys to women empowerment, especially in political sphere. And also. Ceu Popong has proved that personal identity, like gender, culture, and even party, are one of many factors that can build nations’s harmony in diversity.
27
Hadiyansyah, Dhuha, and Didin Nuruddin Hidayat. "Understanding Corruptors’ Imagination Concerning Money Through Their Metaphors." IJEE (Indonesian Journal of English Education) 6, no. 2 (April 28, 2020): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/ijee.v6i2.15465.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThis study illustrates the imagination of corrupt politicians from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) about money through observing the metaphors they use to replace the word "money" when conducting cell phone conversations revealed in court. The discussion focuses on the metaphorical expressions of two PKS politicians, in the case of bribery by Commissioner of PT Cahaya Mas Perkasa, So Kok Seng, related to road reconstruction projects in Maluku and North Maluku in 2017. The Conceptual Metaphor theory is used to uncover the semantic fields of the metaphors they create. Thus, the corruptor's imagination can be revealed. It was found that through metaphors they think of money as a sacred object like the Holy Book.ABSTRAKStudi ini menganalisa imajinasi politisi korup dari Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) tentang uang dengan mengamati metafora yang mereka gunakan untuk mengganti kata "uang" ketika melakukan percakapan telepon seluler yang diungkapkan di pengadilan. Penelitian ini berfokus pada ekspresi metaforis dari dua politisi PKS, dalam kasus suap oleh Komisaris PT Cahaya Mas Perkasa, So Kok Seng, terkait dengan proyek rekonstruksi jalan di Maluku dan Maluku Utara pada tahun 2017. Teori Metafor Konseptual digunakan untuk mengungkap bidang semantik dari metafora yang mereka buat. Dengan demikian, imajinasi koruptor dapat terungkap. Melalui metafora mereka menganggap uang sebagai objek suci seperti Kitab Suci. How to Cite: Hadiyansyah, D., Hidayat, D.N. (2019). Understanding Corruptors’ Imagination Concerning Money Through Their Metaphors. IJEE (Indonesian Journal of English Education), 6(2), 109-118. doi:10.15408/ijee.v6i2.15465.
28
A'isyah, A'isyah, and Zulkipli Lessy. "Investigating the Method of Da’wah and the Role of Political-Economy of Jemaah Tarbiyah in Urban Malang Society." Wawasan: Jurnal Ilmiah Agama dan Sosial Budaya 7, no. 1 (November 12, 2022): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jw.v7i1.14591.
Full textAbstract:
Since the emergence of the overwhelming electoral vote for Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party) in the 2019 legislative election in Malang City, we discovered the impact of political-economy of Jemaah Tarbiyah on the urban society is a significant boost in electability for PKS. The subject selected is an Islamic philanthropic organisation, Ash-Shahwah Foundation (YASA) in Malang City as the sympathisers of Jemaah Tarbiyah. The supportive factors for regulating the political economy of Jemaah Tarbiyah include the method, role, and participation of YASA in Malang City. Through the method of da’wah, the figure of Jemaah Tarbiyah, Abu Haidar, stated that shalat is the key to success in life, and this has been successfully gaining hundreds of members. The role of YASA is to educate the urban society that obligatory alms become a lifestyle for their charitable politics. YASA becomes an intermediary to the connection of elite-mass or mustahiq-cadres’ relationships for gaining trust and getting massive electoral votes. The urban society participation, particularly the benefactors, can be seen from their enthusiasm in donating their wealth and demonstrating solidarity among individuals to strengthen informal religious learning courses in mosques. Findings show that the political economy of Jemaah Tarbiyah initiated the great success of gaining substantial electoral votes through philanthropic practices used as indirect support and funding for election campaigns. Notably, there is a political tendency for YASA to change its paradigm of philanthropic practice, for which the initial goal was to raise humanitarian aid and charitable funds and to shift funds toward financing a campaign.
29
Luthfi, Ahmad Nashih. "Sejarah dan Revitalisasi Perjuangan Pertanian Nahdlatul Ulama Melawan Ketidakadilan Agraria." BHUMI: Jurnal Agraria dan Pertanahan 3, no. 2 (August 19, 2018): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.31292/jb.v3i2.121.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: Historiographically, there is false understanding that the 1960’s landreform in Indonesia was only supported by communism party, and religion-based parties were on the opposite sides, ideologically and sociologically. This article contradicts the simplification of the understanding of the history by pointed out that Nahdlatul Ulama supported the policy of land reform. The support was within the framework of the creation of justice, as well as the understanding that private land ownership is respected in Islam, as part of the goal in enforcing syari’at: to keep the possessions of the umat (hifdhul maal). Not only on the implementation, Pertanu also defend and fight for the peasants when they were expelled, and their lands were taken over (counter-landreform) post 1965. Based on the archived of ANRI and local military documents, this article record the institutional history of Pertanu and its struggle to defent the peasants after 1965, and the dynamic of the implementation of land reform and its backflow in Banyuwangi, East Java. The description of historical experiences of this peasant organization is equipped by contextual reflection and its revitalization on current era when facing contemporary agrarian issues. Intisari: Secara historiografis berkembang pemahaman yang keliru bahwa landreform era 1960-an di Indonesia hanya didukung oleh partai berpaham komunisme. Sedangkan partai berbasiskan agama, berada pada pihak yang berseberangan, baik secara ideologis maupun sosiologis. Artikel ini membantah simplifikasi pemahaman sejarah tersebut dengan menunjukkan bahwa Nahdlatul Ulama mendukung kebijakan landreform. Dukungan itu dalam kerangka penciptaan keadilan sekaligus pemahaman bahwa kepemilikan tanah pribadi dihormati di dalam Islam, sebab merupakan bagian dari tujuan penegakan syari’at: menjaga harta benda umat (hifdhul maal). Tidak hanya pada tahap pelaksanaan, Pertanu bahkan juga membela dan memperjuangkan kaum tani tatkala mereka diusir dan diambil-alih tanahnya kembali (counter-landreform) pasca 1965. Berdasarkan arsip dari ANRI dan dokumen militer daerah, artikel ini merekam sejarah kelembagaan Pertanu dan perjuangannya dalam membela kaum tani pasca 1965, serta dinamika pelaksanaan landreform dan arus baliknya yang terjadi di Banyuwangi, Jawa Timur. Uraian pengalaman sejarah perjalanan organisasi tani ini dilengkapi dengan refleksi kontekstualitasi dan revitalisasinya pada era saat ini tetkala berhadapan dengan masalah-masalah agraria kontemporer.
30
Fadillah, Dani. "HYPER REALITAS SIMULAKRA TAGAR #2019GANTIPRESIDEN DALAM PEMILIHAN PRESIDEN INDONESIA 2019." Profetik: Jurnal Komunikasi 12, no. 2 (March 25, 2020): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/pjk.v12i2.1669.
Full textAbstract:
This paper is aim to describe how a hashtag appearing in the dynamics of communication on social media is capable of creating a very massive mass movement in the real world. As well as troublesome rulers and authorities to set it up Because it considered a political charge that is in the hashtag could potentially provide a surge of turmoil that is great for the holder of the status quo of the political power of the homeland. By the election of the President of the Republic of Indonesia 2019 was presented with a viral hashtag on social media, the hashtags that were first administered twitted by prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera) politician Mardani Ali Sera, raised the spirit of the masses The number is not minimal not to elect the general election which took place in April 2019. Even until the polls have done, the hashtag still has strong political magic to unite the opposition forces because the reunited was elected to become President of the Republic of Indonesia until 2022. This paper contains the results of qualitative research by making the idea of Jean Baudrillad about Simulacra, simulation, and artificial Phenomenon as his analysis knife. Here the author collects various literary sources in the different news media coverage of the hashtag #2019GantiPresiden then conduct a study of the messages that have a variety of information given to the hashtag Using the turbulent analytical knife of Jean Baudrillad above. Finally, the conclusion of this paper is necessary to fight massive efforts to resist the enormous surge of hashtags #2019GantiPresiden in the homeland in a variety of ways so that the focus is not more significant and to discuss the interests of Political authorities.
31
Saifullah Fatah, Muhammad Faishal, and Akim Akim. "The Translocalization of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Ideas to the Tarbiyah Congregation in Indonesia." Jurnal Global & Strategis 16, no. 2 (December 8, 2022): 285–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.16.2.2022.285-306.
Full textAbstract:
Ikhwanul Muslimin adalah salah satu gerakan Islam transnasional yang paling berpengaruh. Mereka mampu memperluas ruang lingkup operasinya di luar Mesir dan mengilhami berdirinya berbagai organisasi dan gerakan Islam di seluruh dunia hingga menggapai Asia dan Eropa, termasuk Indonesia, di mana pengaruh gagasan Ikhwanul Muslimin dapat ditemukan dalam Jemaah Tarbiyah, yang kemudian menjadi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) pascaruntuhnya rezim orde baru. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan proses translokalisasi gagasan Ikhwanul Muslimin sehingga dapat menyebar ke Jemaah Tarbiyah di Indonesia dengan menggunakan pendekatan travelling theory dari konsep translokalitas, yang merupakan turunan dari transnasionalisme. Hasil dari riset ini menunjukkan bahwa dimensi-dimensi yang terkandung dalam travelling theory menjelaskan bagaimana gagasan dapat menyebar luas di Indonesia melalui penemuan berbagai media penyebaran, serta ditemukannya proses penyesuaian gagasan Ikhwanul Muslimin dalam pengadopsian dan implementasinya di Indonesia. Selain ituterdapat temuan terkait konsekuensi-konsekuensi tidak terduga dari kebijakan suatu negara, baik yang bertindak sebagai sumber maupun tujuan, terhadap perkembangan dan penyebaran gagasan tersebut. Kata-kata Kunci: Ikhwanul Muslimin, Jemaah tarbiyah, translokalisasi, travelling theories The Muslim Brotherhood is one of the most influential transnational Islamic movements. They were able to expand their scope of operations beyond Egypt and inspired the establishment of various Islamic organizations and movements throughout the world to reach Asia and Europe, including Indonesia, where the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood's ideas can be found in Jemaah Tarbiyah, which later became the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) after the collapse of the New Order regime. This study aims to explain the process of translocalizing the ideas of the Muslim Brotherhood so that they can spread to the Tarbiyah Jemaah in Indonesia by using a travelling theory approach from the concept of translocality, which is a derivative of transnationalism. The results of this research show that the dimensions contained in travelling theory explain how ideas can spread widely in Indonesia through the discovery of various dissemination media, as well as the finding of the process of adjusting the ideas of the Muslim Brotherhood in their adoption and implementation in Indonesia. In addition, there are findings that suggest unexpected consequences of a country's policy, both acting as a source and a destination for the development and spread of the idea. Keywords: Jemaah Tarbiyah, Muslim Brotherhood, translocalization, travelling theories
32
Handayani, Diah. "Political Identity, Popular Culture, and Ideological Coercion: The Discourses of Feminist Movement in the Report of Ummi Magazine." Jurnal Pemberdayaan Masyarakat: Media Pemikiran dan Dakwah Pembangunan 5, no. 1 (June 18, 2021): 185–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jpm.2021.051-08.
Full textAbstract:
This research examines the rise of Islamic populism in Indonesia and understands it as an instrument to clear a new pathway for populism movement into popular culture. Ummi magazine is one of the religious media used to be political vehicles of stablishing constituencies, especially for the Tarbiyah movement in the Soeharto era to the current tendency to popularize the Tarbiyah identity as a new lifestyle. Historically, The Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia is a social and political movement among Indonesian Muslimah students, especially activists in the Suharto period. Muslim middle class entrepreneurs launched a campaign of ‘economic jihad. This research uses a qualitative approach by interpreting and studying the data contained in Ummi Magazine. Media studies were carried out in the January 2017 to 2018 editions. The data obtained were described and associated with the magazine's transformation as an ideological medium and Muslim women's lifestyle today. The result shows that the magazine's transformation from ideology magazine to lifestyle magazine can influence readers because there are more new readers. Whether Ummi as a media for da'wah and a women's magazine, it is still perceived by the readers to apply ideological coercion or simply provide an alternative lifestyle or consumption where religious independence is the main characteristic of the magazine. We argue that Islamic populism is mainly a medium for coercion ideology to gain tracks to power, while the poor remain as ‘floating mass’, and entrapped in many so-called 'empowerment' projects. Populism can be interpreted as a communication style in which a group of politicians considers themselves to represent the people’s interests contrasted with elite interests. Nevertheless, the populism approach is gaining momentum. Abdullah, I. (1996). Tubuh, Kesehatan, dan Struktur yang Melemahkan Wanita. Kumpulan Makalah Seminar Bulanan. Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan UGM.Al-Abani, S. M. N. (1999). Jilbab Wanita Muslimah. Pustaka At-Tibyan.Ahmed, L. (1992). Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of Modern Debate. Yale University Press.Al-Ghifari, A. (2005). Kerudung Gaul, Berjilbab Tapi Telanjang. Mujahid Press.Armbrust, W. (2000). ‘Introduction’, Mass Mediation: New Approaches to Popular Culture In The Middle East and Beyond. University California Press.Askew, K. (2002). ‘Introduction’, The Anthropology of Media: A Reader.Blackwell.Astuti, S. N. A. . (2005). Membaca Kelompok Berjilbab Sebagai Komunitas Sub Kultur. Universitas Gadjah Mada.BPS. (2017). Statistika Pendapatan. BPS Publication. Banet-Weiser, S. (2006). “I just want to be me again!”: Beauty pageants, reality television and post-feminism. Feminist Theory, 7(2), 255–272. https://doi.org/10.1177/1464700106064423Banna, H. (2011). Majmu’ah Rasail Al Iman As Syahid (Risalah Pergerakan Ikhawanul Muslimin. Era Intermedia. Barthel, D. (1976) . The Impact of Colonialism on Women’s Status in Senegal.Ph.D Dissertation, Harvard University.Barthes, R. (1977). Image, Music, Text. Fortana Press.Bertrand, I., & Hughes, P. (2005). Media Research Methods: Audiences, Institutions, Texts. Palgrave Mecmillan.Bordo, S. (1995). Unbearable Weight : Feminism, Western Culture, and The Body. University of California Press.Branner, S. (1995). Why Women Rule the Roost: Rethiking Javanese Ideologies of Gender and Self-Control. In Bewitching Women, Pioner Men. University of California Press.______. (1996). ‘Reconstructing Self and Society, Javannese Muslim Women and The Veil’. American Ethnologist.Bruneinessen, M. v. (2002). ‘Genealogies of Islamic Radicalism in Post-Suharto Indonesia’. South East Asian Research. Champagne, J. (2004). Jilbab Gaul. Bali. Latitudes, 46, 114-123.Damanik, A. S. (2000). Fenomena Partai Keadilan: Transformasi 20 Tahun Gerakan Tarbiyah di Indonesia. Mizan.Durkin, K. (1985). Television and Sex Role Acquisition I: Content’. British Journal of Social Psycology, 24, 102-113.Effendi, B. (2003). ‘Islam Politik Pasca Suharto’. Refleksi, 5(2).El-Guindi, F. (1991). Veil, Modesty, Privacy, and Resistance. Berg.Frederick, W. H. (1982). Rhoma Irama and The Dangdut Style: Aspects of Contemporary Indonesian Popular Culture. Indonesia, 34, 103-130.Featherstone, M. (2001). The Body in Consumer Culture. In The Body: Social Process and Cultural Theory. SAGE Publication.Foucault, M. (1981). The Order of Discourse. Routledge and Keagon Paul.Fukuyama, F. (2018). Against Identity Politics. Foreign Affairs, Sptember/October, 1-25.Gough, Y. A. (2003). Understanding Women Magazine. Routledge.Gautlett, D. (2002). Media, Gender, and Identity: An Introduction. Routledge.Geetzt, C. (1973). The Interpretation of Culture. Verso.Gill, R. (2009). Mediated Intimacy and Post Feminism: a Discourse Analytic Examination of Sex and Relationship advice in Woman’s Magazine. Discourse and Communication Journal, 3(4), 345-369. https://doi.org/10.1177/1750481309343870Gramsci, A. (1992). Selection from The Prison on Notebooks. International Publisher.Gorham, B. W. (2004). The Social Psychology of Stereotypes: Implications for Media Audiences. In Race/Gender/Media: Considering Diversity Across Audiences, Content, and Producers. Pearson.Hall, S. (1997). The Work Of Representation. In Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. SAGE Publication.Handayani, D. (2014). Performatifitas Muslimah dalam Majalah Ummi. At-Tabsyir. Jurnal Komunikasi Penyiaran Islam, 2(1), 73-98. http://doi.org/10.21043/at-tabsyir.v2i1.461.Hanifah, U. (2011). Konstruksi Ideologi Gender pada Majalah Wanita (Analisis Wacana Kritis Majalah Ummi). KOMUNIKA: Jurnal Dakwah dan Komunkasi, 5(2), 199-220. https://doi.org/10.24090/komunika.v5i2.170Imdadun, R. (2005). Arus Baru Iislam Radikal: Transmisi, Revivalisme Islam Timur Tengah ke Indonesiaan. Erlangga.Itzin, C.(1986). Media Images of Women: The Social Construction of Ageism and Sexism. In Feminist Social Psycology: Developing Theory and Practice. Milton Keynes. Open University Press.Kailani, N. (2008). Budaya Populer Islam di Indonesia: Jaringan Dakwah Foru Lingkar Pena. Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif, 2(3). Kellner, D. (1995). Cultural Studies, Identities and Politics Between The Modern and Postmodern. Routledge.Machmudi, Y. (2006). Islamizing Indonesia: The Rise of Jamaah Tarbiyah and The Presperous Justice Party (PKS). PhD Dissertation, Australia National University.Maulidiyah, L. (2014). Wacana Relasi Gender Suami Istri dalam Keluarga Muslim di Majalah Wanita Muslim Indonesia. Universitas Airlangga.Parihatin, A. (2004). Ideologi Revivalisme Islam dalam Majalah Perempuan Islam (Analisis Wacana pada Majalah Ummi). Universitas Indonesia. Qadarawi, Y. (2004). Al Islamu wal Fannu. Islam Bicara Seni. Era Intermedia. Qutb, S. (1980). Ma’alim fi Al Tariq (Petunjuk Jalan-Milestone). Media Dakwah.Rozak, A. (2008). Citra Perempuan dalam Majalah Wanita Islam UMMI. Jurnal Penelitian Agama. VXII(2), 332-354.Storey, J. (2010). Culture and Power in Cultural Studies: The Politics of Signification. Edinburg University Press.Ulfa, N. M. (2016). Dakwah Melalui Media Cetak (Analisis Isi Rubrik Mutiara Islam Majalah Ummi). Islamic Communication Journal, 1(1), 73-89.
33
Surahman, Titin Yuniartin. "Identitas Politik Partai Keadilan Sejahtera." KOMUNIKA: Jurnal Dakwah dan Komunikasi 12, no. 2 (July 31, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/komunika.v12i2.1325.
Full textAbstract:
This study discusses the political identity of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). PKS is one of the parties based on Islam, but stands firmly in the auspices of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. PKS is born from harakah (movement), LDK-KAMMI-PK-PKS. The ideals of the Khilafah Islamiyah are always present in the ideals of the movement. Although in the auspices of plural and multicultural country, but the PKS still exists to adjust with the Republic of Indonesia. PKS political identity for some may seem gray. This is understandable, especially if we look at it from the perspective of incomplete Islamic understanding. The concept of caliphate of Islamiyah ala PKS is different from what is understood and developed in other harokah (movement). In essence, the Islamic caliphate that the PKS wants to uphold is international justice, international welfare, international harmony, and world prosperity. It starts from building prosperity, harmony, and national justice.
34
Rachmadi, Ridwan, and Heri Budianto. "Political Branding Tagar #2019gantipresiden Dalam Meningkatkan Elektabilitas Partai Keadilan Sejahtera Di Ranah Media Sosial." SALAM: Jurnal Sosial dan Budaya Syar-i 7, no. 11 (October 14, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/sjsbs.v7i11.17057.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe hashtag #2019GantiPresiden was initiated by Dr. Mardani Ali Sera, a politician from the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) has become a trending topic on social media, the use of hashtags has increasingly colored political dynamics in the country's public sphere. The research aims to obtain an overview of the Political Branding of the #2019GantiPresiden hashtag in increasing the electability of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera in the realm of social media. This research uses a constructivist paradigm, a qualitative approach and a case study method. The results showed that the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera was able to make good use of social media as a campaign tool and was able to present its best politician to become national figures. One of them was Dr. Mardani Ali Sera who initiated the hashtag #2019GantiPresiden. The hashtag #2019GantiPresiden became a trending topic, the surface was present ahead of the 2019 Presidential election which presented only two candidates for the Presidential and Vice-Presidential candidate pairs. The public's desire for a replacement of the President is accommodated through the hashtag #2019GantiPresiden. The hashtag #2019GantiPresiden is affiliated with one of the Presidential Candidates and Vice-Presidential Candidates carried by the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera. The hashtag #2019GantiPresiden benefits the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera because it is a politician of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera who initiated it. Political Branding Tagar #2019GantiPresiden contributes to increasing the electability of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera in the realm of social media so that it has implications for the vote acquisition of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera in the 2019 legislative elections.Keywords: Political Branding, Tagar, 2019 Change President, Prosperous Justice Party, Social Media Keywords: fPolitical Branding, Tagar, 2019 Change President, Prosperous Justice Party, Social Media AbstrakTanda pagar #2019GantiPresiden di inisiasi Oleh Dr. Mardani Ali Sera, politikus Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) menjadi tranding topik di media sosial penggunaan tagar semakin mewarnai dinamika politik di ruang publik Tanah Air. Penelitian bertujuan untuk memperoleh gambaran tentang political branding tagar #2019GantiPresiden dalam meningkatkan elektabilitas Partai Keadilan Sejahtera di ranah media sosial. Penelitian menggunakan paradigma konstruktivis, pendekatan kualitatif dan metode studi kasus. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera mampu memanfaatkan media sosial sebagai sarana kampanye dengan baik dan mampu menghadirkan kader-kader terbaiknya menjadi tokoh nasional salah satu diantaranya adalah Dr. Mardani Ali Sera yang menginisiasi tagar #2019GantiPresiden. Tagar #2019GantiPresiden menjadi tranding topik, hadir kepermukaan jelang perhelatan pemilu Presiden 2019 yang menghadirkan hanya dua kandidat pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Keinginan masyarakat akan pergantian Presiden terakomodir melalui tagar #2019gantiPresdien. Tagar #2019GantiPresdien berafiliasi dengan salah satu kandidat Calon Presiden dan Calon Wakil Presiden yang di usung oleh Partai Keadilan Sejahtera. Tagar #2019GantiPresiden menguntungkan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera karena yang menginisiasinya adalah kader Partai Keadilan Sejahtera. Political Branding Tagar #2019GantiPresiden berkontribusi menaikan elektabiltas Partai Keadilan Sejatera di ranah media sosial sehingga berimplikasi pada perolehan suara Partai Keadilan Sejahtera pada pemilu legislatif tahun 2019. Kata kunci: Political Branding, Tagar, 2019 Ganti Presiden, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, Media Sosial
35
Solihin, Olih. "Implementasi Fungsi Artikulasi dan Agregasi PKS Kota Bandung pada Pemilu 2019." Jurnal Agregasi : Aksi Reformasi Government dalam Demokrasi 6, no. 1 (May 28, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/agregasi.v6i1.850.
Full textAbstract:
Partai Keadilan Sejahreta (PKS) Kota Bandung mempersiapkan segala strategi untuk menghadapi pemilu 2009. Sebagai partai yang memiliki pendukung yang cukup besar di Kota Bandung, partai ini harus mempu mengimplementasikan fungsi komunikasi politik artikulasi dan agregasi. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus.Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa PKS Kota Bandung belum mengimplementasikan fungsi artikulasi secara optimal, tapi upaya sudah dilakukan dengan cara membuka ruang bersama, diskusi secara bersama dan aktif oleh sistem politik (pemerintah dan parlemen) bersama segmen-segmen warga masyarakat tentu juga berbasis pada popular space invite. PKS Kota Bandung juga telah mengimplementasikan fungsi agregasi melalui kader yang duduk di parlemen.Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) Bandung prepare all the strategies to face the 2009 elections. As a party that has a large enough supporters in the city of Bandung, this party must mempu implement the political communication function of articulation and aggregation. This research uses qualitative method with case study approach.The result of research shows that PKS Bandung City has not yet implemented the articulation function optimally, but the effort has been done by opening the room together, discussion together and active by political system (government and parliament) together segment of citizen of course also based on popular space invite PKS Bandung City has also implemented aggregation function through cadres who sit in parliament.
36
-, Ambari, and Emilius Gudonohadi. "Sistem Presidensial Versus Sistem Multi Partai (Suatu Tinjauan Teoritis)." Majalah Ilmiah Dinamika Administrasi 18, no. 1 (August 26, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.56681/da.v18i1.35.
Full textAbstract:
Sistem pemeritahan presidensial menempatkan presiden dalam posisi yang kuat karena presiden sebagai kepala perntah sekaligus sebagai kepala negara. Penyelenggaraan pemerintahan akan berjalan dengan efektif apabila mekanisme check and malansces antara presiden dengan parlemen berjalan dengan baik.. Di sisi lain, sistem kepartaian multi partai yang tidak sederhana (jumlah partai politik yang banyak) sebagaimana diterapkan di Indonesia mengakibatkan terjadinya fragmentasi dalaam parlemen, partai politik yang mempunyai wakil di parlemen, terpecah dalam kelompok kelompok kecil,sehingga posisi bargaining powernya lemah, akibatnya mereka memilih mengambil langkah pragmatis dengan cara berkoalisi dengan partai lain untuk mendukung pemerintah. Langkah tersebut dalam kalkulasi politik, sah- sah saja, akan tetapi dalam perspektif kehidupan demokrasi yang sehat, hal tersebut akan menjadikan kontrol parlemen terhadap kinerja pemerintah menjadi lemah, sehingga mengakibatkan seringkali muncul kebijakan-kebijakan pemerintah yang cenderung mencederai rasa keadilan rakyat, terjadi kesenjangan antara aspirasi anggota parlemen dengan aspirasi konstituennya, seperti barlakunya Undang Undang Cipta Kerja, Revisi Undang Undang KPK dan lain sebagainya.
Kata Kunci: Check and Balances, Multi Partai, Presidensial
Abstract
The presidential system of government places the president in a strong position because the president is the head of government as well as the head of state. The administration of government will run effectively if the check and malansces mechanism between the president and parliament goes well. On the other hand, the multi-party party system that is not simple (the number of political parties is large) as implemented in Indonesia results in fragmentation in parliament, political parties who have representatives in parliament, are divided into small groups, so their bargaining power position is weak, as a result they choose to take pragmatic steps by forming coalitions with other parties to support the government. This step in political calculations is legitimate, but in the perspective of a healthy democratic life, it will weaken parliamentary control over government performance, resulting in government policies that tend to injure people's sense of justice, there is a gap between aspirations of members of parliament with the aspirations of their constituents, such as the enactment of the Job Creation Act, the revision of the KPK Law and so on.
Keywords: Check and Balances, Multy Party, Presidential
37
Ahmad Ali Nurdin. "The Influence of Middle Eastern Islamic Political Thought on Islamic Political Parties in Indonesia: The Case of PKS." Global Journal Al-Thaqafah 9, no. 2 (December 31, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.7187/gjat122019-3.
Full textAbstract:
This paper primarily focuses on the influence of Middle Eastern Scholars on the Prosperous Justice Party or the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) of Indonesia. By looking into the way the party establishes and develops itself, and its member recruitment style, this paper shows that the influence of Middle Eastern scholars on the party’s ideology is relatively significant. The emergence of what was known in Indonesia as the dakwah or tarbiyah movement, which later came to influence the establishment of PKS, was in fact an extension of the movements promoted by Abu A’la Maududi in Pakistan and Hassan al-Banna in Egypt. For the PKS, books written by Maududi and al-Banna have become main sources for its members’ training activity, known as the liqo activity. The liqo training method, one would argue, is clearly akin to the one used by the Egyptian al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun movement to recruit its members, except that to the Ikhwan group, the liqo is actually termed as usrah. With its systematic method of gathering, each member of the PKS who has attended the liqo for a long period and considered capable enough to translate the knowledge gained, is urged to create another new liqo group and try to recruit new members.
38
PURWANINGSIH, TITIN, and RUBIYATI RUBIYATI. "POLITICAL RECRUITMENT OF FEMALE CANDIDATES IN MEETING THE QUOTA POLICY IN THE PROSPEROUS JUSTICE PARTY (PARTAI KEADILAN SEJAHTERA) OF DIY PROVINCE IN 2019." Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan 10, no. 3 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103108.
Full text
39
Nugraha, Fajar, Atie Rachmiatie, and Irfan Safrudin. "Ideas and Political Language of PKS Muda Cadres on Social Media." MIMBAR : Jurnal Sosial dan Pembangunan 36, no. 2 (December 21, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.29313/mimbar.v36i2.6443.
Full textAbstract:
PKS (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/Prosperous Justice Party) Muda as a political party wing based on millennial generation expresses its political ideas and language on distinctive social media, which is interesting to research. Social media has become a space for every individual to create and spread ideas that form his/her political attitudes. This study aims to determine the ideas and political language of PKS Muda cadres regarding the 2019 general election on social media Twitter and Facebook. This study uses a qualitative method, a virtual ethnographic approach and a constructivist paradigm with the research subjects of PKS Muda cadres. The results show that in cognitive orientation, political ideas of PKS Muda cadres conveyed on social media meant to flatter and defend supported parties/candidates, to encourage their viewers to vote, and to criticize political opponents and election organizers. In affective orientation, PKS Muda displays the form of emotions by giving likes to the content they receive or using emoticon symbols to show dissatisfaction with the incumbent's performance. In evaluative orientation, PKS Muda cadres voice their beliefs and feelings by creating and sharing content on social media. Regarding political language, many PKS Muda cadres use net lingo language and often write and share texts on social media in the form of descriptions, narratives, and persuasion, rarely using argumentation and exposition
40
Alauddin, Muhammad Alif, and Rezza Dian Akbar. "DI BALIK REALITAS SEMU: STUDI KRITIS IDEOLOGI DAN KUASA POLITIK JAWA DI PEMILIHAN WALI KOTA SURAKARTA 2020." Jurnal Analisa Sosiologi 10, no. 2 (October 29, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/jas.v10i2.52534.
Full textAbstract:
<p><em>The role of ideology in political contestation reflects political spectrum hand-in-hand. In order to achieve the highest position of the power, there are many ways to impress individuals to preferably elect candidates which then leads to political orientation. This study attempts to explore the meaning of ideology and power which is constructed inward the people of Surakarta’s perspective in the 2020 Mayoral Election. The nature of research is interpretive qualitative through descriptive approach. Authors elaborate structuration theory proposed by Anthony Giddens in investigating power within the political orientation. This study likewise uses critical study technique to reveal the in-fact phenomenon beyond the interpretive does. In collecting the data, this study uses interviews, observations, and documentation studies of supporting literature. The selected informants are divided into two groups; political elite of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) as well as the individuals. Surakarta city is the location of this study with all sub-districts are taken by each one person as an informant of the whole population. The results of this study are divided into two major parts; 1) the meaning of ideology remains infiltrated in the people of Surakarta City which is represented by the Pancasilaist group, Gibran Rakabuming Raka is manifested as Joko Widodo, and the political orientation of the community is formed due to the strong social capital of the party thus further reconstruct the preferences of voters, 2) critical studies conceives party has been only sheltering in false consciousness of ideology and society interprets ideology in partial way. To conclude, authors define that circumstance as an ideological manipulation through political interests and pseudo-use of Javanese power as it describes symbolic glorification of individuals</em></p><p><strong><em> </em></strong></p><p><strong><em>Keywords: Political Ideology, Javanese Power, Pseudo Reality, Political Orientation, Surakarta Mayoral Election 2020</em></strong></p><p><strong><em> </em></strong></p><h2>Abstrak</h2><p>Peranan ideologi dalam kehidupan berpolitik merupakan pergelaran wajib bagi setiap spektrum politik. Demi mencapai pucuk kekuasaan tertinggi, berbagai cara untuk menarik minat masyarakat untuk memilih calon sangat gentar dilancarkan yang kemudian mengarahkan kepada orientasi politik. Studi ini mencoba menggali makna ideologi dan kekuasaan yang terkonstruksi di masyarakat Kota Surakarta selama Pemilihan Wali Kota 2020. Dengan desain penelitian berupa kualitatif interpretif melalui pendekatan deskriptif, penulis mengelaborasi teori strukturasi yang digagas oleh Anthony Giddens. Studi ini juga menggunakan studi kritis untuk menggali fenomena di balik data interpretif. Dalam mengambil data, penelitian ini menggunakan wawancara, observasi, dan studi dokumentasi berupa literatur pendukung. Informan yang dipilih dibagi menjadi dua kelompok yaitu elit politik dari Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDI-P) dan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) dan juga masyarakat umum. Kota Surakarta merupakan tempat pengambilan lokasi penelitian ini dengan seluruh kecamatan peneliti ambil masing-masing satu orang sebagai informan masyarakat umum. Selain itu, studi ini juga menggunakan telaah kritis dari pemaknaan ideologi dan kekuasaan yang dibayangkan oleh masyarakat. Hasil penelitian ini terbagi menjadi dua bagian besar; 1) pemaknaan ideologi masih sangat mengakar di masyarakat Kota Surakarta yang dalam ini diwakilkan oleh kelompok Pancasilais, Gibran Rakabuming Raka dimanifestasikan sebagai Joko Widodo, dan orientasi politik masyarakat terbentuk akibat kuatnya modal sosial partai sehingga merekonstruksi preferensi pilihan konstituen, 2) studi kritis melihatnya bahwa partai selama ini hanya berlindung dalam selimut ideologi dan masyarakat memaknai ideologi secara parsial. Sebagai kesimpulan, penulis mendefinisikan keadaan itu sebagai manipulasi ideologis melalui kepentingan politik dan penggunaan kekuasaan Jawa secara semu karena menggambarkan pengagungan simbolis terhadap individu.</p><strong>Kata Kunci: Ideologi Politik, Kuasa Jawa, Kesadaran Semu, Orientasi Politik, Pemilihan Wali Kota Surakarta 2020</strong>