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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Parliamentary systems'
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Vaidyanathan, Karthik. "Explaining unexpected electoral openings in authoritarian systems a comparative analysis of parliamentary elections /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2010. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3398834.
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Khurshid, Kamran. "Instability in presidential and parliamentary systems : the cases of Costa Rica and Pakistan." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 1999. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/66.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
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Pender, J. W. (James William), and n/a. "Parliamentary administration in traditional Westminister [sic] parliaments : reflections on the role of procedure and management." University of Canberra. School of Management, 1990. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20041206.133427.
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Volker, Derek. "Constituency representation in parliamentary systems: an examination of evidence in the Legislative assembly of Alberta." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=104837.
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This thesis builds on the existing constituency representation (or dyadic representation) literature that assesses how closely elected officials represent their constituents' views in their official roles. While much research has been completed on this type of representation in presidential systems, much less has been completed in parliamentary systems. There are typically high levels of constituency representation in presidential systems, but that does not mean that there is no presence of it in parliamentary systems. Following the research design of a study of constituency representation completed at the national level in Canada that found some evidence of this type of representation, this study seeks to replicate that study at the provincial level in Alberta to see if evidence can be found at that level also, thus adding to the broader comparative literature on constituency representation.Cette thèse se fonde sur la littérature existante de la représentation de circonscription électorale (ou la représentation dyadic) qui évalue comment étroitement les élus représentent les avis de leurs constituants dans leurs rôles officiels. Tandis que beaucoup de recherche a été complétée sur ce type de représentation dans des systèmes présidentiels, beaucoup a moins été complétée dans des systèmes parlementaires. Il y a les typiquement hauts niveaux de représentation de circonscription électorale dans des systèmes présidentiels, mais cela ne signifie pas qu'il n'y a aucune présence de cela dans des systèmes parlementaires. Après le design de recherche d'une étude de représentation de circonscription électorale complétée au niveau national au Canada qui a trouvé un peu d'évidence de ce type de représentation, cette étude cherche à reproduire cette étude au niveau provincial en Alberta pour voir si l'évidence peut être trouvée à ce niveau aussi, ajoutant ainsi à la littérature comparative plus large sur la représentation de circonscription électorale.
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Fischer, A. J. "How should I vote : a study of various aspects of voting systems used in parliamentary elections, particularly in Australia /." Title page, contents and Foreward only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phf529.pdf.
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Berz, Jan [Verfasser], and Ferdinand [Akademischer Betreuer] Müller-Rommel. "Prime ministers and democratic elections : delectoral behaviour and prime ministerial accountability in parliamentary systems / Jan Berz ; Betreuer: Ferdinand Müller-Rommel." Lüneburg : Universitätsbibliothek der Leuphana Universität Lüneburg, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1209357798/34.
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Miller, Sara Ann. "Ethnic Conflict, Electoral Systems, and Power Sharing in Divided Societies." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/7.
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This paper investigates the relationship between ethnic conflict, electoral systems, and power sharing in ethnically divided societies. The cases of Guyana, Fiji, Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Mauritius, and Trinidad and Tobago are considered. Electoral systems are denoted based on presidential versus parliamentary system, and on proportional representation versus majoritarian/plurality. The paper concludes that, while electoral systems are important, other factors like the power distribution between ethnic groups, and ensuring a non-zero-sum game may be as important.
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Ntieyong, Akpan Grace E. "The living tree a study of constitutional developments in Canada and Nigeria with particular reference to the development of executive powers under the parliamentary system in Canada and the different systems that have operated in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5143.
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Sedelius, Thomas. "The Tug-of-War between Presidents and Prime Ministers : Semi-Presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe." Doctoral thesis, Saarbrücken : VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2006. http://d-nb.info/988659786/04.
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Doyle, Monique. "The South African parliamentary committee system and institutional capacity." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/24449.
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This study aims to provide an analysis of the factors which facilitate or impede the capacity of the portfolio committees of the South African National Assembly in the carrying out of the primary function of oversight. Parliamentary oversight presents itself as a key function of legislatures and further than this, serves as a primary indicator of the effectiveness of the legislature as a principle institution in the system of democratic governance. There has not been much contribution to the field of study of the committee system of the South African Parliament much less its institutional capacity. The dissertation conceptualised capacity as the "hard" physical resources available to the committees as well as the "soft" political environment in which the committee operates. The study made use of a number secondary documents relating to the work of committees along with data collected from interviews carried out with chairpersons and committee researchers. From an analysis of these variables in relation to a sample of committees, findings present a varied picture where capacity, in terms of both hard and soft variables, differ from one committee to the next. Overall committees differ from one to the next whether in terms of the scope of their oversight or their workload and this study found that capacity has to mirror these distinctions for effective oversight.
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Aquinaldo, Célio Thomas Samissone Mandlate. "Democracy in practice : exploring parliamentary elections in Mozambique." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/8001.
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The objective of this study is to assess the problems associated with how the people of Mozambique participate in the exercise of political power, through election of parliamentary representatives. This study also aims at suggesting alternatives to improve the system in order to make it more inclusive. Focus is placed on demonstrating how democratic principles may fall short as a result of inadequate electoral standards. To achieve these objectives the study makes a comparative study of the Ghanaian electoral system, for its specific significance in promoting effective and meaningful participation in the exercise of political power. Addresses the following research questions: (1) What features characterise parliamentary elections in Mozambique? (2) What weaknesses are there in the system of parliamentary elections in Mozambique? (3) What consequences arise from such a system? (4) How to improve the system for election of parliament in Mozambique?Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa))--University of Pretoria, 2008.
Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Josiah Aryeh of the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana, Legon
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Harrison, Richard Derek. "Parliamentary elections and the political development of Newton, Preston and Wigan 1689-1768." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.337581.
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Nyblade, Benjamin. "The dynamics of dominance : party government duration and change in parliamentary democracies /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3130197.
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Kim, Byoungju. "The British parliamentary e-consultation system : a case study of e-consultations." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2012. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/341939/.
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Democracy is being challenged by low public participation in the democratic process. This has resulted in low voter turnout and is therefore called a crisis of representative democracy. As a means of increasing citizens’ engagement with their representative bodies, Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) have been implemented to encourage public online participation. In particular, the British Parliament has adopted an e-consultation system, available on its website since 2007, as an electronic tool for online participation. As e-consultation is the only system which truly enables the public to engage the legislative process, it is worth assessing this system in order to determine its effectiveness and impact. To do this, it is necessary to conduct an analysis through case studies on past econsultations. Through this analysis, an aim of this thesis is to seek new methods by which to maximise the efficiency of the e-consultation system through the consideration and application of specific research questions. Answers to specific questions were sought by means of employing empirical studies on two e-consultation cases to determine levels of public participation: the successful topic of ‘Domestic Violence’ and the less popular topic of ‘e-Petitions.’ Analysis of the two e-consultation cases reveals that e-consultation provides the public with valuable opportunity to connect with its representatives and to engage the legislative process. However, in order to maximise the efficiency of the e-consultation system, several modifications are suggested including: adequate preparation and publicity on behalf of the organising body, a high rate of MP participation, active consideration of any contributions by the committee in charge, and the establishment of a parliamentary division unit specifically for the conduction of e-consultations.
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Chibois, Jonathan. "« L’Assemblée du 21e siècle ». Anthropologie et histoire des infrastructures de communication d’une institution politique d’État." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0083.
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Cette thèse pose la question de la transformation d'une institution politique d'État, l'Assemblée nationale française, du fait de l’apparition des technologies de communication électriques et numériques depuis la fin du XIXe siècle. Elle prend pour hypothèse que l’évolution des moyens de communiquer pourrait avoir engendré une évolution des modalités d’existence des États modernes. Elle s’inscrit en cela dans une anthropologie politique et technique dont le projet est de décrire le changement de l’ordre social.Afin de vérifier cette assertion, une enquête ethnographique a été entreprise au Palais Bourbon à Paris, avec pour objet d’étudier l’infrastructure parlementaire. Un travail aux archives de l’administration de l’Assemblée a été menée en parallèle, afin de conférer une profondeur historique aux observations réalisées in situ. Dans une telle approche, les élus de l’Assemblée ne sont pas considérés comme les seuls protagonistes du monde parlementaire, mais seulement comme une catégorie spécifique d’individus qui le constitue. Ce travail s’intéresse en effet à l'ensemble des réseaux de coopérations qui permettent au pouvoir législatif de concrétiser l’idéal d’une souveraineté nationale.Du fait de la spécificité du corpus de données, cinq études de cas ont été réalisées, qui sont autant de chapitres de ce manuscrit. Le premier s’attache à dépeindre la fragmentation de l’espace parlementaire que permettent les technologies de contrôle d’accès. Le second détaille la manière dont les outils de travail collaboratif permettent d’envisager autrement l’activité de représentation parlementaire. Le troisième présente la réorganisation de l’administration parlementaire à la suite de la création du service des systèmes d’information. Le quatrième s’attarde sur les enjeux médiatiques qui s’articulent aujourd’hui autour de la machine de vote électronique de l’hémicycle. Le cinquième expose la stratégie médiatique déployée par l’Assemblée pour lutter contre l’antiparlementarisme.Finalement, s’il est clair que l’Assemblée d’aujourd’hui ne ressemble plus à l’Assemblée d’autrefois, il est tout aussi net que l’ensemble des évolutions de son infrastructure de communication a eu pour visée de préserver un certain nombre de principes considérés comme fondateurs de l’ordre parlementaire. De ce point de vue, l’Assemblée s’est tout autant transformée qu’elle est restée immuable, ce qui invite à interroger l'idée même du changement de l'ordre social. De la sorte, cette thèse entend proposer aussi bien des éléments de contribution à la réflexion sur les enjeux de la « révolution numérique », que sur ceux du devenir de la démocratie représentative dans le cadre de l'État-nationThis thesis raises the question of the transformation of a state political institution, the French National Assembly, due to the emergence of electrical and digital communication technologies from the end of the 19th century. It suggests that the evolution of the means of communication may have led to the evolution in the way of life of modern States. In this respect, it is part of a political and technical anthropology whose purpose is to describe the change in the social order.In order to verify this proposition, an ethnographic survey was undertaken at the Palais Bourbon in Paris, with the aim of studying parliamentary infrastructure. Work in the archives of the Assembly's administration was carried out in parallel, in order to give historical depth to the observations made in situ. In such an approach, the elected representatives of the Assembly are not considered as the only protagonists of the parliamentary world, but simply a specific category of individuals who constitute it. This task focuses on all the networks of cooperation that enable the legislative power to give concrete expression to the ideal of national sovereignty.Due to the specificity of the data set, five case studies have been carried out, which correspond to chapters of this manuscript. The first depicts the fragmentation of parliamentary space that access control technologies allow. The second chapter details how collaborative work tools can be used to rethink the activity of parliamentary representation. The third presents the reorganization of the parliamentary administration following the creation of the information systems department. The fourth focuses on the media issues that currently revolve around the electronic voting machine in the Chamber. The fifth outlines the Assembly's media strategy to combat anti-parliamentarianism.Finally, while it is clear that today's Assembly no longer resembles the Assembly of yesteryear, it is just as clear that all the developments in its communication infrastructure have been aimed at preserving a number of principles considered to be fundamental to the parliamentary order. From this point of view, the Assembly has been transformed as much as it has remained immutable, which raises questions about the very idea of changing the social order. In this way, this thesis aims to propose both elements for contributing to the reflection on the challenges of the "digital revolution", as well as those of the future of representative democracy within the framework of the nation-state
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Yi, Weizhong. "Research on parliamentary privilege concurrently discuss Chinese National People's congressional privilege." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Juristische Fakultät, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16011.
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Diese These ist über parlamentarische Privileg. Das Privile ist eine alte parlamentarische Macht. Alle Länder, die Demokratie durchgeführt haben oder bald haben, bestimmen parlamentarische Privileg in ihre Verfassungen. Der Zweck von Privileg ist, dass Abgeordneten die Meinung sowie ihre eigenen politische Position frei äußern zu shutzen, und sie brauchen nicht sich um Vergeltung von politischen Motiven zu sorgen. Das Parlament kann formulieren selbst die Geschäftsordnung und Disziplin des Parlamentes, damit das Parlament unabhängig sein kann, ihre Aufgaben frei erfüllen kann und seine Funktionen frei ausüben kann. Parlamentarische Privileg wird aber oft durch Publikum verkannt, die glauben, dass die Eliten der Gesellschaft eine besondere Schutze haben. Das ist ironisch. Weil Privileg der Abgordneten ursprünglich als Schutz des ganzen Parlamentes hergestellt warden. Damals schützt es Mitglieder des Parlaments vor den Eliten. Man kann sagen, dass die parlamentarische Privileg eine spezielle institutionelle Regelungen auf den Grundsätzen der Demokratie. Im Vergleich mit anderen parlamentarischen Befugnisse, ist es etwas Besonderes, weil es die Abwehrkraft des Parlaments nicht als eine offensive Kraft ist, die das Parlament aktiv ausüben muss. Nach der Erörterung der Stiftung in der Theorie der parlamentarischen Privilegien, diskutiert das Papier über die wichtigsten Elemente der parlamentarischen Privilegien, das Problem an der Praxis der parlamentarischen Privilegien und die Entwicklung der Privilegien . Schließlich erörtet die Dissertation, wie die entsprechenden Privilegien Systeme der chinesischen nationalen Volkskongress verbessert und vervollgekommen warden könne.This thesis analyses parliamentary privilege. The privilege is an ancient parliamentary power. All of countries that have democratized or will soon have democratized provide them by own constitution. The purpose of the parliamentary privilege is to permit members of the legislature to speech freely and express their opinion of political position, and not worry about retaliation on the basis of political motives. The Parliament formulates itself its own rules of procedure and maintains the discipline of parliament itself and so on, in order to ensure that the parliament can independently, freely discharge of its duties and perform its functions. Parliamentary privilege, however, is often misunderstood by popular who believes that the privilege is the special protection of all of the elites of society. That is ironic, because privilege was originally produced as a whole of the protection of Parliament, and it protected members of parliament from the elites at that time. It may be said that parliamentary privilege is a special institutional arrangements based on the principles of democracy. Compared with other parliamentary powers, it is special because it is the defensive power of Parliament rather than an offensive power which the parliament must proactively exercise. After studying on the foundation in the theory of parliamentary privilege, the paper comprehensively discusses on the main elements of parliamentary privilege, the problems at the practice of parliamentary privilege and the development of privilege. Finally, it is to argument how to improve and perfect the relevant privilege systems of Chinese National People’s Congress.
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Das, Cyrus Vimalakumar. "Emergency powers and parliamentary government in Malaysia : constitutionalism in a new democracy." Thesis, Brunel University, 1994. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/5240.
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This thesis is a situational study of the use and exercise of emergency powers in Malaysia, undertaken from the perspective of the principles underlying the Malaysian Constitution. The primary focus and perspective are Malaysian, and I use comparative materials where I consider they may help to Illuminate that perspective and the way in which emergency powers have been used. A unique situation has been created whereby the Malaysian Government has the option of taking measures under one or other of two legal regimes. The thesis, therefore, examines the development of this parallel government system. it includes discussion of the considerations that animated writing reserve powers into the Malaysian Constitution and the near Institutionalisation of the state of emergency In Malaysia, using this historical background to focus on the role of the judiciary In crisis situations, the incorporation of certain traditional elements of Malay society into the Constitution, and the existence of racial 'bargaining' in developing the Constitution. The thesis then examines the distinct legal order created by a state of emergency, within the context of the reality of the Malaysian polity. Hence, there is an examination of the four actual instances when an emergency was proclaimed in the country. An examination is also undertaken of the various amendments made to Article 150 over the years which has reduced much of the safeguards originally built into the provision. This examination suggests that Article 150 in Its present form, is debilitative of parliamentary government largely because of the dual system of law-making created by a state of emergency. The thesis therefore provides an insight into the working of a major constitutional democracy seeking to reconcile the need to maintain emergency powers and realise the objective of a parliamentary system envisaged by its Federal Constitution.
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Calvert, Vanessa Yvonne. "Relationship between the executive and legislative authority in South Africa with reference to the role of the leader of government business in the legislative and oversight processes." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5177.
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Masters in Public Administration - MPAThe relationship between the executive and the legislature in South Africa is determined by the Constitution. The study focuses on the separation of powers in a single party-dominant system and examines the role of the Leader of Government Business in parliamentary processes. The Leader of Government Business is appointed by the President in terms of Section 91(4) of the Constitution. The role is outlined in the terms of National Assembly Rule (150), while the functions have been developed over time since 1994. Though an executive function an office in parliament was established to act as conduit between the executive and the legislature on matters relating to the legislative and oversight processes. The office mainly fulfills its role by monitoring government‟s legislative programme and ensuring that government‟s priorities are achieved. Over the past 15 years, the office of the LOGB has developed into one that performs a dual function supporting both the executive and the legislature. Parliament relies more and more on this office in executing its oversight responsibilities with regard to the functions of programming in ensuring the availability of the executive, tracking matters of executive compliance and tracking vacancies in institutions that support democracy. The study employed a combination of research methods. It used a desk top study approach by consulting relevant literature on the subject matter. Interviews were conducted with both politicians and relevant officials in the South African Parliament and the House of Commons in Britain to gauge their perceptions, knowledge and experiences in respect of the role of the executive and the legislature in the legislative and oversight processes. Reports of Portfolio and Select Committees on deliberations during the legislative and oversight processes were consulted.
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Lynch, Michael. "Themes of Parole as Presented in Bill C-10: Contributing to the Conservative Government's 'Tough on Crime' Approach to the Criminal Justice System?" Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/33421.
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Canada’s federal prison population has been rising for the past 10 years. This is perplexing given Canada’s national official crime rate has been declining since the 1970’s. One possible explanation for the rising prison population could be related to the restrictive measures imposed on parole policies during the last forty years. This thesis intends to analyze the recent parliamentary discourses surrounding recent legislative changes brought to parole by the conservative government. In doing so, a document analysis is conducted on the Parliamentary debates pertaining to section 6 and section 7 of Bill C-10 as well as the content of the amendments within section 6 and section 7 of Bill C-10. The purpose of the document analysis is to analyze the themes within these documents and determine whether or not these themes represent a potential change in the punitive approach towards parole. Given that a more punitive approach could have negative impacts on certain offenders and on society in general, this thesis aims to better understand the discourses and values of the Parliamentary debate participants’ changes to the legislation and the potential impacts these restrictions may have for Canada’s federal prison population.
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Ambrózyová, Miroslava. "Nové parlamentné politické strany na Slovensku po voľbách v roku 2010 a 2012." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-125143.
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The Slovak political party system was shaken by new political parties, that emerged just recently and strongly influenced the political scene. The aim of the paper was to find out, what was the key of success of the the new political parties, which made it to the parliament in the parliamentary elections in June 2010 and in march 2012. In order to reach this goal I research the circumstances which lead to the establishment of these parties, their election program, the governmental period, the campaign and the role of the party leader. The paper is divided into four chapters, out of which the chapter one is dedicated to the teoretical background and definitions, the second chapter is putting light on the Slovak party and election system, the chapter three and four are the analytical core of the paper, in which I analyze the the political parties SaS, Most-Híd and OĽaNO in the above mentioned areas. I conclude the analytical part by the anlysis of the election results do the Slovak parliament in year 2010 and the preliminary election in the year 2012.
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Perepechko, Alexander Sergeievich. "Spatial change and continuity in Russia's political party system : comparison of the constituent assembly election of 1917 and parliamentary election of 1995 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/5654.
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Fourmont, Alexis. "L'opposition parlementaire en droit constitutionnel allemand et français." Thesis, Paris 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA020031.
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Isaiah Berlin pensait que la démocratie libérale se fonde sur le pluralisme radical. Érigeant le « scepticisme » en « valeur éternelle », il définissait le libéralisme comme le fait d'accepter les opinions divergentes et « d'admettre que ce sont peut-être vos adversaires qui ont raison ». Dans toute démocratie libérale, ce scepticisme se traduit entre autre par l'existence d'une opposition parlementaire. Au début du siècle dernier, Fahlbeck expliquait que « l'élément permanent » du parlementarisme, « c'est l'antagonisme entre le parti de gouvernement et de l'opposition ». Le juriste Adolf Arndt définissait la démocratie comme « un État avec opposition » : « le rang accordé à l'opposition détermine, dans une démocratie, le rang du parlement ». Alors qu'elle a été reconnue tôt dans les pays anglo-saxons, sur le continent l'opposition est longtemps restée ignorée du droit. C'est pourquoi il convient de voir comment la France et l'Allemagne, deux systèmes continentaux suffisamment proches pour être comparés mais simultanément différents, ont abordé le problème. Si dans un cas comme dans l'autre l'opposition parlementaire est « reconnue », elle ne l'est qu'« imparfaitement ». Dans quelle mesure le droit peut-il encadrer et institutionnaliser l'opposition parlementaire, fruit de contingences politiques ? Afin qu'elle remplisse efficacement ses missions de tribune, de contrôle et de contre-pouvoir, le droit peut-il contraindre l'opposition ? L'opposition parlementaire exerce-t-elle les mêmes fonctions selon que l'on se trouve de ce côté-ci ou de ce côté-là du Rhin ? Par quels canaux ces fonctions tendent-elles, le cas échéant, à être remplies ?Parliamentary opposition is certainly an evidence of parliamentarism, but it is not easily defined because of its extreme institutional and behavioural variability, to such an extent that constitutional law fails to be realized. This opposition is partially unwritten as its foundation and practice have preceded its the official recognition by strict law. But, by definition, formal law cannot cover all the oppositional phenomenon’s configuration possibilities, as proven by the importance of conventions beyond written law. Despite everything, its institutionalization was finally required. The vocation of constitutional law is indeed to fix fulcrums for political game, but the question of the juridicity of such a phenomenon must be dealt with. The aim of this work consists of underlining the delicate connection between constitutional law and the parliamentary opposition in Germany and France. If law struggles (imperfectly) to capture it, then in return the opposition mobilizes the juridical instruments that are placed at its disposition. However, this relationship is ambiguous, since constitutional law does not limit itself to writing and because some determinant variables have influenced the implementation of juridical texts. Thus the “performance” of the oppositional phenomenon is not assured, even if it was recognized by the law. The examination of the legal significance of the opposing minority tends to reveal the intrinsic tensions of constitutional law and its political character. Far from being purely static, normativy seems to conceal a certain dynamic.Keywords : parliamentary opposition, system of parliamentary government, parliamentarism, constitutional law, parliamentary law, political law, constitutional order
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Reignier, Dorothée. "La discipline de vote dans les assemblées parlementaires sous la cinquième République." Thesis, Lille 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LIL20010.
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Depuis 1958, les parlementaires, quels que soient leur assemblée ou leur groupe, manifestent une unité de vote exemplaire. Celle-ci est la manifestation de la discipline de vote, phénomène complexe que certains, notamment, les parlementaires et ceux qui ont vocation à les assister, définissent comme une autodiscipline. Elle apparaît, cependant, comme le résultat d’un conditionnement mâtiné de contraintes exercées par des structures, groupes parlementaires, partis politiques et Gouvernement, qui ont intérêt au maintien de l’unité. Tous agissent en direction des élus qui, s’ils adhèrent par principe à la consigne de vote élaborée dans le cadre du groupe, sous le contrôle du parti et/ou du pouvoir exécutif, peuvent parfois exprimer quelques réticences. Ces actions, cumulées, prennent la forme de pressions et confortent l’existence de la discipline de vote.Au-delà de la pratique parlementaire, et parce qu’elle assure la collaboration des pouvoirs propre au régime parlementaire, la discipline de vote est devenue, comme le démontre sa constance, une caractéristique de la Cinquième République. Une pratique institutionnelle qui semblait pourtant contraire aux principes du régime représentatif, forgés à la Révolution. Si la discipline de vote est aujourd’hui considérée comme, sinon conforme, du moins compatible avec eux, c’est qu’elle révèle une lecture rénovée du régime parlementaire, fondée non plus sur la division, mais sur la fusion des pouvoirsSince 1958 MPs’, whatever their assembly or their group, show an exemplary unity of vote. The latter is the result of party discipline, a compound subject, which some, in particular, MPs’ and those who have authority to assist them, define as self-discipline. Party discipline appears, however, as the outcome of a conditioning mixed with constraints exercised by organizations, parliamentary groups, political parties and Government. Their common interest is to maintain unity. They all act towards the elected members. The latter, on principle, subscribe to the voting instructions, worked out within the scope of the group, under the party and/or the executive power control. Nevertheless, the elected members may sometimes be reluctant.All these actions become pressure, confirming that unity is not only the result of cohesion but really of party discipline. Beyond the parliamentary practice, and because it guarantees powers’ collaboration, which is peculiar to the parliamentary system, party discipline has become, as its constancy shows, a major characteristic of the French Fifth Republic. An institutional practice that appeared, however, to go against the French representative system’s principles, established during the Revolution. If party discipline is now considered as, if not in accordance with, but at least compatible with them, it is that it reveals a new way to define the parliamentary system, based not on powers’ divisions anymore, but on their fusion
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Poyet, Corentin. "Le député prisonnier de sa circonscription : étude de la réactivité des parlementaires au prisme des contraintes institutionnelles et territoriales." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0361/document.
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Cette recherche traite de la réactivité des parlementaires français vis-à-vis de leur circonscription.Ce faisant, notre thèse investit l’aspect dyadique de la représentation politique qui a été largementignoré par la littérature française et offre ainsi un nouveau regard sur la variété des activités desdéputés français tant à Paris qu’en circonscription. En s’inspirant des écrits du néoinstitutionnalismedes choix rationnels, notre thèse vise à mettre en lumière les déterminantsinstitutionnels de la réactivité vis-à-vis de la circonscription ainsi que les logiques qui sous-tendentles pratiques de représentation. En surmontant le descriptivisme de beaucoup d’études à ce sujetet à l’aide de solides matériaux empiriques, nous montrons que le territoire d’élection affectegrandement le comportement des députés tant dans le contenu que sur la forme des activités. Lacirconscription et les attentes différenciées des citoyens agissent de manière systématique sur lamanière dont les députés mènent leur mandatThis research deals with French MPs responsiveness. This dissertation studies the dyadicrepresentation in the French Assemblée nationale which was largely neglected by scholars. It givesthus a new insight on the diversity of French MPs activities both in Paris and in their district.Following the arguments of the rational choice new institutionalism, our dissertation aims tohighlight the institutional determinants of MPs responsiveness toward their district and the logicsthat underlie their practices of representations. By overcoming the descriptiveness of many studiesand thanks to original and solid empirical data, we show that the characteristics of the districtstrongly affect both the kind and the content of MPs activities. The district and the various citizens’expectations systematically affect the way French MPs conceive their mandate
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Saint, Sernin Jean de. "Système majoritaire et bicamérisme sous la Vème République (depuis 1981)." Thesis, Paris 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA020081/document.
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Sous la Ve République, la seconde chambre a été conçue par le constituant comme un soutien prédisposé au Gouvernement et au régime nouvellement établi, eu égard à l’incertitude d’une majorité parlementaire à l’Assemblée nationale. La survenue imprévue de celle-ci aboutit à un rapprochement organique mais aussi fonctionnel de l’Assemblée nationale avec le Gouvernement. La discordance fréquente des majorités parlementaires place alors le Sénat et le bicamérisme dans une position institutionnelle délicate. Devenu un acquis du système politique, le fait majoritaire s’observe incontestablement, depuis l’alternance de 1981, au sein comme entre les deux chambres et influence leur organisation, leur fonctionnement et l’exercice de leurs prérogatives constitutionnelles. Les différentes configurations majoritaires témoignent en revanche d’une certaine spécificité du Sénat du point de vue du fait majoritaire et d’un exercice effectif et non orienté de la fonction parlementaire vis-à-vis du Gouvernement. Le Sénat trouve sa justification dans sa différenciation avec l’autre assemblée et la distanciation qu’il entretient avec le Gouvernement révèle le caractère équilibré du bicamérisme de la Ve République. L’institutionnalisation d’une majorité et ses particularités dans chacune des deux chambres conduisent le droit constitutionnel et le droit parlementaire à ne pas exclure les phénomènes extra-normatifs afin d’appréhender les institutions politiques dans leur fonctionnement effectifAt the time of the Fifth Republic, the second chamber was devised by the framers of the Constitution as a predisposed support to the Government and the newly-established regime, given the uncertainty of a parliamentary majority within the National Assembly. The unexpected arrival of such a majority led to a closer organic and functional relationship between the National Assembly and the Government. The frequent lack of harmony between parliamentary majorities then put the Senate and the bicameral system in a delicate institutional position. Having become an established right of the political system, majority rule has clearly been observed since the 1981 power changeover, both inside either chamber and between them. It also affects their organisation, the way they operate and exercise their constitutional prerogatives. However, the different majority configurations show a certain specificity of the Senate from the majority rule point of view and in the actual and non-oriented exercise of its parliamentary function in relation with the other chamber, and its distancingfrom the Government reveals the well-balanced nature of the Fifth Republic's bicameralism. As that majority became institutionalised, and because of its specificities in ether chamber, constitutional law and parliamentary law were led not to exclude non-normative occurences in order to gain an understanding of the way political institutions actually work
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Chai, Vincent. "La Chambre des députés de 1846-1848. Réflexion sur la formation de la majorité Guizot." Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040161.
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Les explications politiques de la fin de la monarchie de Juillet demandent à être reconsidérées. L’historiographie, s’appuyant sur les témoignages des acteurs qui l’ont combattue a insisté sur le refus du roi d’accorder la réforme électorale et parlementaire, refus appuyé par le cabinet ministériel dirigé par Guizot et par la Chambre des députés. La Charte de 1830 définissait le cadre d’un régime où le roi avait sa place et où le gouvernement devait chercher l’appui et le concours des chambres parlementaires. Dans ces conditions, le pouvoir exécutif devait obtenir l’assentiment des assemblées pour mener sa politique. Le refus de la réforme s’explique alors par l’obtention d’une majorité parlementaire acquise au gouvernement par des moyens peu avouables (élections manipulées, corruption, pressions de toutes sortes sur les députés) et la présence massive de députés fonctionnaires a priori dociles et obéissants. Était-ce vraiment le cas ? La dernière Chambre des députés élue en 1846 voit une victoire ministérielle incontestable plus fondée sur les effets du suffrage censitaire que par des manipulations. Le comportement de cette majorité durant cette courte législature révèle en fait que le cabinet s’occupa plus de composer avec les dissensions qui sont apparues en son sein que d’essayer de la diriger et de la dominer. En réalité, on en vient à se demander si Guizot, loin d’imposer son point de vue aux députés ministériels n’était pas en fin de compte le porte-parole de leurs aspirations conservatricesThe political explanations for the downfall of the July monarchy require re-examination. Relying on testimonies from the politicians who battled against it, historiography gives preference to the king’s refusal of parliamentary and electoral reform, a refusal that was backed by the ministerial cabinet under the direction of Guizot and the Chamber of deputies. The Charter of 1830 laid the foundations of a regime with a place for the king, and where the government had to solicit the assistance and cooperation of the assemblies. In these conditions, in order to conduct its policies, the executive branch had to first obtain the consent of the assemblies. The refusal of reform is thus attributed to the government’s winning the parliamentary majority by dubious means (corruption, rigged elections, and putting deputies under pressure of all sorts) and the immense presence of bureaucrats who were assumed obedient and docile. Was this really the case? The monarchy’s last Chamber of deputies, elected in 1846, reached an incontestable ministerial victory, due more to the effects of censitary suffrage than rigging. The behavior of this majority over the short course of this term of office actually reveals that the cabinet was more concerned with dissent from within than it was with trying to lead and dominate it. By this one is led to wonder if Guizot, far from imposing his point of view on ministerial deputies, wasn’t actually the spokesperson for their conservative aspirations
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Ogou, Dogba Blaise. "Les évolutions de la règle électorale dans les systèmes politiques transitionnels : les élections législatives en Europe du Sud-Est (1989-2009)." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0019/document.
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Le sujet central de cette thèse concerne les évolutions de la règle électorale dans les régimespost-communistes et traite de la contribution de ces évolutions à la démocratisation dessystèmes politiques de l’Europe du Sud-Est, à partir d’un échantillon d’Etats (Albanie,Bulgarie, Macédoine, Roumanie et Serbie-Monténégro). La transition démocratique et lechangement de régime impliquent la construction d’une nouvelle légitimité politique. Cettelégitimité passe par les élections qui sont au coeur de la démocratie. Ce travail cherche àcomprendre comment sont choisies les règles régissant ces élections. Le choix du systèmeélectoral est, dans une grande mesure, la conséquence de plusieurs processus. L’accent mis surles facteurs déterminants de l’adoption et de la réforme électorale permet de comprendre lesmotivations et les objectifs des évolutions de la règle électorale en Europe post-communiste.L’étude de la législation réformée et l’analyse du comportement des acteurs électorauxpermettent de constater que les leaders politiques ont très souvent contourné le sensdémocratique de la norme électorale. Dans cet échantillon d’Etats, les évolutions de la règleélectorale ont eu des conséquences relatives sur le nombre des partis politiques représentés auParlement. Le changement de régime a favorisé l’alternance des majorités électorales etparlementaires. Cette alternance démontre que les principes démocratiques des électionscontribuent à la stabilisation démocratique, même si le contexte et les enjeux politiques propresà cette région favorisent une relative instabilité des majorités parlementaires etgouvernementalesThe central subject of this thesis concerns the developments of the electoral rule in postcommunistregimes and discusses the contribution of these changes to the democratization ofpolitical systems of Southeast Europe, from a sample of states (Albania, Bulgaria, Macedonia,Romania and Serbia-Montenegro). Democratic transition and regime change involves theconstruction of a new political legitimacy. This legitimacy is through elections that are at theheart of democracy. This work seeks to understand how the rules are chosen these elections.The choice of electoral system is, to a large extent, the result of several processes. The focus onthe determinants of adoption and electoral reform to understanding the motivations and goalsof the developments of the electoral rule in post-communist Europe. The study of the reformedlegislation and behavior analysis of electoral allow players to see that the political leaders haveoften bypassed the democratic sense of the electoral standard. In this sample of countries,changes in the electoral rule had consequences on the number of political parties represented inParliament. Regime change has favored the alternation of parliamentary and electoralmajorities. This alternation shows that the democratic principles of elections contribute to thedemocratic stabilization, even if the context and the political stakes in this region favor a relativeinstability of parliamentary and government majority
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Mounzinaha, Nzila Eric. "Monarchie et gouvernement parlementaire en Belgique (1830-1920)." Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020105.
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Le royaume de la Belgique a pendant longtemps été considéré en Europe continentale, comme l’un des principaux pays à avoir adopté et réussi la pratique du régime parlementaire. L’analyse du système de gouvernement envisagé ici, dans tous ses aspects historiques, juridiques et politiques, vise à reconstituer la façon dont s’est parlementarisé sans heurts notoires, la monarchie constitutionnelle représentative des origines vers une pratique parlementaire dualiste. Cette étude propose une réflexion d’ensemble sur l’architecture des pouvoirs, sous les règnes de Léopold Ier, Léopold II et Albert Ier, notamment sur la formation du gouvernement de cabinet, la naissance des partis politiques, le déclin de l’autorité politique du Roi, tout en faisant au passage une prosopographie du personnel politique de l’époqueThe Kingdom of Belgium has long been considered in continental Europe as one of the main countries to have adopted and succeeded in the practice of a parliamentary system. The analysis of the government system presented here in all its historical, legal and political aspects aims at reconstituting the way the initial constitutional monarchy progressed towards a dual parliamentary system without any significant incidents. Thus, in the reigns of Leopold I, Leopold II and Albert I, this study offers an overarching consideration of the architecture of powers, the formation of cabinet government, the creation of political parties, the decline of Royal political authority, while conducting a prosopography of the political figures of the period
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Kyranoudi, Dimitra. "Le gouvernement parlementaire et la fonction présidentielle en Grèce et en Irlande." Thesis, Paris 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA020073.
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La présente recherche se propose d'analyser et de comparer les articulations juridiques et politiques réalisées entre le système du gouvernement responsable et la fonction de chef de l'état dans deux républiques européennes très peu étudiées en France, la Grèce et l’Irlande. Il s'agit de tenter d'apporter une contribution à la théorie générale et à la pratique des régimes politiques de l’Europe contemporaine, en plaçant l'attention sur une problématique constitutionnelle majeure dans les républiques parlementaires mais relativement négligée. Malgré la primauté incontestable du gouvernement majoritaire, il n'en reste pas moins qu'il laisse subsister, dans les régimes républicains, des virtualités dualistes longtemps en sommeil, mais que des évolutions récentes paraissent vouloir réveiller ou au moins remettre en question dans certains pays. En d'autres termes, la fonction présidentielle, qui semblait condamnée à une inéluctable neutralisation dans les systèmes dominés par le premier ministre, tend à (re)trouver une vocation sinon gouvernementale, du moins centrale. Par-delà leurs différences structurelles, culturelles et politiques initiales, les constitutions grecque de 1975 (révisée de façon significative en 1986) et irlandaise de 1937 offrent deux exemples permettant de tester l'hypothèse retenueThe present thesis proposes an analysis on comparative basis of the legal and political articulations that take place between the system of the responsible government and the presidential function in these two parliamentary democracies, not thoroughly studied in France. The aim of this research is a contribution to the general theory and practice of the political systems in modern Europe, stressing out aspects of an important constitutional topic for parliamentary republics which is still relatively neglected. Although the supremacy of the majoritarian government is not put into question, it can be still claimed that within the republican political systems, certain dualist implications, that remained for long inactive, tend to be reactivated again in some countries by recent events. In other words, the presidential function that seemed to be condemned to an inescapable neutralisation within the systems dominated by the political figure of the Prime minister tends to find once again a reason of being, if not governmental, at least central. Beyond their initial structural, cultural and political differences, the Greek Constitution of 1975 (revised significantly in 1986) and the Irish Constitution of 1937 offer two fruitful examples of the constitutional dynamics that could test the above-mentioned assumption
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Brack, Nathalie. "S'opposer à l'Europe: quels rôles pour les eurosceptiques au Parlement européen? /cNathalie brack." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209526.
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Alors qu’une riche littérature se concentre sur l’euroscepticisme au sein des arènes politiques nationales, les oppositions à l’Europe au niveau supranational restent largement négligées. Afin de contribuer à combler cette lacune, cette recherche s’interroge sur la façon dont les députés eurosceptiques conçoivent et exercent leur mandat représentatif au sein du PE. Fondée sur l’approche motivationnelle des rôles, il s’agit, d’une part, d’appréhender les rôles joués par les eurosceptiques au sein de l’assemblée et, d’autre part, d’expliquer l’hétérogénéité des rôles endossés par ces élus. Mobilisant une pluralité de données, cette recherche repose sur une méthodologie mixte, combinant méthodes qualitative et quantitative ainsi qu’approches inductive et déductive. L’analyse s’articule autour de deux séquences. La première propose une typologie d’idéaux-types de rôles permettant de rendre compte des pratiques et conceptions du mandat développées par les parlementaires eurosceptiques. La seconde explique la variation des rôles au sein de cette typologie et teste l’hypothèse selon laquelle le rôle dépend d’une combinaison de facteurs institutionnels et individuels. L’étude démontre que les eurosceptiques peuvent endosser quatre rôles, correspondant à une stratégie de défection ou de prise de parole, et que le rôle qu’ils jouent dépend à la fois des règles régissant le fonctionnement du PE et de leurs préférences relatives à l’intégration et à l’architecture institutionnelle de l’UE. Ce faisant, la recherche constitue une réflexion sur deux enjeux très distincts. Premièrement, alors que l’on assiste, dans de nombreux pays européens, à l’émergence de revendications d’acteurs contestant les structures institutionnelles en place, cette thèse permet de contribuer à l’étude, encore restreinte, de l’opposition antisystème au sein d’institutions parlementaires, le PE servant ici de laboratoire privilégié pour l’étude des stratégies de ces acteurs antisystème. Deuxièmement, à l’instar des travaux de sociologie de l’intégration européenne, cette recherche repose sur le postulat qu’analyser de façon microscopique un groupe restreint d’acteurs permet de s’interroger, de façon différente, sur le déficit démocratique et de légitimité du régime européen, en déplaçant la focale du niveau institutionnel au niveau individuel. Il s’agit alors d’appréhender les défis de légitimation de l’UE en se concentrant sur les acteurs hostiles à la construction européenne. Une analyse de leurs pratiques concrètes au sein de l’assemblée représentative permet de dégager des pistes de réflexion quant à leur capacité de légitimation du régime politique. While an abundant literature focuses on Euroscepticism in the national political arenas, oppositions to Europe at the supranational level remain largely under-studied. In order to contribute to fill this gap, this research examines how Eurosceptic Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) conceive and carry out their representative mandate in the European Parliament (EP). Inspired by the motivational approach of role theory, the study aims first at understanding the roles played by Eurosceptics within the assembly and second at explaining the heterogeneity of the roles played by these actors. Using a plurality of data, this research is based on mix-methods, combining qualitative and quantitative methodologies as well as inductive and deductive approaches. The analysis proceeds in two steps. The first proposes a typology of ideal-types of roles that allows understanding the ways Eurosceptics conceive and carry out their parliamentary mandate. The second explains the variation between the roles and tests the hypothesis that the role played by an actor depend on the combination of institutional and individual factors. The study demonstrates that Eurosceptics may assume four roles, corresponding to an exit or voice strategy, and that the role they play depends both on the EP’s rules and MEP’s preferences concerning European integration and the EU’s institutional design. The research contributes to on-going debates on two very different issues. First, while we witness in many European countries, the emergence of anti-system actors, this thesis can contribute to the study of the anti-systemic opposition within parliamentary institutions, the EP being here a special laboratory for the study of the strategies of anti-system actors. Second, like recent studies focusing on the sociology of European integration, this research is based on the premise that analysing a small group of actors allows to question in a different way, the democratic and legitimacy deficit of the EU, moving the focal from the institutional to the individual level. The aim is then to understand the challenges of legitimacy of the EU by focusing on actors hostile to the European project. An analysis of their actual practices in the EP allows us to reflect on their ability to legitimize the political system.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Pasquiet-Briand, Tanguy. "La réception de la Constitution anglaise en France au XIXème siècle. Une étude du droit politique français." Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020028.
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Le modèle réformiste de la Constitution de l’Angleterre a intellectuellement dominé la France du XIXe siècle. Synthèse des aspirations françaises visant la stabilité politique, cette représentation mêle un historicisme de l’accomplissement libéral du gouvernement représentatif et une adhésion à la légitimation coutumière de l’innovation. Elle procède d’un jeu de projections contradictoires sur la Constitution anglaise. D’une part, les libéraux romantiques identifient dans ses institutions, les conditions propres à préserver l’individu des abus du pouvoir et à permettre le développement de la démocratie. D’autre part, les traditionalistes perçoivent dans la continuité historique de l’Angleterre, les bienfaits structurants de la hiérarchie sociale et de la liberté aristocratique. Plus particulièrement, les Doctrinaires décèlent, dans la morphologie civilisationnelle de l’Angleterre, une société déployant la liberté dans l’ordre. C’est dans le parlementarisme, produit historique de l’évolution institutionnelle anglaise, que la doctrine politique finit par identifier le régime politique susceptible de clore les tensions révolutionnaires françaises. Pensé comme une matrice libératrice des énergies individuelles et conservatrice de l’ordre politique et social, il dépossède le chef de l’Etat de son pouvoir personnel, dans la mesure où il le rend irresponsable. En outre, il consacre le règne de l’opinion publique par la prédominance de la chambre élective et par la reconnaissance de la responsabilité politique des ministres. Enfin, il encadre l’action politique par les usages historiques hérités de la monarchie représentative. Fondé sur un projet politique, le parlementarisme français donne corps à une philosophie prudentielle du droit constitutionnel. Celle-ci conçoit la constitution comme un cadre institutionnel au sein duquel l’agir politique doit pouvoir adapter la société à son stade de développement historique. Le laconisme des Lois constitutionnelles de la Troisième République témoigne de l’enracinement de ce réformisme constitutionnel. Plus qu’un compromis politique de circonstances, il cristallise en effet une politique constitutionnelle libérale et conservatrice. Ce travail entend montrer qu’elle résulte de la modélisation française de la Constitution anglaise au XIXe siècleThe reformist model of the English Constitution was intellectually predominant in nineteenth century France. As a synthesis of French yearnings for political stability, this representation historicises the liberal achievement of representative government and endorses the legitimacy of innovation through custom. It results from contradictory visualisations of the English Constitution. On the one hand, romantic liberals identify in its institutions the necessary elements to protect individuals from abuses of power and to allow the development of democracy. On the other hand, traditionalists perceive in England’s historical continuity the structuring benefits of social hierarchy and aristocratic freedom. More particularly, French Doctrinaires see through the morphology of the English civilization a society that secures freedom within order. French thinkers recognise in parliamentarism, as a product of England’s institutional evolution, the political regime capable of putting an end to French revolutionary tensions. As a mould that both liberates the energies of individuals and protects the political and social order, it renders the Head of State irresponsible and thus strips him of personal powers. Furthermore, it establishes the reign of public opinion through the superiority of the elected chamber and the recognition of government responsibility. Finally, it disciplines political action through the historical practices inherited from representative monarchy. Based on a political project, parliamentary government in France gives substance to a prudential philosophy of constitutional law. This philosophy views the constitution as an institutional framework within which political action must be able to adapt society to its historical phase of development. The laconism of the constitutional laws of the Third Republic reflects this constitutional reformism. Rather than a circumstantial political compromise, it crystallizes a liberal and conservative constitutional policy. The present study aims to show that it is the result of how the English Constitution has been modeled in France during the nineteenth century
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Mostert, Bertha Jantine. "Parliamentary information sources, systems and services in South Africa and the role of parliamentary libraries in information provision." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/285.
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Submitted in fulfilment of the academic requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Library and Information Science, Faculty of Arts, University of Zululand, 2004.Modern legislative functions demand that legislator's access, exploit and use information for effective decision making on a regular basis. It is increasingly assumed that legislative functions in a democratic country are becoming more complex as the electorate's political consciousness and knowledge of their rights and responsibilities is dramatically changing and transforming. During parliamentary sessions information is used for a variety of purposes. These include: preparation for speeches, participation in parliamentary debates, maintenance of formal and informal conversation with colleagues and constituents about matters of mutual concern, and to be able to contribute towards the legislative processes. It is also noted that during recess periods information is needed to communicate with constituents on a variety of issues. Parliamentary libraries are formal institutions whose specific functions are to provide information services to parliamentarians. Currently they provide a variety of services to parliamentarians such as searching and retrieval of information on request, pro-active information packages on specific topics, research assistance and photo-copying services. In some parliamentary libraries searching facilities to conduct electronic searches are part of the services rendered. Based on their close proximity to the parliament environment, it could be assumed that the libraries would be heavily utilised by the parliamentarians. Unfortunately, this is not always the case. The aim of the study was to determine the extent to which various information sources, services and systems are used by parliamentarians to access information. The role of parliamentary libraries within the parliamentary information provision sector was also investigated. Similarly, the efficienc\ of these services in satisfying the information needs of their clientele was also to be established. Specific attention was given to the utilization of electronic information sources, especially the Internet. It was assumed that unsatisfactory educational background of the majority of the current parliamentarians impedes their ability to access information sources. Both quantitative and qualitative research methods that involved largely surveys by use of questionnaires were used. Informal interviews and observation were also used to collect data for the study. Data was collected from the parliamentarians, both on a national and a provincial level, as well as from the parliamentary librarians. Two questionnaires were designed, one for the parliamentarians and a separate one for the librarians. Informal interviews with staff from the Library of Parliament, Cape Town were held to supplement information gained from the questionnaire. An observation schedule was used to capture information relating to the conditions at the Library of Parliament, Cape Town. The questionnaire for the parliamentarians was distributed to all parliamentarians on address lists provided by the parliaments, or those available on the Internet. Seven hundred and sixty questionnaires were mailed to parliamentarians and 167 were returned, giving a return rate of 23%. It was recognized that a low response rate is common on related studies reported in the literature. The low response rate, in our view, did not obscure the validity of the results obtained from the study. The questionnaire for the Parliamentary Libraries was mailed to all ten of the parliamentary libraries and a 100% response rate was obtained. The major findings of the stud} were that South African parliamentarians indeed had the same incessant need for information as their counterparts in other countries. A variety of information needs were expressed, many of which could be directly related to the portfolio or committee to which the parliamentarian was attached. Three major information needs however emerged i.e. the need for information on governance, politics and provincial issues, as well as safety and security. It was found that the respondents used various information sources, services and systems to satisfy their information needs. The strongest preferences were expressed for printed materials; however utilization of electronic sources were strongly supported. In respect of using electronic sources a number of problems were highlighted by the respondents. Both formal and informal information services and systems were utilized a lot less than anticipated. However, a close relationship was found between the level of education of the parliamentarian and the variety of sources used. For example, the higher the educational levels attained the wider the variety of sources used. It was interesting to note that only a small discrepancy was found between the preference to receive information in a printed or an electronic format. The oral medium, which is a prevalent medium within the African continent, was the least preferred. The respondents notably preferred to took for the information themselves, but a large group also used an intermediary close to them, i.e. their Personal Assistants to do their information searches for them. Information sources utilized were mainly sources personally available to the parliamentarian. A large group also used their computers to search for information. Parliamentary libraries, even though they provide a variety of traditional and pro-active information services were not utilized optimally. This trend was reiterated by some of the librarians who mentioned that they were severely under-utilized even during parliamentary sessions. With the exception of the Library of Parliament, Cape Town, parliamentary libraries at provincial level are new developments, and as thus still busy establishing themselves as role-players in the information provision sector. The success of their activities varies from library to library, from being well-utilized units, to being severely-underutilized. Problems identified in this regard are the marketing of services and products and user-education. The majority of the libraries are moving progressively towards the utilization and the provision of electronic information sources for parliamentarians. Recommendations included an aggressive and effective marketing strategy to keep parliamentarians informed on the latest available products and services. In this respect, the electronic medium should be used optimally, either through the Intranet or the Internet. Innovative ways and means of user education should also be investigated. It is also recommended that the parliamentary Libraries develop a niche area for themselves in respect of the provision of electronic information services. Parliamentarians do not have the time, nor the expertise, to spend on doing fruitless searches. Particular attention should be given to the role of the Personal Assistant in the information seeking. Similarly, parliamentarians need to be educated about the advantages of using a skilled information-seeking intermediary instead of an unskilled person. Attention should be given to educating parliamentarians about the various information sources available to them, both within the parliamentary libraries, as well is in the country. Once again the parliamentary libraries could see this as a niche area for service delivery.
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Ozasa, Mitsunobu, and 小笹光伸. "The Study of the Influence on the PoliticalParty Systems by the Election Systems inthe Parliamentary System of Government States - Japan, U. K. and Germany -." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/62666542396208237826.
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碩士淡江大學
日本研究所碩士班
96
In 1999, New Clean Government Party (CGP) joined the coalition government with Liberal Democratic Party of Japan (LDP). Then we could see new structure of Japanese political party system that is antagonism between the ruling party and the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). In this thesis call that “The 1999 System.” Firstly, Japanese political party system that had formed predominant party system in “The 1955 System,” how would be change? It emerged that the present conditions of Japanese political party system is “shaking” between two-party system and moderate pluralism, after the verification it based on the theory of political party system. In this thesis supposed that it factor is existence of CGP, and emerged CGP is the most influence political party to LDP through analysis of the elections. Then presentations “Estimative Cardinal Number of Proportional-representation Constituency Seat,” emerged that CGP is also the most influence political party to DPJ besides. Secondly, focused on the election systems and the 3rd political parties, and discussed the U. K. and German political party systems, after that demonstrated the issues and the prospects of Japanese political party system. We represented the fact that the feeling of people is distorted cause of the election system, and from the stand-point “respect the feeling of people,” demonstrated significance of the election system reform in Japan as the issues of Japanese political party system. Moreover through analysis of the simulation, emerged the impact on Japanese political party system cause of the election system reform. Then suggested that change-over the small-constituency system to the proportional representation system. We concluded that Japanese political party system would not be change to two-party system as U. K. model, and would be change to moderate pluralism as the prospects of Japanese political party system as German model as far as continue the present election system and the power of CGP. Finally, focused on analysis of the election, and examined for the present conditions of the Taiwanese political party system, after that emerged the factor that Taiwan political party system changed to two-party system.
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Fischer, A. J. (Alastair James). "How should I vote : a study of various aspects of voting systems used in parliamentary elections, particularly in Australia / A.J. Fischer." 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18599.
Full textAbstract:
Includes bibliographical references.vi, 291 leaves : ill. ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Economics, 1994
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Chen, Yueh-ching, and 陳月卿. "The Impact of Different Parliamentary Oversight Systems under Semi-presidentialism upon Practical Oversight Behaviors - A Comparison between Taiwanese Legislative Yuan and French National Assembly (2008-2012)." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/za5v64.
Full textAbstract:
博士國立中山大學
政治學研究所
104
This paper study the impact of different parliamentary oversight systems designs under semi-presidentialism upon practical oversight behaviors,and chosen Taiwanese seventh Legislative Yuan and French thirteen National Assembly for comparison, to see whether their oversight behaviors were influenced by their oversight system designs or not. The research design of this paper starts from different sub-operation types of semi-presidentialism, from this departure points, Taiwan is belongs to “president-parliamentarism”, France is “premier-presidentialism”, and we were expected to have a more strong president, France were expected to have a more powerful prime minister. Therefore, for the purpose of the separation of powers, we will prefer a strong legislature to check and balance the power of president, but French system are not design to resist the power of prime minister. For this reason, this research make an assumption that no matter in which kind of issues, our parliamentary system can have more strong oversight behaviors. But naturally, the result of oversight practice will have variations depends on issues, so this paper chosen bureaucratic issues, nuclear energy issues, and national defense issues for observation. The results of comparison are as follows: Legislative Yuan has more strong supervision force in oral question in all three issues, especially in national defense one; others representations of oversight index are variable and depends on issues. For example, in bureaucratic issues, Legislative Yuan has more strong oversight behavior in the proposition of bills, and the accepted bills are more often come from legislators too; in nuclear issues, he is more active in proposition of bills and committee examination; and lastly, in national defense issues, the French National Assembly are more active in other oversight index except question one, and the committee hearing and report publishing are their niches. In conclusion, from the results of practical oversight behaviors which this study observed, this paper concluded that our parliamentary oversight system design might have the effect on encouraging parliamentary members to propose bills, which is a very important character of congress of presidentialism, while French parliamentary system have the characters of emphasis on administrative efficiency and brainstorming, which is aims to support the cabinet to govern.
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Mendes, Cláudia Amorim de Maia. "A Imprensa e os acordos de Governo entre partidos de esquerda em Portugal: o caso da "Geringonça"." Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/57402.
Full textAbstract:
As eleições legislativas de 2015 produziram um resultado inesperado na história da democracia portuguesa, uma vez que deram origem a uma solução governamental inédita, nomeadamente através da cooperação institucional entre os principais partidos de esquerda com representação parlamentar.
Com vista a compreender como é que a imprensa generalista portuguesa - nomeadamente os jornais Diário de Notícias, Jornal de Notícias, I, Expresso e Público - transmitiu a mensagem política no que diz respeito à formação dos acordos de incidência parlamentar de esquerda entre o PS, o Bloco de Esquerda, o PCP e o PEV, foram analisados, qualitativa e quantitativamente, todos os artigos presentes nas ditas publicações, desde o período pré-campanha (1 de setembro de 2015) até ao dia de tomada de posse do Governo de António Costa (26 de novembro de 2015), que mencionassem, ou pelo menos equacionassem, a possibilidade de acordo entre o PS e a esquerda. Da análise de conteúdo dos textos selecionados, bem como de algumas marcas não-textuais, foi possível constatar que as diferenças de estilo, supostamente existentes entre as publicações escolhidas, não se destacam verdadeiramente na maior parte das categorias, principalmente no que diz respeito aos jornais de referência. Os dados recolhidos demonstram que, apesar de o tom neutro ter sido encontrado na grande maioria dos artigos de todos os jornais, isso se verificou menos frequentemente no Jornal I, no Expresso e no Diário de Notícias. O I e o DN foram, aliás, os que mais vezes utilizaram o tom negativo. Conclui-se também que o Bloco de Esquerda foi a única entidade partidária a ser referenciada positivamente pelas diversas publicações, e Catarina Martins a única líder que não foi retratada negativamente por nenhuma publicação. António Costa foi o líder mais vezes focado pelos jornais, bem como aquele que mais referências negativas obteve. Registou-se uma tendência contrária àquela que seria de esperar no que diz respeito à individualização, isto é, destaque dos líderes partidários, visto que a publicação que mais o fez foi o semanário Expresso, e que o Diário de Notícias apresentou os mesmos valores que o sensacionalista Jornal I.
Em suma, com o presente trabalho pretende-se analisar o tratamento dado pela imprensa generalista nacional à formação do XXI Governo Constitucional português, bem como auxiliar a compreender a participação de partidos outsider em soluções governativas, alterando o seu papel no sistema partidário.The parliamentary elections held in 2015 produced an unexpected result in the history of the Portuguese democracy by creating an unprecedented governmental solution, namely through the institutional cooperation among the main left-wing political parties with parliamentary representation. In order to understand how did the generalist Portuguese press – namely the newspapers Diário de Notícias, Jornal de Notícias, Expresso and Público – conveyed the political message concerning the formation of the left parliamentary incidence agreements between PS, BE, PCP and PEV, all articles on these periodicals, from the pre-campaign period (September 1, 2015) up to the day António Costa assumed office (November 26, 2015), that mentioned, or at least equated, the possibility of agreement between PS and the left, were analyzed, qualitatively and quantitatively. From the analysis of the content of the selected texts, as well as of some non-textual marks, it was possible to determine that the differences in style, supposedly existent between the chosen newspapers, do not truly stand out in most categories, especially in what concerns the leading publications. Despite the neutral tone found in the vast majority of all newspaper articles, the collected data show that, in the Jornal I, Expresso and DN this happened less frequently. I and DN were, in fact, the ones that used the negative tone more often. It is also clear that Bloco de Esquerda – Left Bloc - was the only party acknowledged positively by the several periodicals, and Catarina Martins the only party-leader that wasn’t portrayed negatively by any newspaper. António Costa was the most talked about leader, as well as the one with more negative references. There was also a countertrend in so far as what could have been expected concerning individualization, i.e., the highlight of the political leaders; Expresso was the paper that did it more frequently, whereas DN presented the same values as the tabloid Jornal I. In short, the intention with this work is to analyze the way the national generalist press dealt with the formation of the XXI Constitutional Government of Portugal, as well as to help shed some light on the participation of outsider parties in the government solution, thus altering their role within the party system.
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Nnadika, Chimezie Amara. "The prospects for a vigorous parliamentary opposition in a democratic South Africa." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/2179.
Full textAbstract:
Student Number: 0516477F
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL STUDIES
THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTSThis research report is a probe into prospects of meaningful political opposition in the parliamentary system South Africa. Political oppositions play a very constructive role in the entrenching of democracy. A free and open democratic system owes a lot to politics of opposition. The political landscape in South Africa is characterized by one dominant ruling party opposed by small and fragmented opposition. Thus there is a challenge in South Africa’s democracy due to poor opposition politics. The importance of opposition cannot be overstated, democracy thrives when there is healthy deliberation and contestation in parliament. Thus different goals, values and ideas are given the chance to be argued for or against. In South Africa, the African National Congress (ANC) enjoys large support that dwarfs even the official opposition party, the Democratic Alliance (DA). There are other opposition parties inside and outside parliament. However the fact that the opposition is still relatively weak, is a call for concern. Although relatively weak, the opposition in South African politics is of vast importance. The effectiveness of the opposition can be measured in the debates in parliament and the positions that the opposition adopt to counter the ruling party. Currently there is the reality of a very loose and weak opposition. The opposition is not being effective enough to be of considerable substance in the political landscape. The fact that much of the policies the ANC adopts are in principle similar to the beliefs and ideas of the opposition renders the opposition ineffective and the electorate is left with no real alternative. The point of departure of this research report is that the opposition should assume policies that are an alternative to the ruling party so that they can attract the electorate and thus boost democracy in South Africa.
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Mahiuddin, K. M. [Verfasser]. "The parliamentary committee system in Bangladesh : an analysis of its functioning / submitted by K. M. Mahiuddin." 2009. http://d-nb.info/995786372/34.
Full text
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YU, Lin-ya, and 余玲雅. "A Study on the Formation of Taiwan’s Monopoly System--Based on a Assembly Councilor’s Analysis of Parliamentary Politics on the Monopoly System." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/50738331001062844723.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中山大學
高階經營碩士班
94
Taiwan’s monopoly system, originating from the Military Governor Ming-chuan Liu of Qing Dynasty and applied by the Japanese, was a major financial source in Japan-colonized Taiwan. Chen Yi, the first ROC Chief Executive and Garrison Commander of Taiwan, renamed the Monopoly Bureau of Government-General as the Monopoly Bureau of Taiwan and then continued its monopolistic business. He stipulated five items -- tobacco, alcohol, camphor, matches, and measurement gadgets-- be monopolized by government whereas private manufacturing and sales be barred under the supervision of the Monopoly Bureau. Also banned from private transactions are certain necessities, such as salt, lime, cane sugar, gasoline, and electricity, which were distributed by some authorities other than the Monopoly Bureau. It was thought that such measures could restrict individual capital, and reinforce national capital in the hopes of realizing the idea of the nation founding, based on the doctrines of the Three People’s Principles. Dr. Sun Yat-sen, though asserting capital restrictions in some degree, was not opposed to private capital, but, rather, was keen to encourage private enterprises. He had the national industries developed by a dual action via both private enterprises and national organizations. His philosophy argued that those productions not so proper to be commissioned to a state-run organization as to a private one should, along with incentives from the state and protection by the law, be rendered to the latter for operations. Based on this, it appeared obvious that people’s livelihood didn’t connote nationalization. And by no means did livelihood denote that the government could confiscate the industries already operated by civilians. After a further study, a distinction could be found in the argument between the economic centralization implemented by the authorities of Taiwan’s administrative officers and the capital restriction elaborated in the Principles of People’s Livelihood. The colossal assets taken over from Japanese-owned industries didn’t mean any opportunities to reinforce national capital. Instead, monopolistic business was designed to operate by the government and afterwards turned up being outstanding samples of state-owned businesses among the industries in post-war Taiwan. The key factor consisted in the fact that state-owned industries were run under the supervision of the Taiwan Provincial Assembly, which boosted the managerial performance. The revenues from monopolistic sales of tobacco and spirits were crucial to the finances of our country and were helpful to the development of its economic constructions. The monopoly featured two functions. One function was to revive the production of the state-owned industries, which laid a foundation to carry out a six-term Four-year Economic Program, beginning in 1953; to make a substitute for imports; to spur export expansion; and to help kick-start our country’s economic boom. The other function was to improve village constructions with land reforms of Three-seven-five Rent Deduction (a program limiting the rent of a land to a maximum of 37.5 percent of its total product), Release of State Lands, and Land-to-the-tillers Movements. The monopoly system was an indispensable support of finances, and it also ensured that the capital from the agricultural sector could be transferred to the industrial sector, which proved that provincial constructions were closely related to national economic development.
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Yao, Chung-Yuan, and 姚中原. "Influence of Constitutional Reform on Parliamentary System in Taiwan: From the Perspective of the Abolishment of the National Assembly." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/59355889360895002230.
Full textAbstract:
博士國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
102
Taiwan, officially known as the Republic of China, is the only liberal democracy with Chinese culture to have successfully completed two exchanges in the ruling party. Taiwan’s transition from an authoritarian system to a true democratic nation ruled by law has received praise from neighboring countries in the Asia Pacific and even from world powers such as the US. Taiwan has been described as “a beacon of democracy to Asia and the world” and “one of the great success stories of Asia”, and this is due to the democratic and political achievements of the Taiwanese government accumulated from multiple constitutional and parliamentary reforms. The parliamentary system of Taiwan previously differed from that of general democracies, presenting the controversial issue of multiple parliaments. The lack of clarity in defining the parliamentary system resulted in numerous power struggles between the Legislative Yuan and the National Assembly, both of which were titled central civil representative bodies. Although the Kuomingtang government initiated a number of constitutional reforms after martial law was lifted, the issue of multiple parliaments had yet to be resolved. It was not until 2005, when the ruling Democratic Progressive Party joined efforts with largest opposition party Kuomingtang in making a seventh constitutional amendment that abolished the National Assembly, that the parliamentary system of Taiwan could be more distinctly defined. The National Assembly was a government body established according to Article 25 of the Constitution of the Republic of China to represent the people and indirectly exercise their civil rights. It was a crucial design and institution based on the ideals of Dr. Sun Yat-sen and the Three Principles of the People. However, why such a crucial constitutional body was reformed into a tasked-based organization and then abolished in 2005, what the abolishment implies on a deeper level, how this abolishment will influence the future constitutional and parliamentary systems of Taiwan, and what direction the government should take if they were to make an eight constitutional amendment to enhance the procedural efficiency of the parliament are all issues worthy of discussion and in-depth study. This doctoral dissertation contains a comprehensive analysis of the constitutional reforms initiated by the government of Taiwan using document analysis, participant observation, comparison, and transdisciplinarity integration. We discovered that from the perspectives of the separation of powers and parliamentary reform, the seventh constitutional reform and its abolishment of the National Assembly in 2005 in fact have significant meaning with regard to the future constitutional and parliamentary systems of Taiwan. First, the act of abolishment goes against not only the spirit of a central government system and the five-power constitution but also the advocacy of limiting constitutional amendments in the legacy of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Second, the central civil representative body of Taiwan had always differed from those of advanced American and European nations with the controversial issue of multiple parliaments. With the seventh constitutional amendment abolishing the National Assembly and transferring its powers to the Legislative Yuan, the Taiwanese government has declared the beginning of a new single-parliament era in Taiwan. With regard to future constitutional reforms (meaning the eight constitutional amendment), this dissertation puts forward four policy recommendations: the clarification of Taiwan’s central government system, review and improvement of the legislative election system, enhancement of the legal status of the Speaker’s police powers, and the establishment of an expulsion system for members of parliament.
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Brablecová, Martina. "Parlamentní systémy." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-323758.
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The topic of my thesis are parliamentary systems. For this topic I have decided mainly on the grounds that the Czech Republic ranks among countries with a parliamentary form of government, like most of European countries. The work is divided into seven chapters, which are subsequently divided into different subsections or other parts. At the beginning of my work I have engaged in the general concept of political systems. The view of this chapter is mainly to introduce readers to the topic and to acquaint them with the basic types of democratic political systems, which includes particular the parliamentary, presidential and semi-presidential systems. The second chapter is engaged in parliamentary systems and their basic definitions. This chapter contains the theoretical foundation for the whole work and especially introduces readers with the basic principles upon which these systems work. Among these principles is included especially the principle separation of powers which is not too strictly interpreted, the sovereignty of Parliament and the specific relationships between the executive and legislature. In the third chapter I have dealt with the relationships between the supreme constitutional organs, as well as their position in the constitutional system. This issue is very important, just as relations...
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Kornetová, Kateřina. "Vyjednávání o exekutivní koalici po parlamentních volbách v roce 2017 v České republice." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-392912.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis deals with the political situation in the Czech Republic since the parliamentary elections in October 2017 till the successful vote on the government's confidence in July 2018. It focuses specifically on the relations between the political parties, the reasons for refusing cooperation with the winner of the elections, and the motives for a participation on the executive coalition. Emphasis is placed on the parliamentary actors who have fundamentally influenced the emergence of the government. Furthermore, the work clarifies the social environment and important events during the period that was related to the coalition negotiations. At the same time, the text focuses on the role of the President in the formation of the government. Since he is the first directly elected president, the thesis tries to answer the question whether there are visible differences between the two previous indirectly elected presidents of the Czech Republic and current president Miloš Zeman. The thesis also examines the breadth of presidential powers over the government and seeks a possible overrun of powers. The main objective of the work is to verify whether the president extends his power beyond the constitution. For this purpose is uses the comparison of realities with the Constitution of the Czech Republic,...
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Rysová, Kristýna. "Role prezidenta a otázka důvěry v procesu formování vlády v České republice." Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-415064.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis generally focuses on the president's role in the formation of the first government of Andrej Babiš after the 2017 parliamentary elections. As this government ruled for several months without the confidence of the Chamber of Deputies, the key part of the thesis further concerns the issue of the investiture vote. In the context of the post-election period, the thesis examines specific steps taken by the president in the government formation process in order to evaluate whether the manifestations of the president's influence are in line with the basic preconditions for the functioning of the executive power. The issue of confidence is assessed with respect to whether it is necessary for the government to rely on the confidence of the Chamber of Deputies, both in terms of relations between the executive and the legislature, but also regarding the government performance. Emphasis is therefore placed on the complex problematization of the investiture vote and the issue of confidence is then analysed primarily at the level of government's accountability to the Chamber of Deputies. Furthermore, the thesis confronts the first cabinet of Andrej Babiš with the basic prerequisites for effective government and aims to prove whether its appointment created a cabinet with the potential to govern...
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Obiyo, Robert Egwim. "Legislative Committees and Deliberative Democracy: the Committee System of the South African Parliament with Specific Reference to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts (SCOPA)." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/2197.
Full textAbstract:
Student Number : 9908223M -
PhD thesis -
School of Social Sciences -
Faculty of HumanitiesThis thesis examines the status and role of parliamentary committees in democratic theory with a view to critically assessing the performance of one such committee, the South African version of the PAC, SCOPA. It advances a pluralist theory of popular sovereignty according to which there is no single institutional complex or site, which exclusively expresses the will of the people. The latter is the case in monist theories, which reduce democracy to its practice in a single site. Rousseau and Weber are critically examined in this connection. In the pluralist notion advanced in this thesis the popular will is expressed and realized in a plurality of institutional sites and modalities of exercise. On this perspective parliamentary committees perform a function vital to the constitution of popular sovereignty itself. They are indispensable to the formation by the people of an accurate perception by it of what the Executive is doing in its name. Their investigative work is thus constitutive of the formation of a democratic subject and will. Parliamentary committees are thus central to the satisfaction of the conditions of the deliberative dimension of democracy. On this definition, parliamentary committees must in addition themselves conform to the principles of deliberation in their own practice. This specifically deliberative conception of democracy is then further delineated by distinguishing it from the aggregation – majoritarian perspective and defending it against a variety of criticisms, including that of Chantal Mouffe. With this conceptual and normative framework in place, the British and American committee systems are examined in order to establish some reference points in terms of the institutional practice of parliamentary committees. The focus then shifts to the parliamentary committees of the South African Parliament. The constitutional and legal foundation for parliamentary committees (in the South African system) is examined with particular reference to SCOPA itself and the first five years of the new parliamentary committee system identified as a period during which several South African parliamentary committees, including SCOPA, effectively exercised their “oversight” function. Once the Government’s SDP entered the scene all things changed. This thesis examines the formation of the JIT, paying particular attention to the exclusion of the HSIU and the interventions of the Speaker, Hon Frene Ginwala. It identifies in close detail all the flaws in the SDP procurement process as well as the contradictions and lacunae in the final JIT Report itself. These are of such a magnitude as to render unreasonable any claim to the contrary and in endorsing the Report SCOPA thus clearly failed in its essential function. The notion of a threshold concept of reasonable adequacy is introduced as limiting the conditions under which committee decisions can legitimately be taken via majority voting. The argument is advanced that these were clearly not met in the case of the SCOPA decision under discussion. The implications of this “collapse” of SCOPA for South African democracy more broadly are then identified and discussed in terms of deliberative democratic theory.
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Chmelíková, Martina. "Dělba státní moci na příkladu České republiky a Francouzské republiky se zaměřením na postavení hlavy státu." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-335052.
Full textAbstract:
1 Abstract: The division of state authority ilustrated on the example of the Czech Republic and French Republic with the focus on the position of the head of the state Key words: separation of state authority, constitutional laws, the legislative, the executive, the judiciary, the head of state, presidential system, parliamentary system Abstrackt: This thesis addresses the historical separation of state authority which is illustrated on the example of the Czech Republic and French Republic, especially on the position of the head of the state. The goal is to identify the identical and differing characteristics of the presidential status of both republics. The thesis is divided into three chapters and into a sub-chapters. The first chapter explains the development of the decomposition of the state authority from the first theoretical thoughts to the practical incorporation into the political system. The Second chapter describes in separate sub-chapters, the division of the state authority in Czech Republic and France. Third chapter is dedicated to the position, mandate, election and the competencies of the head of the state in both countries. Subsequently the gathered information is summarized in a sub-chapter, where the identical and differing characteristics of both presidential functions is discussed.
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Sedláček, Martin. "Role obstrukčního jednání v českém legislativním systémů." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-357477.
Full textAbstract:
The main goal of this thesis is to describe the use of obstruction mechanisms in the Czech legislative system, where in the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic, as key legislative institutions of the parliamentary system, has been making massive damages in the form of blocking the negotiation of draft laws for many years. The reasons that led to the Rules of Procedure of the Chamber of Deputies permitting the existence of this phenomenon are not quite obvious, but they are an integral part of the parliamentary culture of our country, which existence is mainly used by the legislative minority. Even though the Rules of Procedure have a clear wording, which allow the existence of obstructions, their use is often considered as unconstitutional, as their use often exceeds the affordable limit. The main objective of this theses is to introduce to the reader all the instruments that help to obstructions and subsequently to show their use in practice during the meetings of the Chamber of Deputies within the last three parliamentary term, including the period in progress.