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Journal articles on the topic 'Parliamentary regimes'
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1
Morgenstern, Scott, Juan Javier Negri, and Aníbal Pérez-Liñán. "Parliamentary Opposition in Non-Parliamentary Regimes: Latin America." Journal of Legislative Studies 14, no. 1-2 (June 2008): 160–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572330801921166.
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Noppe, Jo. "Het parlementaire optreden van de eerste minister in België en Nederland : Een vergelijking tussen de regeringen Martens VIII, Dehaene I en Lubbers III." Res Publica 42, no. 4 (December 31, 2000): 521–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v42i4.18523.
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The relation between the constitutionally founded supremacy of the parliament and the authoriy of the Prime Minister (PM) based on common law, is of a great importance in the Low Countries. This relation constitutes the difference between parliamentary and presidential regimes. It is the PM's duty to take care of the permanent support ofthe parliamentary majority. This is not an easy exercise. Members of parliament are not always as positive about the PM's parliamentary performances. Characteristics of the parliamentary activity of the Belgian PM's Wilfried Martens, Jean-Luc Dehaene and the Dutch Ruud Lubbers are handled as: the frequency and the extent of the PM's parliamentary performances, the topics handled by the PM's in parliament, the PM's opponents in parliamentary debate and finally more generally the PM's parliamentary role behaviour. Due to the different position of both the parliament and the PM in the Belgian and the Dutch political system, the characteristics of the parliamenty activity of the Belgian and the Dutch PM are not always very similar. Additionally, remarkable differences occur between the parliamentary activity of different PM'swithin the same country.
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Pelizzo, Riccardo, and Joseph Cooper. "Stability in Parliamentary Regimes: The Italian Case." Legislative Studies Quarterly 27, no. 2 (May 2002): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3598527.
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Pelizzo, Riccardo, and Joseph Cooper. "Stability in Parliamentary Regimes: The Italian Case." Legislative Studies Quarterly 27, no. 2 (May 1, 2002): 163–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298002x200558.
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Loidolt, Bryce, and Quinn Mecham. "Parliamentary Opposition Under Hybrid Regimes: Evidence from Egypt." Legislative Studies Quarterly 41, no. 4 (July 4, 2016): 997–1022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12144.
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Protsyk, Oleh. "Politics of Intraexecutive Conflict in Semipresidential Regimes in Eastern Europe." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 2 (May 2005): 135–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404270672.
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This article analyzes the patterns of intraexecutive conflict and cooperation in East European democracies that adopted semipresidential constitutional frameworks. It explores how the coexistence of popularly elected presidents and prime ministers is shaped by constitutional provisions, parliamentary fragmentation, and party system characteristics. The article emphasizes a critical role that party systems play in the evolution of intraexecutive relations across the region. It argues that variations in the political status of the cabinet, in the character of parliamentary composition, and in the constitutional powers of the president affect both the type and frequency of intraexecutive conflict experienced by semipresidential regimes.
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Brunclik, Milos. "Problem of early elections and dissolution power in the Czech Republic." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 2 (April 9, 2013): 217–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.03.003.
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Theory of parliamentary regimes presumes that parliament can express vote of no confidence in government. On the other hand executive power (government or head of state) is endowed with right to dissolve the parliament. However, these “doomsday devices” are not in balance in many parliamentary regimes, including the Czech Republic. On the basis of a comparative analysis of dissolution provisions in the constitutions of European states the article argues that the government in the Czech Republic should be given the right to dissolve the lower chamber at least in case that the latter expresses vote of no confidence in the former.
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Malinowski, Mikołaj. "Economic Consequences of State Failure—Legal Capacity, Regulatory Activity, and Market Integration in Poland, 1505–1772." Journal of Economic History 79, no. 3 (July 12, 2019): 862–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050719000330.
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With use of innovative proxies and new annual data, I demonstrate that relatively high legal capacity and regulatory activity of the early-modern Polish parliament, the Seym, was positively associated with deeper domestic commodity market integration. Conversely, the lack of effective law-making, caused by the right of a single delegate to discontinue the Seym’s sessions, fostered market fragmentation. This indicates that early parliamentary regimes required legal capacity to harmonize domestic institutions and reduce the transaction costs. The Polish case suggests a hypothesis that the pre-1800 “Little Divergence” between European parliamentary regimes could be explained by differences in their governments’ capacities.
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Yan, Huang-Ting. "Does the constitution matter? Semi-presidentialism and the origin of hegemonic personalist regimes." International Political Science Review 41, no. 3 (April 24, 2019): 365–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119829160.
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This study examines hegemonic personalist regimes (HPRs) and argues that semi-presidential dictatorships are more likely to evolve into HPRs than parliamentary systems or presidential autocracies. In presidential autocracies, elites delegate power to dictators who control the military to eliminate threats from the opposition. In parliamentary systems, elites are more likely to build power-sharing parties through which parliamentary opposition can be defeated, often evolving into single-party regimes. In semi-presidential autocracies, elites delegate power to dictators in exchange for investments, support of their agendas, or defeat of the opposition, which can lead to personalist rule supported by a dominant party or HPR. This study verified this phenomenon using logistic regression. In addition, this study examined three possible challenges: unstable equilibrium, reverse causality and institutional variation within semi-presidentialism. In sum, the incentive structure inherent in semi-presidential systems paves the way for the rise of HPRs.
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Anghel, Veronica. "“Why Can’t We Be Friends?” The Coalition Potential of Presidents in Semi-presidential Republics—Insights from Romania." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 1 (August 24, 2017): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417722829.
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Coalition governments are a regularly studied feature of parliamentary democracies. Debates still linger in the field as to what extent the outcomes of these studies are also applicable in determining who has the upper hand over coalition formation in semi-presidential regimes. This article explores the dynamics of government formation under semi-presidential regimes using evidence from Romania (1990–2016) and discusses the formal and informal potential of the president to shape coalitions. It covers a lacuna in qualitative studies by using evidence gathered from in-depth interviews with prime ministers, cabinet members, and key party decision makers and shows that under certain circumstances presidents can play an influential role in government formation, but these are rather the exception than the rule. Using a case that presents the incentives for an increase in the presidentialization of politics, I show that the mechanisms of a multiparty regime mostly limit the president’s exclusive bargaining advantage to nominating the prime minister and then, much as in a parliamentary democracy, render him or her dependent on the coalition potential of his or her own party.
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Murrau, Luca. "Do the Arrangements of Political Regimes Shape Policy Choices and Policy Outcomes?" Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 23, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569205x15664514109175.
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Abstract This work presents an overview of the literature on political process formation and the role of institutions in economic development. The first category refers to works describing models of citizen candidacy and candidate choice in which different scenarios of equilibrium under plurality rule elections are examinated. The second category includes the main empirical works studying the chain existing between political institutional features and different paths of economic development. Finally, I describe a model of comparative politics. Specifically, I compare two different political regimes, congressional-presidential regime and parliamentary regime, giving insights on policy choices and economic outcomes.
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Krol, Gerrit. "Parliamentary initiative in authoritarian regimes: Power sharing in Eurasian legislatures." Journal of Legislative Studies 26, no. 2 (March 11, 2020): 248–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2020.1738671.
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Singh, Manjari. "Parliamentary Election in Jordan, 2016." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 4, no. 3 (August 12, 2017): 297–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798917711296.
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The 18th Jordanian parliamentary election held on 20 September 2016 was unique in two respects: one, the Islamic Action Front (IAF) participated in it after boycotting two previous elections (2010 and 2013); and two, demand for economic and political reforms emerged as the most important issue cutting across ideological and political divides. The election was also a reflection of Jordan’s social and political complexities and its extraordinary demography and identity-based politics. The electoral process was largely recognized as free and fair, a significant accomplishment in a region where elections are nothing more than a legitimizing exercise for the regimes. Intense pre-election debates, enthusiastic participation of women and minorities, and transparency came against the backdrop of low voter turnout of 36 percent thereby underlining the challenges facing democratization in Jordan.
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Jang, Jinhyeok. "Comparing territorial and functional constituency representations in Hong Kong." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, no. 3 (July 18, 2018): 289–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118783626.
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Much has been studied on political representation either in democratic countries or in competitive authoritarian regimes. However, few have attempted to compare across the two. This article fills this gap by comparing democratic and authoritarian representations within the same collective decision-making body: the Legislative Council of Hong Kong. The original data derives from 2465 parliamentary questions made by 243 legislators serving in the last four legislative sessions from 1998 through 2012. The empirical analysis shows that the type of election variable does not have an impact on the volume of parliamentary questions but that it has a strong effect on the composition of parliamentary policy issues.
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Elgie, Robert. "Varieties of Presidentialism & of Leadership Outcomes." Daedalus 145, no. 3 (July 2016): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00397.
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This essay explores aspects of the relationship between political leadership and institutional power, comparing the different forms that presidential institutions have taken across the world and identifying the relationship between these structures and social, political, and economic outcomes. Semipresidential systems are distinguished from presidential systems, and within the former, a distinction is made between president-parliamentary and premier-presidential regimes. Some scholars have argued that presidential regimes are less conducive to the successful transition from authoritarian rule to democracy than are parliamentary governments, but the empirical evidence is contradictory. Recent research has, however, drawn attention to finer distinctions within the various broad categories of presidentialism, focusing on more precise institutional arrangements and trying to identify which are more, and which are less, consonant with the consolidation of democracy.
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Hix, Simon, and Abdul Noury. "Government-Opposition or Left-Right? The Institutional Determinants of Voting in Legislatures." Political Science Research and Methods 4, no. 2 (June 17, 2015): 249–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.9.
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This study uses roll-call voting data from 16 legislatures to investigate how the institutional context of politics—such as whether a country is a parliamentary or presidential regime, or has a single-party, coalition or minority government—shapes coalition formation and voting behavior in parliaments. It uses a geometric scaling metric to estimate the “revealed space” in each of these legislatures and a vote-by-vote statistical analysis to identify how much of this space can be explained by government-opposition dynamics as opposed to parties’ (left-right) policy positions. Government-opposition interests, rather than parties’ policy positions, are found to be the main drivers of voting behavior in most institutional contexts. In contrast, issue-by-issue coalition building along a single policy dimension is only found under certain restrictive institutional constraints: presidential regimes with coalition governments or parliamentary systems with minority governments. Put another way, voting in most legislatures is more like Westminster than Washington.
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Loewenberg, Gerhard, William Mishler, and Howard Sanborn. "Developing attachments to new political institutions: a multi-level model of attitude formation in post-Communist Europe." European Political Science Review 2, no. 3 (November 2010): 475–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773910000202.
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In America and Western Europe, legislatures preceded democratization and contributed to the establishment and maintenance of democratic regimes in the late 18th and the 19th centuries. In Central and Eastern Europe in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, legislatures and democratic regimes appeared simultaneously. In the first 15 years of post-Communist transitions in 12 countries, attachments to the new regimes have been influenced by their institutional structures, their economic performance, and their records in protecting human freedom, while attachment to the new parliaments have been predominantly influenced by cultural factors related to early life socialization including education, age, gender, social status, and attitudes toward the former communist regime. Attachment to parliament was a product more than a cause of attachment to the new regimes, but the parliamentary system of government created a context that contributed to citizens’ attachment to their new political institutions. In that respect, attitudes toward parliaments in Central and Eastern Europe played a role similar to the role that these attitudes played in an earlier stage of democratization in Europe and North America, the role of attaching citizens to new political institutions.
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Worden, Blair. "OLIVER CROMWELL AND THE PROTECTORATE." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 20 (November 5, 2010): 57–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440110000058.
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ABSTRACTIt is often said that if Oliver Cromwell had lived longer the Puritan Revolution could have survived. The monarchical component of protectoral rule, and the protector's endeavours to broaden the base of his regime, are taken to have signalled a return towards normality and thus towards stability. That mood has been contrasted with the self-destruction of the revolution in the two years after Cromwell's death, a period of twilit anarchy which only the restoration of the Stuarts could end. That interpretation has its points but is misleadingly one-sided. The protectorate had frailties which it never overcame. It failed to live down its origins in the military coups of 1653. Those episodes affronted principles of civilian rule and parliamentary supremacy which commanded widespread support but which have been obscured by the ‘revisionist’ trend of parliamentary history. Though he aimed at ‘healing and settling’, the protector healed little and settled nothing. His attempts to woo mainstream opinion were unsuccessful. In so far as he won its compliance or tolerance, the achievement was conditional upon his readiness to submit to the principles of rule which his seizure of power had broken. It was a condition he could not or would not meet. By the end of his life, military obstruction to civilian and parliamentary rule had reduced his regime to paralysis, and had deepened the divisions between civilian and military aspirations that would soon bring down his successor and would destroy each of the fleeting regimes that followed.
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Rodan, Garry. "New Modes of Political Participation and Singapore's Nominated Members of Parliament." Government and Opposition 44, no. 4 (2009): 438–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2009.01297.x.
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AbstractDespite growing recognition that authoritarianism can be far more durable than transition theorists previously expected, transition theory assumptions continue to constrain attempts to understand authoritarian regimes. In particular, alternative avenues of political participation to opposition political parties and electoral contests are under examined. Singapore's authoritarian regime involves a range of such innovative institutional and ideological initiatives, one of the most significant being the Nominated Members of Parliament scheme. This promotes notions of representation different from democratic parliamentary representation that are not without appeal to targeted, emerging social forces. Singapore's political economy dynamics contribute to this responsiveness by obstructing independent power bases.
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Roper, Steven D., and Christopher Andrews. "Timing an Election: The Impact on the Party in Government." American Review of Politics 23 (January 1, 2003): 305–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2002.23.0.305-318.
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A commonly found feature in many parliamentary democracies is the power of the government to call elections before the completion of a full term of office. Based on an examination of British and Canadian general elections during the 1940 to 2000 period, we find that it is not a good decision for the governing parties to wait the full term allowable between elections. The general pattern is that the longer the government waits to call an election, the worse its chances for gaining seats. This is a parliamentary effect similar to the honeymoon period commonly associated with presidential regimes.
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Nalepa, Monika. "ADAPTING LEGISLATIVE AGENDA SETTINGMODELS TO PARLIAMENTARY REGIMES: EVIDENCE FROM THE POLISH PARLIAMENT." Studies in Logic, Grammar and Rhetoric 50, no. 1 (June 27, 2017): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/slgr-2017-0024.
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Abstract This paper draws on Cox and McCubbins’ comparison of floor and cartel agenda models and adapts it to the context of multi-party parliamentary regimes with the goal of clarifying some important differences between the legislative consequences of cohesion and discipline, on the one hand, and the effects of agenda setting, on the other. Internal party discipline and/or preference cohesion receives the bulk of emphasis in comparative studies of empirical patterns of legislative behavior, generally without considering the role of the agenda. In a series of stylized models, this paper highlights important differences between having more unified parties and/or coalitions as a result of discipline and/or cohesion and the successful use of agenda control. We show that cohesion or discipline - understood as the ability to achieve voting unity - does not produce the same patterns of legislative behavior as negative agenda control. Data on legislative voting in the Polish Sejm are used to illustrate some points.
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Mershon, Carol, and Olga Shvetsova. "Parliamentary Cycles and Party Switching in Legislatures." Comparative Political Studies 41, no. 1 (October 17, 2007): 99–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007303651.
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This article examines politicians' changes of party labels during the life of a legislature. The authors view a legislator's choice of party as a strategic decision recurring throughout the parliamentary cycle. In their approach, individuals are open to switching parties as they pursue goals specific to the stage in the parliamentary cycle. Analyzing Italy and Russia, they identify among legislators in both countries patterns of heightened switching for office benefits, policy advantage, and vote seeking at distinctive moments in the parliamentary cycle. The commonalities across the two systems provide compelling support for their theoretical framework. The evidence also points to a midterm peak in switching in both countries. Differences appear, however, in the timing of preelectoral positioning—contrasts that the authors attribute to differences in the degree of party system institutionalization, the age of the democratic regimes, and thus the information available to players in electoral politics.
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Dillman, Bradford L. "Parliamentary Elections and the Prospects for Political Pluralism in North Africa." Government and Opposition 35, no. 2 (April 2000): 211–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00024.
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HAVE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN NORTH AFRICA IN THE 1990S bolstered prospects for democratization and greater pluralism? This study argues that, with the possible exception of Algeria's 1991 elections, they have not been harbingers of democracy in Egypt, Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia. The elections can be viewed as public displays by the state or limited political barometers, rather than processes which create obligations for the government. They have been means through which regimes have sought to dampen reactions to political immobilism, structural adjustment and the death of a social contract. Some elections have been manipulative, exclusionary exercises of elites trying to roll back the liberalizations of the 1980s, while others have been pseudo-competitive instruments of regime maintenance. Most of the elections can be seen as mechanisms for a top-down ‘artificializing’ of pluralism in order to preserve the core of regime control. In Egypt, Tunisia and Algeria, there seems to be no contradiction between fostering a selectively pluralistic atmosphere and simultaneously undermining the transition to democracy. In Morocco, pluralism and alternance seem to remain quite compatible with continued political domination by the Makhzen. Mona Makram-Ebeid's characterization of Egypt's 1995 elections could equally be applied to others in the region: ‘What has occurred is a pluralization of the political sphere, yet it has been liberal neither in intent nor outcome.’
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Moulds, Sarah. "Parliamentary Rights Scrutiny and Counter-Terrorism Lawmaking in Australia." Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights 3, no. 2 (December 5, 2019): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jseahr.v3i2.13461.
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This paper evaluates the impact of pre and post-enactment scrutiny of Australia’s counter-terrorism laws enacted from 2001 until 2018. Parliamentary scrutiny of rights-engaging laws is particularly critical in the Australian content, as Australia relies on a parliamentary model of rights protection at the federal level. The evaluation framework employed in this Paper considers a range of evidence to provide a holistic account of the impact of legislative scrutiny on the content, development and implementation of Australia’s counter-terrorism laws. This includes consideration of the legislative impact of scrutiny on the content of the law, the role scrutiny plays in the public and parliamentary debate on the law, as well as the hidden impact scrutiny, may be having on policy development and legislative drafting. The results are surprising. This study finds that parliamentary rights scrutiny, particularly by parliamentary committees, has had a rights-enhancing (although rarely rights-remedying) impact on the counter-terrorism laws. Further, this research finds that the hidden or behind-the-scenes impact of parliamentary scrutiny provides a particularly fertile ground for improving the rights-protecting capacity of the Australian legislative scrutiny system. These findings and the evaluation framework employed in this Paper have application and benefits for other jurisdictions seeking to understand and improve the quality of their legislative scrutiny regimes.
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AMORIM NETO, OCTAVIO, and KAARE STRØM. "Breaking the Parliamentary Chain of Delegation: Presidents and Non-partisan Cabinet Members in European Democracies." British Journal of Political Science 36, no. 4 (August 25, 2006): 619–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123406000330.
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Europe has over the past century experienced an impressive increase in the number of presidential heads of state. Many of the new democracies since the mid-1970s are semi-presidential regimes that combine a popularly elected president with the traditional features of parliamentary democracy. At the same time, the frequency of the appointment of non-partisan cabinet members has risen. Cabinet appointments are the most important personnel decisions in parliamentary systems, and traditionally such appointments have been virtually monopolized by the governing political parties. Under semi-presidentialism, however, cabinet appointments may instead become a tug-of-war between a prime minister and a president with different partisan preferences. In this article the relationship between presidential power and the incidence of non-partisan cabinet appointments is examined and a game-theoretic model of cabinet appointments in parliamentary systems with a strong president is developed. In this model the prime minister has proposal power over cabinet appointments and the president an ex post veto. This model yields three comparative statics predictions concerning non-partisan cabinet appointments. The incidence of such appointments should covary positively with the president's powers and negatively with the prime minister's electoral prospects. The likelihood of such appointments should also correlate in a non-intuitive way with the value that the president and the prime minister attach to non-partisan appointees. Based on these results, eight operational hypotheses are developed, which are tested against a sample of 134 European cabinets representing twelve semi-presidential and twelve purely parliamentary regimes in the 1990s. Significant empirical support is found for all three comparative statics results and for most of the specific hypotheses.
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Tuttnauer, Or. "Government–opposition relations in a fragmented, personalized, and multidimensional setting: The case of Israel." Party Politics 26, no. 2 (February 28, 2018): 203–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818761198.
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Patterns of legislative activity in parliamentary regimes have long been defined by political parties and the division between government and opposition. However, several trends in recent years may challenge this distinction by mitigating the electoral connection between parliamentary behavior and electoral competition. Issue multidimensionality, party system fragmentation, and political behavioral personalization, while common to most established democracies, have been extremely pronounced in Israel. Analyzing all legislation votes taken in the Knesset between 2003 and 2014, this article uses the Israeli case to demonstrate how a fragmented opposition and the prevalence of highly personalized, nonpartisan private-member legislation, result in deviation from the familiar government–opposition divide and diminish opposition parties’ vote-seeking behavior in parliamentary votes. As an extreme case of trends that are gaining ground in most established democracies, this case study contributes to the understanding of the effects of general changes to the political system on legislative behavior.
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Juškevičiūtė-Vilienė, Agnė. "The Coronavirus Pandemic and the Right to Vote in Lithuania." Białostockie Studia Prawnicze 27, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/bsp.2022.27.02.06.
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Abstract This article analyses the special legal regimes that were introduced in Lithuania which dealt with the COVID-19 pandemic during the spring of 2020 and which decided on extraordinary measures in order to contain the spread of this vicious transmissible disease, and how the right to vote was ensured during the 2020 Parliament (Seimas) elections. After examining these special legal regimes, the article concludes that according to the Constitution, the threat to public health, inter alia caused by the worldwide spread of a vicious contagious disease, is not a constitutional ground for introducing a state of emergency per se, unless this threat to public health menaces the constitutional order or social peace. Therefore, the establishment of other special legal regimes – a disaster management regime and quarantine – was chosen, and were introduced by the government in accordance with the law. The analysis in this article shows that the right to vote during the 2020 Seimas elections was proportionately restricted due to the pandemic, and the pandemic did not prevent the holding of general, secret and direct parliamentary elections. The pandemic forced the Seimas to adopt long-awaited amendments to the laws that legalized electronic voting in the country.
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Najmiddinov, Zafar. "Taǧnīs al-Multaqaṭ as a Source for Studying the Transition Period of Hanafism in Central Asia." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 8, no. 8 (September 8, 2021): 522. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v8i8.3030.
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Freedom, civil society legalism, pluralism, useful, constructive and healthy competition in society, political participation, elections, a comprehensive constitution, and the growth of non-governmental organizations, fundamental freedoms and the provision of civil and political rights are the most important components of political development are. People in society and the establishment of a parliamentary system. New movements are also mainly social and cultural in nature and emerged with the aim of reviving identity, deepening and developing political participation in Islamic and Arab societies. Some affiliated Arab regimes, such as the government of Al-Saud and the military regime of al-Sisi in Egypt, consider democracy to be a great and serious threat to the survival of their regime. Findings show that political culture, diplomatic support and guarantees, economic aid and foreign intervention are important obstacles to political development in the Arab world, and Arab regimes deliberately and sometimes inadvertently engineer polarization methods in society to prevent this. By the way, their authoritarian methods seem to be the last obstacle to the total collapse of their countries. Such conditions are certainly crucial to the survival of the Arab world governments and the Arab coup military regimes in the Middle East and North Africa. The method used in this research is qualitative (descriptive-analytical) and the method of collecting information is the use of library resources.
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Eltyaminia, Reza, and Mojtaba Shariati. "Political Development Prospects in the Arab World: Obstacles and Challenges Ahead." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 8, no. 8 (September 3, 2021): 509. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v8i8.3008.
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Freedom, civil society legalism, pluralism, useful, constructive and healthy competition in society, political participation, elections, a comprehensive constitution, and the growth of non-governmental organizations, fundamental freedoms and the provision of civil and political rights are the most important components of political development are. People in society and the establishment of a parliamentary system. New movements are also mainly social and cultural in nature and emerged with the aim of reviving identity, deepening and developing political participation in Islamic and Arab societies. Some affiliated Arab regimes, such as the government of Al-Saud and the military regime of al-Sisi in Egypt, consider democracy to be a great and serious threat to the survival of their regime. Findings show that political culture, diplomatic support and guarantees, economic aid and foreign intervention are important obstacles to political development in the Arab world, and Arab regimes deliberately and sometimes inadvertently engineer polarization methods in society to prevent this. By the way, their authoritarian methods seem to be the last obstacle to the total collapse of their countries. Such conditions are certainly crucial to the survival of the Arab world governments and the Arab coup military regimes in the Middle East and North Africa. The method used in this research is qualitative (descriptive-analytical) and the method of collecting information is the use of library resources.
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Bursać, Dejan, and Dušan Vučićević. "Election boycott in a hybrid regime: The case of 2020 parliamentary elections in Serbia." New Perspectives 29, no. 2 (April 13, 2021): 187–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x211009106.
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The 2020 elections in Serbia were held on 21st of June, as the first elections in Europe since the outbreak of coronavirus pandemic. The pre-electoral period was marked by the announcement of boycott from opposition, followed by a number of attempts of ruling party to mitigate the potential negative effects. The decision of opposition to restrain from participation came as a response to the long-term accusations of heavily biased electoral and media conditions, which culminated in EU-mediated (but largely unsuccessful) roundtable talks in 2019. On a larger scale, the administration headed by the President Aleksandar Vučić is becoming increasingly authoritarian, with several indices now classifying Serbia as a hybrid regime. As expected, the elections brought a convincing victory to Vučić’s Serbian Progressive Party, which won 188 out of 250 seats. Despite the overwhelming triumph, government was formed more than four months later. This paper is contributing to the literature on actors’ strategies in hybrid regimes. Although only short-term effects of the boycott could be assessed, the 2020 elections in Serbia demonstrate that legitimacy of the regime cannot be endangered if the opposition is not supported by international actors, and moreover, that the election results have only strengthened the regime.
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Reuter, Ora John, and David Szakonyi. "Online Social Media and Political Awareness in Authoritarian Regimes." British Journal of Political Science 45, no. 1 (September 24, 2013): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000203.
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Do online social media undermine authoritarianism? The conditions under which online social networks can increase public awareness of electoral fraud in non-democracies are examined in this article and it is argued that a given online social network will only increase political awareness if it is first politicized by elites. Survey data from the 2011 Russian parliamentary elections show that usage of Twitter and Facebook, which were politicized by opposition elites, significantly increased respondents’ perceptions of electoral fraud, while usage of Russia's domestic social networking platforms, VKontakte and Odnoklassniki, which were not politicized by opposition activists, had no effect on perceptions of fraud. This study elucidates the causes of post-election protest by uncovering a mechanism through which knowledge of electoral fraud spreads.
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Brunclík, Miloš, and Michal Kubát. "Parlamentarismus nebo poloprezidencialismus? Spor o klasifikaci středoevropských demokratických režimů." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 16, no. 2–3 (August 1, 2014): 118–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2014.23.118.
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While reading academic papers and books on political regimes in Central Europe, one can become aware of an interesting and remarkable fact: these regimes (forms of government) are classified rather differently. Whereas some scholars tend to approach them as parliamentary regimes, others classify them as semi-presidential ones. The major dividing line between these two perspectives runs between a large group of English-writing scholars based outside Central Europe and those from Central Europe itself. Having reviewed a large number of relevant studies in this field, the authors of this article argue that the key reason for the different assessments of Central European regimes resides mainly in a different theoretical (but also methodological) approach, which has important implications when considering how these regimes are treated in various studies. Whereas the group of English-writing scholars tends to adopt a minimalist institutional definition suggested by Robert Elgie, most Central European scholars prefer an approach (inspired by Duverger or Sartori) that emphasizes presidential powers, which are irrelevant to Elgie’s definition.
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حسن, أ. م. د. مهدية صالح. "The Democracy and the Reconstruction of the Citizenship." مجلة العلوم السياسية, no. 53 (February 20, 2019): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jj.v0i53.84.
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This research includes the principles of the democracy، and to which extent it can contribute in establishing these principles. Democracy is not only to hold parliamentary or presidential elections but also the result of these elections wills it lead to the emergence of an integrated regime that can actually expresses the citizen's rights and to which extent those citizens can contribute in that regime and control it. Since 2005، when the first elections took place in Iraq after the US occupation of Iraq 2003، Iraqi people are looking to a rule that represented them and achieve their interests after getting rid of the totalitarian regimes and establishing an institutional regime that work by democratic means in order to achieve the social، economic and political development This research will be presented as following: 1- The citizenship is the base of the democracy 2- The democracy and the reconstruction of the citizenship 3- The building of the economy and investment in the democracy
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Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. "Constitutional Rules and Fiscal Policy Outcomes." American Economic Review 94, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/000282804322970689.
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We investigate the effect of electoral rules and forms of government on fiscal policy outcomes in a large sample of democracies. We rely on different estimation methods to address prospective problems of statistical inference, due to nonrandom selection of these constitutional rules. The findings are consistent with our theoretical priors: presidential regimes induce smaller governments than parliamentary democracies, while majoritarian elections lead to smaller governments and smaller welfare programs than proportional elections.
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MALESKY, EDMUND, and PAUL SCHULER. "Nodding or Needling: Analyzing Delegate Responsiveness in an Authoritarian Parliament." American Political Science Review 104, no. 3 (August 2010): 482–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000250.
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Recent scholarship argues that one solution to ensure longevity and economic growth in an authoritarian regime is to co-opt potential opposition by offering them limited policy influence in a national legislature. Although cooptation theory generates a number of predictions for delegate behavior within an authoritarian parliament, the opacity of such regimes has made empirical confirmation difficult. We resolve this problem by exploiting the transcripts of query sessions in the Vietnamese National Assembly, where delegates question the prime minister and Cabinet members on important issues of the day. Using a content analysis of queries, we offer the first empirical test of delegate behavior in nondemocratic parliaments. We find that some delegates exhibit behavior consistent with cooptation theory by actively participating in sessions, demonstrating criticism of authorities, and responding to the needs of local constituents. Such responsiveness, however, is parameterized by regime rules for nominating, electing, and assigning parliamentary responsibilities to individual delegates.
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Al-Zuhari, Akil Ibrahim. "Formation of the research tradition of studying the institute Parliamentarism as a mechanism for the establishment of democracy." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.187-198.
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The article defines the features of the process of forming the research tradition of studying the institute of parliamentarism as a mechanism for the formation of democracy. It is established that parliamentarism acts as one of the varieties of the regime of functioning of the state, to which the independence of the representative body from the people is inherent, its actual primacy in the state mechanism, the division of functions between the legislative and executive branches of government, the responsibility and accountability of the government to the parliament. It is justified that, in addition to the regime that fully meets the stated requirements of classical parliamentarism, there are regimes that can be characterized as limited parliamentary regimes.
The conclusions point out that parliamentarism does not necessarily lead to a democracy regime. At the first stage of development of statehood, it functions for a long time in the absence of many attributes of democracy, but at the present stage, without parliamentarism, democracy will be substantially limited. Modern researchers of parliamentarism recognize that this institution is undergoing changes with the development of the processes of democracy and democratization. This is what produces different approaches to its definition. However, most scientists under classical parliamentarianism understand such a system, which is based on the balance of power. This approach seeks to justify limiting the rights of parliament and strengthening executive power.
Keywords: Parliamentarism, research strategy, theory of parliamentarism, types of parliamentarism
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Kotz, David M. "Social Structure of Accumulation Theory, Marxist Theory, and System Transformation." Review of Radical Political Economics 49, no. 4 (September 14, 2017): 534–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0486613417699050.
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This paper locates social structure of accumulation (SSA) theory in relation to traditional Marxism. It then applies SSA theory to analyze the current trajectory of system transformation in the global system. Drawing lessons from the global crisis of the 1930s, it uses SSA theory to illuminate the causes and possible consequences of the system transformation that now appears to be developing—a transformation that may be replacing parliamentary democracies by right-wing nationalist repressive regimes in many countries.
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Mouzelis, Nicos. "On the Rise of Postwar Military Dictatorships: Argentina, Chile, Greece." Comparative Studies in Society and History 28, no. 1 (January 1986): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500011841.
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Despite marked geographical and sociocultural differences, Greece and the two major southern-cone Latin American countries share a significant number of characteristics which distinguish them from most other peripheral and semiperipheral societies. Although they began industralisation late and failed to industrialise fully in the last century, all three countries managed to develop an important infrastructure (roads, railways) during the second half of the nineteenth century, and they achieved a notable degree of industrialisation in the years following each of the two world wars. Moreover, until the beginning of the nineteenth century, all three countries were subjugated parts of huge patrimonial empires (the Ottoman and the Iberian) and thus had never experienced the absolutist past of western and southern European societies. Finally, all three acquired their political independence in the early nineteenth century and very soon adopted parliamentary forms of political rule; and despite the constant malfunctioning of their representative institutions, relatively early urbanisation and the creation of a large urban middle class provided a framework within which bourgeois parliamentarism took strong roots and showed remarkable resilience. It persisted, albeit intermittently, from the second half of the nineteenth century until the rise of military bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes in the 1960s and 1970s and, as the Greek and Argentinian cases suggest, such regimes do not necessarily entail the irreversible decline of parliamentary democracy.
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Bunce, Valerie. "The Prospects for a Color Revolution in Russia." Daedalus 146, no. 2 (April 2017): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00431.
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From 1998 to 2005, six elections took place in postcommunist Europe and Eurasia that led to the defeat of authoritarian incumbents or their anointed successors, the empowerment of opposition forces, and, thereafter, the introduction of democratic reforms. Because Putin's regime closely resembles those regimes that were successfully challenged by these dramatic changes in politics, Russia is a logical candidate for such a “color revolution,” as these electoral turnovers have been termed. Moreover, the color revolutions have demonstrated an ability to spread among countries, including several that border Russia. However, the case for a color revolution in Russia is mixed. On the one hand, the many costs of personalized rule make Putin's Russia vulnerable. On the other hand, Putin has been extraordinarily effective at home and abroad in preempting the possibility of an opposition victory in Russian presidential and parliamentary elections.
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Couperus, Stefan. "Democracy not lost? Functional democracy as a panacea for crisis in interwar Europe." Journal of European Studies 49, no. 3-4 (August 12, 2019): 252–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047244119859166.
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The interwar period witnessed fierce criticism of the ways in which parliamentary democracies were operating in Europe. In many instances, authoritarian regimes replaced perceived malfunctioning democracies shortly after the ratification of democratic constitutions. Yet, many European intellectuals and politicians believed democracy was not entirely lost. Amidst the perceived crisis of democracy in Europe, one strand of intellectuals started to rethink the capacities of political representation and democratic governance, taking their cue from institutional innovations that incorporated group interests in state governance. Based on a range of representative councils installed in the 1920s, notions of ‘functional democracy’ were presented as a panacea for the crisis of European parliamentary democracy. This paper discusses the scope and impact of this strand of interwar political thought, alluding to the potential historical implications with regard to functional counter-balances within democratic governance in the face of the crises of democracy occurring in Europe today.
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JOHN, PETER, HUGH WARD, and KEITH DOWDING. "The Bidding Game: Competitive Funding Regimes and the Political Targeting of Urban Programme Schemes." British Journal of Political Science 34, no. 3 (June 7, 2004): 405–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123404000110.
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Public bodies adopt procedures for the competitive bidding for funds in the belief that they improve public welfare, while critics regard such practices as a waste of resources and open to political manipulation. We test the operation of a competitive bidding regime through Tobit models of data drawn from successful and unsuccessful bids in four years of the Single Regeneration Budget programme in England. We derive hypotheses from a model of competitive bidding, the official evaluation of the programme and the pork-barrel literature. Our data and statistical models show that successive rounds did not greatly improve the quality of the bids, did not systematically reward needy communities and diverted resources to ministers' parliamentary seats in some regions.
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Herb, Michael. "Princes and Parliaments in the Arab World." Middle East Journal 58, no. 3 (July 1, 2004): 367–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/58.3.12.
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Several Arab monarchies have held reasonably free elections to parliaments, though all remain authoritarian. This article compares the Arab monarchies with parliaments in other parts of the world, including both those that became democracies, and those that did not. From this I derive a set of prerequisites, potential pitfalls, and expected stages in the monarchical path toward democracy. This helps us to understand not only the democratic potential of the parliamentary experiments in the Arab monarchies, but also the role these parliaments play in the political life of these authoritarian regimes.
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Daw, Rowena. "The Mental Health Act 2007 – The Defeat of an Ideal." International Journal of Mental Health and Capacity Law 1, no. 16 (September 8, 2014): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.19164/ijmhcl.v1i16.210.
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<p>This short account of the history of the reform of the Mental Health Act covers the main issues that divided the participants in the process, and the flawed legacy that remains. It gives the background to central provisions of the 2007 Act as they were amended during the parliamentary process and reflects on some problems they raise. It does not consider the amendments to the Mental Capacity Act 2005 to cover so-called ‘Bournewood’ patients, although some implications of the different regimes will be mentioned.</p>
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Fogleman, Valerie. "The contaminated land regime: time for a regime that is fit for purpose (Part 1)." International Journal of Law in the Built Environment 6, no. 1/2 (April 8, 2014): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijlbe-08-2013-0034.
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Purpose – The purpose of this article is to examine the regime to remediate contaminated land in the UK set out in Part 2A of the Environmental Protection Act 1990 and to analyse the UK Government's intent and objectives in introducing the regime. The legislative provisions and the statutory guidance that accompanies that legislation are then analysed to determine whether those objectives could have been met. Design/methodology/approach – A research approach was taken to trace the legislative history of Part 2A and to analyse the statutory provisions and the statutory guidance. The approach included researching Parliamentary debates on the statute, consultations on the statutory guidance, other information published by the UK Government, commentaries on the regime, and contaminated land regimes in other jurisdictions. Findings – The paper found that the introduction of a contaminated land regime that delegates primary implementation and enforcement authority to local authorities, and that severely limits their discretion in doing so, has resulted in a regime that has proven to be unworkable in practice and that has failed to meet its objectives. Originality/value – The article is the first paper to examine the legislative intent and objectives behind Part 2A and to analyse their effect on the provisions in the statute and the statutory guidance and their implementation and enforcement.
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Douros, Dimitris, and Dimitris Angelis-Dimakis. "Perceptions and Uses of the Land: Agrarian Rhetoric and Agricultural Policy in Greece under Metaxas’ Regime (1936-1941)." Perspectivas - Journal of Political Science 25 (December 17, 2021): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/perspectivas.3208.
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This paper aims to explore the ways in which the concepts of ’Nature’ and ’Land’ were incorporated and mobilized in the rhetoric of the dictatorial regime established in Greece by Ioannis Metaxas on August 4, 1936. Firstly, it examines the links between the construction of a national landscape and the emergence of a novel nationalist ideology in interwar Greece. Then, it looks into different ways in which politicized ideas of nature informed agronomic researches and practices and were translated in Metaxas’ political thought and policies. These ideological connotations of Land and Nature inscribe themselves in the philosophical and economic doctrine of the ’peasantist nationalism’. Based mostly on radical agrarianism and neo-romanticism, this discourse gained momentum in the early 1930s and permeated autarchic economic and agrarian policies, especially after the collapse of parliamentary rule. Along those lines, Metaxas’ dictatorship and its perceptions of the environment arguably align with features and trajectories of the authoritarian regimes that flourished all around Europe in the interwar period.
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Kisangani, Emizet F., and Jeffrey Pickering. "The Dividends of Diversion: Mature Democracies’ Proclivity to Use Diversionary Force and the Rewards They Reap from It." British Journal of Political Science 39, no. 3 (July 2009): 483–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000598.
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The diversionary proclivities of democratic and autocratic regimes have been debated in the empirical literature. This new theoretical synthesis on the subject builds upon the insights of the institutional approach, rational choice literature on voting and research on audience costs. It is contended that leaders in mature democracies have more incentive to use diversionary force than leaders in other regimes, and they are more likely to gain domestic political and economic benefits from it. To test this, dynamic generalized method of moments (GMM) models are used to ascertain the reciprocal relationships between domestic political unrest, domestic economic performance and foreign military intervention in 140 countries in 1950–96. The theory is supported since, collectively, mature democracies are more prone to use diversionary force and to benefit from it than non-democracies. Interesting nuances appear when specific types of presidential or parliamentary democracies are analysed.
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Speck, Anne-Katrin. "The European System of Human Rights Protection: No Rolls-Royce, but a Solid Engine Fit for the Future? In Conversation with Council of Europe Insiders." Journal of Human Rights Practice 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huaa006.
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Abstract The European Convention system has a unique structure among regional human rights regimes. Not only does it have a full-time Court and a Parliamentary Assembly, it is also the only system to have a political body, the Committee of Ministers, tasked with monitoring the implementation of judgments issued by the Court. While the day-to-day work is carried out by the Department for the Execution of Judgments (‘Execution Department’), the ministers’ deputies meet quarterly to examine the implementation (or ‘execution’) of (selected) judgments. How effective has this distinctive institutional arrangement been, and what challenges does it face in an era of increasing hostility to supranational human rights bodies? Anne-Katrin Speck, Research Associate with the Human Rights Law Implementation Project, discussed these questions with Andrew Drzemczewski, former Head of the Legal Affairs and Human Rights Department of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe; Christos Giakoumopoulos, Director General of Human Rights and Rule of Law of the Council of Europe; and Michael O’Boyle, former Deputy Registrar of the European Court of Human Rights.
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Fedorowicz, Krzysztof. "System rządów parlamentarnych na obszarze poradzieckim: casus Mołdawii i Łotwy." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 2 (November 2, 2018): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2012.17.2.9.
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The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova’s adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President’s endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state’s appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova’s shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991.
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Capotosti, Piero Alberto. "Coalition Agreements in the Italian Political and Institutional System." Israel Law Review 26, no. 4 (1992): 531–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700011171.
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1. In recent years, negotiations between parliamentary factions in Italy have had an increasing impact on the process of government formation. The frequency of such negotiations and resulting coalition agreements necessitates a more thorough examination of this phenomenon in order to understand the interaction between coalition agreements and government policy.The phenomenon of coalition governments is not a new one. A number of European states have witnessed their emergence since the late 19th century. It is, however, in regimes of extreme multi-party politics — as the Italian system must be considered — that this form of government has found full enforcement.
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Sablin, Ivan. "Introduction to the Special Issue “Parliamentary formations and diversities in (post-)imperial Eurasia”." Journal of Eurasian Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2020): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366519900992.
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Addressing the entangled histories of deliberative decision making, political representation, and constitutionalism in several geographic and temporal contexts, this Special Issue offers nuanced political and intellectual histories and anthropologies of parliamentarism in Eurasia. It explores parliaments and quasi-parliamentary formations and the designs of such in the Qing and Russian Empires, the late Soviet Union, Ukraine, the Russian Far East, and the Russian-Mongolian borderlands (from Buryat and Mongolian perspectives) in seven contributions. Apart from the regional interconnections, the Special Issue foregrounds the concepts of diversity and empire to enable an interdisciplinary discussion. Understanding empires as composite spaces, where the ambivalent and situational difference is central for the governing repertoires, the articles discuss social (ethnic, religious, regional, etc.) diversity in particular contexts and the ways it affected the parliamentary designs. The multitude of the latter is understood as institutional diversity and is discussed in relation to different levels of administration, as well as the positions of respective parliamentary formations within political systems and their performance within regimes. The contributions also investigate different forms of deliberative decision-making, including the soviet, the Congress of People’s Deputies, and the national congress, which allows to include conceptual diversity of Eurasian parliamentarisms into the discussions in area and global studies. The Special Issue highlights the role of (quasi-)parliaments in dissembling and reassembling imperial formations and the ways in which parliaments were eclipsed by other institutions of power, both political and economic.