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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Parliamentary systems

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Academic literature on the topic 'Parliamentary systems'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Parliamentary systems"

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Brennan, Geoffrey, and Alan Hamlin. "Rationalising parliamentary systems." Australian Journal of Political Science 28, no. 3 (November 1993): 443–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323269308402253.

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Weaver, R. Kent. "Are Parliamentary Systems Better?" Brookings Review 3, no. 4 (1985): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20079894.

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Gerring, John, Strom C. Thacker, and Carola Moreno. "Are Parliamentary Systems Better?" Comparative Political Studies 42, no. 3 (December 9, 2008): 327–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414008325573.

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The institutional differences between presidential and parliamentary rule are well known, yet the practical effects of these divergent constitutional arrangements within democratic polities have received scant attention. This article employs a global data set to test the relationship between a historical measure of parliamentary rule and 14 indicators ranging across three policy areas: political development, economic development, and human development. The study revealed a strong relationship between parliamentarism and good governance, particularly in the latter two policy areas. To the extent that these institutions influence the quality of governance, parliamentary systems may offer advantages over presidential systems of democratic rule.

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Karlsen, Rune, and Eli Skogerbø. "Candidate campaigning in parliamentary systems." Party Politics 21, no. 3 (June 7, 2013): 428–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068813487103.

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Mueller, Dennis C. "Parliamentary Systems in a Heterogeneous Society*." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 10, no. 2 (October 1, 1992): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569298x15668907539482.

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Abstract Partendo dal presupposto che le politiche del governo sono una sorta di bene pubblico la cui offerta non creerebbe problemi nell’ipotesi in cui i cittadini avessero delle preferenze omogenee, l’autore affronta il tema dell’elaborazione di un insieme di istituzioni democratiche che consentano di soddisfare gli interessi dei cittadini in una società eterogenea.Dopo aver paragonato a questo fine, nei loro presupposti logici, il sistema bipartitico e quello multipartitico, il lavoro si concentra sull’individuazione di regole di voto alternative atte ad evitare i problemi connessi con le maggioranze cicliche.In particolare viene esaminata la procedura del voto attraverso il veto che, come la maggioranza semplice, tende a selezionare dei risultati che si collocano al centra della distribuzione delle proposte ma che presenta il vantaggio ulteriore di fornire a ciascun individuo l’incentivo a proporre degli esiti che tendono al centro della distribuzione dei punti ideali dell’elettore.

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Mbih, Boniface, Issofa Moyouwou, and Jérémy Picot. "Pareto violations of parliamentary voting systems." Economic Theory 34, no. 2 (January 23, 2007): 331–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00199-006-0184-5.

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CHEIBUB, JOSÉ ANTONIO. "Presidentialism, Electoral Identifiability, and Budget Balances in Democratic Systems." American Political Science Review 100, no. 3 (August 2006): 353–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540606223x.

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This paper examines the impact of the form of government—presidential or parliamentary—on fiscal outcomes in democratic systems. Based on data for democracies in 98 countries between 1970 and 2002, it shows that the gross domestic product ratio of the central government budget balance is higher in presidential than in parliamentary democracies. It also shows that this impact is not due to the fact that presidential systems are not subject to the “costs of coalition” that allegedly afflict parliamentary democracies: the coalition and status of the government are of no consequence for budget balances in either presidential or parliamentary systems. Presidential systems matter for budget balances because they generate relatively high incentives for governments to keep budgets under control. They do so because in presidential systems, unlike in parliamentary systems, voters are by design able to identify and punish those responsible for economic policies. Presidents, however, vary in their capacity to affect budget policies. This paper demonstrates that presidential systems in which presidents are constitutionally able to dominate the budget process or to effectively veto legislation tend to have higher budget balances than those in which the budget process is dominated by the legislature or the president is unable to exercise existing veto powers.

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Warwick, Paul V. "Policy horizons in West European parliamentary systems." European Journal of Political Research 38, no. 1 (August 2000): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00527.

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Smith, Alastair. "ENDOGENOUS ELECTION TIMING IN MAJORITARIAN PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEMS." Economics & Politics 8, no. 2 (July 1996): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0343.1996.tb00123.x.

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Hahm, S. D. "The Political Economy of Deficit Spending: A Cross Comparison of Industrialized Democracies, 1955–90." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 14, no. 2 (June 1996): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c140227.

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The postwar deficit experiences of nine industrialized democracies are analyzed. The relative importance of three of the primary influences on a country's deficit which have been suggested in the literature: (1) the state of the country's economy, (2) the ‘left – right’ ideology of the party in power, and (3) the strength of the party in power (as advanced by Roubini and Sachs) are examined. The author also introduces and tests the importance of an additional potential influence based on institutional structure in which presidential, ‘stable’ parliamentary, and ‘unstable’ parliamentary systems are seen to provide different incentives regarding the deficit for key political actors. The arguments are tested on a pooled time-series cross-sectional data set involving two presidential systems (France and the United States), four relatively stable parliamentary systems (Canada, Germany, Japan, and the United Kingdom), and three relatively unstable parliamentary systems (Denmark, Italy, and the Netherlands). The findings include: (a) strong effects of the state of a nation's economy on its deficit; (b) little systematic relationship between the ideology of the party in power and its deficit; and (c) the observation that increased control of the government leads to lower deficits in unstable parliamentary systems but larger deficits in presidential systems, with stable parliamentary systems serving as an intermediate case. The findings are compared both with the author's theoretical refinement and with recent theoretical and empirical work by Roubini and Sachs.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Parliamentary systems"

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Vaidyanathan, Karthik. "Explaining unexpected electoral openings in authoritarian systems a comparative analysis of parliamentary elections /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2010. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3398834.

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Khurshid, Kamran. "Instability in presidential and parliamentary systems : the cases of Costa Rica and Pakistan." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 1999. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/66.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science

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Pender, J. W. (James William), and n/a. "Parliamentary administration in traditional Westminister [sic] parliaments : reflections on the role of procedure and management." University of Canberra. School of Management, 1990. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20041206.133427.

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Volker, Derek. "Constituency representation in parliamentary systems: an examination of evidence in the Legislative assembly of Alberta." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=104837.

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This thesis builds on the existing constituency representation (or dyadic representation) literature that assesses how closely elected officials represent their constituents' views in their official roles. While much research has been completed on this type of representation in presidential systems, much less has been completed in parliamentary systems. There are typically high levels of constituency representation in presidential systems, but that does not mean that there is no presence of it in parliamentary systems. Following the research design of a study of constituency representation completed at the national level in Canada that found some evidence of this type of representation, this study seeks to replicate that study at the provincial level in Alberta to see if evidence can be found at that level also, thus adding to the broader comparative literature on constituency representation.
Cette thèse se fonde sur la littérature existante de la représentation de circonscription électorale (ou la représentation dyadic) qui évalue comment étroitement les élus représentent les avis de leurs constituants dans leurs rôles officiels. Tandis que beaucoup de recherche a été complétée sur ce type de représentation dans des systèmes présidentiels, beaucoup a moins été complétée dans des systèmes parlementaires. Il y a les typiquement hauts niveaux de représentation de circonscription électorale dans des systèmes présidentiels, mais cela ne signifie pas qu'il n'y a aucune présence de cela dans des systèmes parlementaires. Après le design de recherche d'une étude de représentation de circonscription électorale complétée au niveau national au Canada qui a trouvé un peu d'évidence de ce type de représentation, cette étude cherche à reproduire cette étude au niveau provincial en Alberta pour voir si l'évidence peut être trouvée à ce niveau aussi, ajoutant ainsi à la littérature comparative plus large sur la représentation de circonscription électorale.

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Fischer, A. J. "How should I vote : a study of various aspects of voting systems used in parliamentary elections, particularly in Australia /." Title page, contents and Foreward only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phf529.pdf.

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Berz, Jan [Verfasser], and Ferdinand [Akademischer Betreuer] Müller-Rommel. "Prime ministers and democratic elections : delectoral behaviour and prime ministerial accountability in parliamentary systems / Jan Berz ; Betreuer: Ferdinand Müller-Rommel." Lüneburg : Universitätsbibliothek der Leuphana Universität Lüneburg, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1209357798/34.

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Miller, Sara Ann. "Ethnic Conflict, Electoral Systems, and Power Sharing in Divided Societies." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/7.

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This paper investigates the relationship between ethnic conflict, electoral systems, and power sharing in ethnically divided societies. The cases of Guyana, Fiji, Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Mauritius, and Trinidad and Tobago are considered. Electoral systems are denoted based on presidential versus parliamentary system, and on proportional representation versus majoritarian/plurality. The paper concludes that, while electoral systems are important, other factors like the power distribution between ethnic groups, and ensuring a non-zero-sum game may be as important.

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Ntieyong, Akpan Grace E. "The living tree a study of constitutional developments in Canada and Nigeria with particular reference to the development of executive powers under the parliamentary system in Canada and the different systems that have operated in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5143.

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Sedelius, Thomas. "The Tug-of-War between Presidents and Prime Ministers : Semi-Presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe." Doctoral thesis, Saarbrücken : VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2006. http://d-nb.info/988659786/04.

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Doyle, Monique. "The South African parliamentary committee system and institutional capacity." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/24449.

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This study aims to provide an analysis of the factors which facilitate or impede the capacity of the portfolio committees of the South African National Assembly in the carrying out of the primary function of oversight. Parliamentary oversight presents itself as a key function of legislatures and further than this, serves as a primary indicator of the effectiveness of the legislature as a principle institution in the system of democratic governance. There has not been much contribution to the field of study of the committee system of the South African Parliament much less its institutional capacity. The dissertation conceptualised capacity as the "hard" physical resources available to the committees as well as the "soft" political environment in which the committee operates. The study made use of a number secondary documents relating to the work of committees along with data collected from interviews carried out with chairpersons and committee researchers. From an analysis of these variables in relation to a sample of committees, findings present a varied picture where capacity, in terms of both hard and soft variables, differ from one committee to the next. Overall committees differ from one to the next whether in terms of the scope of their oversight or their workload and this study found that capacity has to mirror these distinctions for effective oversight.

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Books on the topic "Parliamentary systems"

1

Canada. Library of Parliament. Economics Division. New parliamentary t.v. channel. Ottawa: Library of Parliament, 1988.

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Barnhart, Gordon. Parliamentary committees: Enhancing democratic governance : a report of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association study group on parliamentary committees and committee systems. London: Cavendish Pub., 1999.

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Renton, N. E. Guide for voluntary associations: A handy reference manual for members of clubs and societies and a useful primer on election systems. 5th ed. North Ryde, N.S.W: Law Cook Co., 1991.

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Institute of Parliamentary Studies (Bangladesh), ed. Parliamentary committee systems: Conference report, Dhaka, 27-28 May 1999. Dhaka: Bangladesh Jatiya Sangsad, Institute of Parliamentary Studies, 1999.

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(Rudolf), Hrbek R., ed. Legislatures in federal systems and multi-level-governance. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2010.

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Ajulu, Rok. The transition to multi-partyism in Kenya: The December 1992 presidential, parliamentary and municipal elections. Leeds: Centre for Democratization Studies, University of Leeds, 1995.

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Parliamentary immunity: A comprehensive study of the systems of parliamentary immunity of the United Kingdom, France and the Netherlands in a European context. Cambridge: Intersentia, 2013.

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Deogaonkar, S. G. Parliamentary system in India. New Delhi: Concept Pub. Co., 1997.

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The parliamentary system of Israel. Syracuse, N.Y: Syracuse University Press, 1985.

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Field, William S. Why America needs parliamentary government. Baltimore, MD: Gateway Press, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Parliamentary systems"

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Sartori, Giovanni. "Parliamentary Systems." In Comparative Constitutional Engineering, 101–19. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25217-6_6.

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Sartori, Giovanni. "Parliamentary Systems." In Comparative Constitutional Engineering, 101–19. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23549-0_6.

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Sartori, Giovanni. "Parliamentary Systems." In Comparative Constitutional Engineering, 101–19. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22861-4_6.

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Sartori, Giovanni. "Problems with Parliamentary Systems." In Comparative Constitutional Engineering, 183–94. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25217-6_12.

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Sartori, Giovanni. "Problems with Parliamentary Systems." In Comparative Constitutional Engineering, 183–95. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23549-0_12.

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Sartori, Giovanni. "Problems with Parliamentary Systems." In Comparative Constitutional Engineering, 183–95. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22861-4_12.

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McCarthy-Cotter, Leanne-Marie, and Matthew Flinders. "Accountability in Liberal Democratic, Parliamentary Systems." In The Palgrave Handbook of Public Administration and Management in Europe, 187–206. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55269-3_9.

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Naderi, Nona, and Graeme Hirst. "Argumentation Mining in Parliamentary Discourse." In Principles and Practice of Multi-Agent Systems, 16–25. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-46218-9_2.

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de Campos, Luis M., Juan M. Fernández-Luna, and Juan F. Huete. "A Lazy Approach for Filtering Parliamentary Documents." In Electronic Government and the Information Systems Perspective, 364–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-22389-6_26.

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Berntzen, Lasse, Rania El-Gazzar, and Marius Rohde Johannessen. "Parliamentary Open Big Data: A Case Study of the Norwegian Parliament’s Open Data Platform." In Information Systems, 91–105. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11395-7_9.

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Conference papers on the topic "Parliamentary systems"

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Lupu, Eugen, Anca Apatean, and Radu Arsinte. "Speaker diarization experiments for Romanian parliamentary speech." In 2015 International Symposium on Signals, Circuits and Systems (ISSCS). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/isscs.2015.7204023.

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Carvalho, André, Luís Santos, Joaquim Sousa Pinto, and Clãudio Teixeira. "Dynamic parliamentary management platform with workflow engine integration." In EATIS 2020: 10th Euro American Conference on Telematics and Information Systems. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3401895.3402079.

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Saeed, Kurdistan, and Chawan Salah. "Electoral systems applied to the Iraqi parliament elections after 2003 (comparative analytical study)." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp277-289.

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This study deals with the electoral systems applied in Iraq after 2003 for the Iraqi Parliament elections. The issue's importance lies in the fact that elections are the legitimate means adopted by modern political systems based on the separation of powers. Therefore, after changing the political system in Iraq in 2003 from a one-party system to a democratic parliamentary system, the permanent constitution of 2005 granted the right to political participation for citizens. Including the right to participate in elections through nomination or candidacy for the Iraqi Council of Representatives, this study examines the electoral systems applied after 2003 and the reasons for the instability of the Iraqi parliament elections on a specific law. The study dealt with the types of electoral systems by focusing on the concept and emergence of elections and the most critical electoral systems adopted by political systems. Furthermore, the electoral systems applied after 2003 in the Iraqi parliament elections by focusing on the electoral laws or their amendments that preceded each electoral cycle since 2003 until now. The study concluded that the electoral system in Iraq was not legally stable; several amendments have been made to the laws regulating the elections for the House of Representatives. So the two elections did not repeat under one law because of political parties' criticism leveled at it. Moreover, the attempt by the large parliamentary blocs, through their control of the Iraqi Council of Representatives, to legislate laws that limit the victory of the blocs and small parties.

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Özmen, Yaşar Pınar, and Gonca Bayraktar Durgun. "Is There a Relation Between the Level of Development and Government Systems? An Overview on Latin America, Euroasia and the East Asia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01502.

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The purpose of this paper is to study if a meaningful relation can be argued between government systems and the level of development by using main socioeconomic indicators. The systems of government in the Latin American, Eurasian and the East Asian countries are classified as presidentialism, president– parliamentary, premier – presidential and parliamentarism. For the aim of the paper, the countries are selected according to the two criteria, population and income. On the basis of 1995-2013 annual data, the time series are obtained from the international organizations and research institutes. The panel data analysis covers socioeconomic indicators (population, gross domestic product per capita, unemployment rate) and some composite indicators (human development index and democracy scores).

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Bento, Pedro M. Sousa, Helder Zagalo, Claudio Teixeira, and Joaquim Sousa Pinto. "Transparency in the national assemblies of Portuguese speaking African countries: Adapting the bungeni parliamentary system — The case study of Sao Tome and Principe." In 2015 10th Iberian Conference on Information Systems and Technologies (CISTI). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cisti.2015.7170486.

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Ahmad, Shamall. "Electoral system as a motivation to reforming political system- The Iraqi model." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp290-310.

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The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).

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Kuba, Ondřej, and Jan Stejskal. "The Analysis of Coalition Parties´ Election Programme Fulfillment: Czech Case Study." In 2nd International Conference on Business, Management and Finance. Acavent, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/2nd.icbmf.2019.11.776.

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In multi-party democratic systems, where there is no absolute majority, the political parties are forced to cooperate. The cooperation is built on negotiations that result in several side effects including also concessions and compromises in the program. This analysis focused on the fulfillment of the coalition party promises in the Czech Republic, specifically on Prime Minister Bohuslav Sobotka´s government. The input data of the research consisted of a prepared set of testable political promises from the pre-election programs of selected political parties. The promises were compared with the contents of the coalition agreement, the government’s policy statement. It was found that coalition political parties selected by the government within the framework of coalition cooperation managed to enforce approximately 36 % of their election promises. At the program level, 24 % of promises were enforced. In areas that increase the personal budget of voters, government political parties have pushed 76 % of promises. Regardless of their cooperation, they made approx. 52 % of the election promises during the parliamentary term. The dominant party of the government was the CSSD.

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Mohammed Ameen, Peshraw. "the presidential and the semi-presidential system." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp152-163.

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In this research we dealt with the aspects of the presidential system and the semi-presidential system, and he problematic of the political system in the Kurdistan Region. Mainly The presidential system has stabilized in many important countries, and the semi-presidential concept is a new concept that can be considered a mixture of parliamentary and presidential principles. One of the features of a semi-presidential system is that the elected president is accountable to parliament. The main player is the president who is elected in direct or indirect general elections. And the United States is a model for the presidential system, and France is the most realistic model for implementing the semi-presidential system. The French political system, which lived a long period under the traditional parliamentary system, introduced new adjustments in the power structure by strengthening the powers of the executive authority vis-à-vis Parliament, and expanding the powers of the President of the Republic. In exchange for the government while remaining far from bearing political responsibility, and therefore it can be said that the French system has overcome the elements of the presidential system in terms of objectivity and retains the elements of the parliamentary system in terms of formality, so it deserves to be called the semi-presidential system. Then the political system in the Kurdistan Region is not a complete parliamentary system, and it is not a presidential system in light of the presence of a parliament with powers. Therefore, the semi-presidential system is the most appropriate political system for this region, where disputes are resolved over the authority of both the parliament and the regional president, and a political system is built stable. And that because The presence of a parliamentary majority, which supports a government based on a strategic and stable party coalition, which is one of the current problems in the Kurdistan region. This dilemma can be solved through the semi-presidential system. And in another hand The impartiality of the head of state in the relationship with the government and parliament. The head of state, with some relations with the government, can participate in legislative competencies with Parliament.

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Jakiela, Mark J., and Jing Zheng. "WeDesign: A Forum-Based Tool for Managing User-Generated Content in Engineering Design and Product Development." In ASME 2008 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2008-50107.

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A web forum-based tool for managing user-generated content in engineering design and product development is described. The system is intended to allow a “crowdsourcing” approach, in which large groups perform the work more commonly by individuals. User tests are conducted with an initial implementation, with the system configured in control and “parliamentary” modes. This experiment is done in the setting of a mechanical engineering senior capstone design course. The parliamentary mode is intended to encourage discussion and negotiation among participants, and allows them to design their own work processes. Review of the designs produced together with responses to a survey indicate the system was favorably received, and allowed a group to generate and select concept designs. Future research directions are suggested.

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Dagen, Tomislav, and Marijana Majnarić. "PARLIAMENTARY ELECTORAL LEGISLATION – LAW vis á vis JUSTNESS OF ELECTORAL LEGISLATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA IN THE PAST 20 YEARS." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18302.

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In the last twenty years, through the democratic development of the Republic of Croatia, the problem of modernizing parliamentary electoral legislation and the need and desire to create a better and fairer electoral system as a whole, which will bring the Republic of Croatia into European integration and the map of Western democracies comes “to the surface”. In order for the implementation of the political desire to join Western democracies and bring the Republic of Croatia closer to the European Union realize its full potential, the electoral system was changed in 1999, and since then seven elections have been held for the Croatian Parliament, and the Republic of Croatia has in the meantime become a full member of the European Union. On this democratic path and democratic-parliamentary progress of the Republic of Croatia, a constant and unchanged circumstance (parliamentary anomaly) was noticed, which the Constitutional Court warned about back in 2010, and that is the need to create a fairer electoral system, since these existing ones call into question legality and constitutionality of the election results (the warning which the Croatian Parliament still ignores). Therefore, in this paper, the authors, by analyzing the existing electoral system and comparing the 2000 and 2020 elections, identify its shortcomings, inconsistencies between the Act on Election of Representatives to the Croatian Parliament and the Act on Constituencies. Further analysis in this paper refers to the fact of imbalance in the number of voters in different constituencies in which an identical number of representatives is elected (malapportionment), and the lack of “justness” that allows issues of political engineering and forming post-election coalitions, as well as the possibility of representatives “entering” the Croatian Parliament with a minimum number of votes obtained. Also, the authors try to confirm the thesis that the existing electoral system of electing representatives to the Croatian Parliament as a legislative body of the Republic of Croatia needs to be made more just in order to completely fulfill its purpose of creating parliamentary democracy in accordance with the rule of law and the will of the people. In light of the above, the paper will compare and analyze the results of the aforementioned parliamentary elections and their shortcomings, and will provide an overview of the necessary changes and the creation of a future more just electoral system, which the Republic of Croatia certainly needs and which will reduce to a minimum the difference between law and justice in the procedures for the election of representatives to the Croatian Parliament.

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