Journal articles: 'Parliamentary reform'

1

Norton, Philip. "Parliamentary Reform." Revue française de civilisation britannique 11, no. 3 (February 1, 2002): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rfcb.696.

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Toews, Vic. "Parliamentary Reform." Manitoba Law Journal 4 (January 1, 2007): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/mlj1034.

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Nazaruddin, Mohd Izzuddin, and Mohammad Agus Yusoff. "Parliamentary Institutional Reforms in Malaysia: The Case of the Pakatan Harapan Era, 2018–2020." Kajian Malaysia 41, no. 2 (October 31, 2023): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/km2023.41.2.2.

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The parliamentary institution is the nation’s highest legislative body in a democratic system, where it enacts, amends, and approves federal laws, examines government policies and approves government spending. However, in Malaysia, during the Barisan Nasional (BN) era, this institution was frequently criticised due to its numerous flaws. Among them were executive control over parliamentary institutions, disregard for the opposition’s role and unequal development provision between government and opposition parliamentarians. Therefore, during the 14th General Election (GE14) campaign, Pakatan Harapan (PH) promised to implement parliamentary reforms, and that pledge carried PH to victory in the GE14. This article utilised the concept of institutional reform as a tool of analytics to discuss parliamentary institutional reforms during the PH’s governmental term from 2018 to 2020. The primary sources of this study were interviews and secondary sources, which were obtained through books, journals and newspapers. This article argues that the PH government has successfully implemented several parliamentary institutional reforms in only 22 months. The reforms were the reform of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC), the establishment of more parliamentary select committees, the restructuring of constituency development funds for members of parliament (MPs) and the appointment of non-partisan speakers. All these reforms have benefited Malaysia’s parliamentary institutions by increasing the role of the opposition, allocating fair constituency development funds to parliamentarians and improving the parliamentary image. Nevertheless, comprehensive reforms were not implemented because the PH government was ousted from power at the end of February 2020 because of the actions of several PH MPs who defected from the party.

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Haapala, Taru. "Parliamentary Reform at Westminster." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 35, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2014.997616.

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5

Quinault, Roland. "1848 and Parliamentary Reform." Historical Journal 31, no. 4 (December 1988): 831–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015533.

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1848 has gone down in history – or rather in history books – as the year when England was different. In that year a wave of revolution on the Continent overthrew constitutions, premiers and even a dynasty but in England, by contrast, the middle classes rallied round the government and helped it preserve the status quo. This interpretation of 1848 has long been the established orthodoxy amongst historians. Asa Briggs took this view thirty years ago and it has lately been endorsed by F. B. Smith and Henry Weisser. Most recently, John Saville, in his book on 1848, has concluded that events in England ‘demonstrated beyond question and doubt, the complete and solid support of the middling strata to the defence of existing institutions’. He claims that ‘the outstanding feature of 1848 was the mass response to the call for special constables to assist the professional forces of state security’ which reflected a closing of ranks among all property owners. Although some historians, notably David Goodway, have recently stressed the vitality of Chartism in 1848 they have not challenged the traditional view that the movement failed to win concessions from the establishment and soon declined. Thus 1848 in England is generally regarded as a terminal date: the last chapter in the history of Chartism as a major movement. Thereafter Britain experienced a period of conservatism – described by one historian as ‘the mid-Victorian calm’–which lasted until the death of Palmerston in 1865.

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Wright, T. "Prospects for Parliamentary Reform." Parliamentary Affairs 57, no. 4 (October 1, 2004): 867–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsh067.

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7

Kukuruz, O. V. "Political and legal provision of parliamentary reform in Ukraine: current state and proposals for European integration changes." TRANSFORMATION LEGISLATION OF UKRAINE IN MODERN CONDITIONS DOCTRINAL APPROACHES AND MEASUREMENTS, no. 14 (September 1, 2023): 177–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2023-14-177-182.

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The article analyzes the advantages and disadvantages of the political and legal provision of parliamentary reform in Ukraine and to provide suggestions for its improvement at the current stage of Ukraine’s European integration. Two waves of parliamentary reform are singled out. 1st wave: 2014–2019. Strengths: the Memorandum of Understanding between the European Parliament and the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine was signed; European Parliament’s Needs Assessment Mission, led by P. Cox, analyzed the activities of the Ukrainian parliament and developed a strategy for parliamentary reform – the so-called Roadmap; this political strategic document received the necessary legal basis, it was recognized as the basis for increasing the institutional capacity of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine; Jean Monnet’s Dialogues became an important component of the political support for the reform of the Ukrainian parliament; during the eighth term of the parliament, six meetings were held as part of the «Jean Monnet Dialogues» (in Ukraine, France and Switzerland). Weaknesses: out of 52 recommendations of the European Parliament, the deadline for the implementation of 49 recommendations fell during the period of activity of the Parliament of 8 convocations, however, most of the normative legal acts, the adoption of which was planned for 2016 and 2017, were never adopted. 2nd wave: 2019–2023. Strengths: after the parliamentary elections, as part of the seventh «Jean MonnetтDialogue», a decision was made to continue the parliamentary reform by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of a new convocation; during the ninth term of the parliament, two meetings were held within the framework of the «Jean Monnet Dialogues» (in France and Poland); the validity of the Memorandum between the European Parliament and the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine was extended; the European Union and the United Nations Development Program implemented a parliamentary reform project in Ukraine, within which a number of important analytical documents were prepared by experts. Weaknesses: lack of a single center that would coordinate the work of various structures involved in parliamentary reform, in particular, such as the working group to promote the implementation of the Roadmap; Parliamentary Reform Office; the working group for the preparation of comprehensive legislative proposals on amendments to the laws of Ukraine in the field of parliamentary law; the National Council for the Recovery of Ukraine from the War. The need to adopt an updated parliamentary reform strategy and create clear coordination between the bodies that will implement it was emphasized. Key words: parliamentary reform, parliament reform strategy, dialogues of Jean Monnet, strategic plan, strategic goals of parliamentary reform, European integration.

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Aranda Álvarez, Elviro. "La «sustancialidad» del procedimiento para la reforma constitucional." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 29 (June 1, 2012): 389. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.29.2012.6997.

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La reforma constitucional del artículo 135 de la CE nos ha situado ante la evidencia de que el procedimiento parlamentario con que contamos para dichos cambios es totalmente inadecuado. Una reforma constitucional del calado y relevancia del artículo 135 de la CE no se puede tramitar en el Congreso de los Diputado reduciendo los plazos a la mínima expresión y en una única lectura del Pleno de la Cámara. La importancia de una reforma constitucional requiere de un escrupuloso respeto a los principios que orientan el procedimiento parlamentario: derecho de enmienda, tiempo de negociación, debate y máxima publicidad. Como las previsiones reglamentarias vigentes no se garantizan plenamente estos principios. Por eso, este trabajo propone una reforma de los preceptos correspondientes para asegurar unos procedimientos parlamentarios más adecuados a los importantes objetivos del cambio constitucional.The constitutional amendment of article 135 of the Spanish Constitution has shown that the current parliamentary procedure for constitutional reform is totally inadequate. A constitutional reform of the importance of the one approved of the article 135 of the Spanish Constitution should not have been passed with such a significant reduction of procedural deadlines, and with just a single reading in the full Chamber. Such an important constitutional reform requires a scrupulous respect of the principles that surround parliamentary procedure: right of amendment, negotiation, terms of debate and maximum publicity. The current regulatory provisions do not fully guarantee these principles. Therefore, this essay proposes a change of the relevant regulations in order to ensure parliamentary procedures more adequate in terms of fulfilling the important purposes of constitutional reform.

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9

Adamantios, Syrmaloglou. "Parliamentary Economists and Social Reform:." History of Economic Thought 56, no. 2 (2015): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5362/jshet.56.2_47.

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10

Høyland, Bjørn, and Martin G. Søyland. "Electoral Reform and Parliamentary Debates." Legislative Studies Quarterly 44, no. 4 (February 28, 2019): 593–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12237.

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11

Epstein, Leon D., and David Judge. "The Politics of Parliamentary Reform." Political Science Quarterly 100, no. 1 (1985): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2150878.

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12

Jacobsen, Rikke Becker, and Jesper Raakjær. "Who defines the need for fishery reform? Participants, discourses and networks in the reform of the Greenland fishery." Polar Record 50, no. 4 (May 27, 2014): 391–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247414000126.

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ABSTRACTThis article investigates recent reforms of the Greenland coastal fisheries in order to contribute to the general lessons on reform and policy networks in the context of a changing Arctic stakeholdership. It analyses participation in fisheries governance decision-making by examining the emergence of discourses and policy networks that come to define the very need for reform. A policy network is identified across state ministries, powerful officials, banks and large scale industry that defined the need for fisheries reform within a ‘grand reform’ discourse. But inertia characterised the actual decision-making process as reform according to this ‘grand reform’ discourse was blocked by a combination of small-scale fishers’ informal networks and the power of the parliamentary majority. After a parliamentary shift in power the new government implemented the ‘grand reform’ gradually whilst new patterns of participation and exclusion emerged. In this process, the identities of the participating participants were reinterpreted to fit the new patterns of influence and participation. The article argues that fishery reform does not necessarily start with the collective recognition of a problem in marine resource use and a power-neutral process of institutional learning. Instead, it argues that fishery reform is likely to be the ‘reform of somebody’ and that this ‘somebody’ is itself a changing identity.

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13

Franks, C. E. S. "Reforming Parliamentary Democracy." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 4 (December 2004): 1019–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904210216.

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Reforming Parliamentary Democracy, F. Leslie Seidle and David C. Docherty, eds., Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2003, pp. vii, 246This book derives from a conference held by the Canadian Study of Parliament Group at which distinguished persons discussed the efforts for reform in Westminster style parliamentary democracies. Topics covered include: second chambers (the British House of Lords, South Africa); proportional representation (New Zealand); the role of the Crown (Australia); political rights and representation of aboriginal peoples (New Zealand and Canada); and federalism and devolution (Britain and Canada). An introduction and conclusion by the editors, and a useful chapter by Jennifer Smith on reform of the Canadian Parliament complete the book.

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14

Palagnyuk, Yuliana. "Media freedom in Ukraine in the context of constitutional reform." Horyzonty Polityki 14, no. 47 (January 14, 2023): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/hp.2409.

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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: This paper discusses whether there have been changes to ensure media freedom in Ukraine in the context of constitutional reform. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: This is comparative explanatory research. The author uses a process-tracing method and an observation method to analyze media freedom under the presidential-parliamentary republic during the second term of Kuchma’s presidency and under a parliamentary-presidential republic during Yushchenko’s presidency. I summarize descriptive statistics on such indicators of media freedom as political, economic, and legal environment according to the Freedom House data. I also use the analysis of scholars and other non-governmental organizations. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The analysis of the political situation in Ukraine explains the reasons for the constitutional reform and the democratization of the media system. I systematize data from the Freedom House reports on the indicators, present the results in a graphic form, and make conclusions from the comparisons. RESEARCH RESULTS: The study shows that changing the political system to a parliamentary-presidential due to the Orange Revolution intensified reforms guaranteeing media freedom in Ukraine. However, the reforms were not at the level expected by the supporters of the Orange Revolution. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The introduction of the parliamentary-presidential model intensified the competition and conflicts between the presidential and parliamentary-government centers of power. It created polarized and chaotic conditions in journalists’ work. The legal environment for the media has not improved significantly. There was a reduction of political influence on the media. The improvement in the economic environment did not occur because the pressure exerted by the ruling elites on the mass media went from the political to the economic dimension.

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15

Gidda, Navneet. "Parliamentary Reform in Canada: The Significance of Senate Reform." Political Science Undergraduate Review 1, no. 2 (February 15, 2016): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur15.

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In this paper, I will argue that the Canadian Parliamentary system has become significantly less democratic over time and therefore requires reform. Specifically, I will focus on the Senate and the ways in which the institution has had a negative impact on the state of Canadian democracy. Through an analysis of how Senators are selected, the make up of the Senate, and the institution’s role in Canadian governance, I come to the conclusion that Canadians must demand reform if they are to maintain a strong, healthy democracy that serves their interests. Mainly, I support a Triple E Senatorial system since it gets at the root of the problem by decentralizing federal power and giving it to the provinces and Canadian people. I also include a brief discussion of Justin Trudeau’s plan for the Senate which proposes more immediate reform and does not require constitutional revision. Rather than demanding abolition or tolerating the status quo, taking these steps towards reform will ensure that Canadian interests are the government’s top priority. Through reform, Canadians would have more effective “sober second thought” and a democracy that works for the people, not the party in power.

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Charvát, Jakub, and Jakub Charvát. "The 2021 Czech Parliamentary Electoral Reform." ACTA POLITOLOGICA 14, no. 2 (April 30, 2022): 6–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/1803-8220/6_2022.

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17

Bowyer, T. H. "Junius, Philip Francis and Parliamentary Reform." Albion 27, no. 3 (1995): 397–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051735.

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The immediate objective of the young Philip Francis in the series of pseudonymous letters signed Junius and Philo Junius, which were published at intervals in the Public Advertiser between 1769 and 1772 when the author was aged between twenty- nine and thirty-two, was to encompass the downfall of the Grafton administration and, subsequently, the North administration, in anticipation of their replacement by a ministry drawn from the opposition. Grafton went in 1770, but with the opposition falling into disarray, Junius failed to dislodge North and abandoned his campaign. No Junius letters appeared after January 1772. The letters were characterized by vituperative attacks on the personal conduct of ministers and the court. These attacks were accompanied by an acidulous commentary on political events as they unfolded. Ministers were accused of abusing the constitution, as often as not with the complicity of Parliament. Casting himself as a defender of the constitution Junius identified defects in the modus operandi of Parliament and the electoral system without himself bringing forward firm proposals for reform. It was not until he was drawn to comment on propositions advanced by the Society of the Supporters of the Bill of Rights in 1771 that Junius took up a position on parliamentary reform.

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18

Indo, K. "The Parliamentary Reform in Postwar Britain." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 38 (1987): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku1953.38.0_31.

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19

Rush, Michael. "Parliamentary Reform: From Modernisation to Rebuilding." Journal of Legislative Studies 17, no. 4 (December 2011): 545–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2011.617555.

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20

Pentland, Gordon. "The Debate on Scottish Parliamentary Reform, 1830–1832." Scottish Historical Review 85, no. 1 (April 2006): 100–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2006.0025.

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The voluminous historiography of the‘Great Reform Act’ of 1832 and the more modest historiography of the Reform Act (Scotland) have tended to focus on how far the legislation effected a break with an aristocratic constitution. What this approach does little to illuminate, however, is the extent to which the reform legislation was framed and debated as a renegotiation of the relationship between England and Wales, Scotland, Ireland and the Empire. In Scotland, this meant that the extensive debate on reform tended to revolve around different interpretations of the Union of 1707 and Scotland's subsequent history and development. This article explores the reform debate among Scotland's political elite and, in particular, how the issue was tackled in Parliament. It demonstrates that in the fluid context provided by the developing constitutional crisis after 1829 simple divisions of ‘Whig’ and ‘Tory’ and even ‘Reformer’ and ‘Anti-reformer’ do not adequately describe the range of positions taken on the question of reform. The need to respond to the arguments of parliamentary opponents and to fast-moving events outside of Parliament ensured that responses to reform tended to be idiosyncratic. This article argues that the combination of the nature of reform as a renegotiation of the Union and the need to appeal to those outside of Parliament saw the reform debate prosecuted as a contest over the language of patriotism. Both sponsors and opponents of reform claimed to represent the voice of ‘the nation’, but this contest was far more complex than a straightforward confrontation between Anglophile ‘assimilationists’ and defenders of Scottish ‘semi-independence’.

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Cranmer, Frank. "Parliamentary Report." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 15, no. 1 (December 13, 2012): 81–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x12000828.

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After the Administrative Court (Toulson LJ, Royce and Macur JJ) had rejected the applications of the late Mr Tony Nicklinson and an anonymous claimant, AM, to allow doctors to end their lives without fear of prosecution, The Times reported that Anna Soubry, Conservative MP for Broxtowe and a newly appointed minister at the Department of Health, was supporting ‘the right to kill yourself’. She was subsequently supported in turn by her Liberal Democrat ministerial colleague Norman Lamb, who told the BBC that, though the issue was one for the individual's conscience and there was no Government policy on it, there was a case for looking at reform. The Ministry of Justice subsequently let it be known that there were no plans to change the existing law.

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22

Keppel, Matthias. "The Parliamentary Committee of Inquiry in the Austrian National Council – Influence and Impact from the Perspective of the Austrian National Council Members." Politics in Central Europe 19, no. 3 (September 1, 2023): 539–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2023-0026.

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Abstract Committees of inquiry in the Austrian National Council gained a significant upgrade through a reform in 2015: for the first time, a parliamentary minority can now demand the establishment of a committee of inquiry. This reform meant not only a strengthening of control rights, but also an increase in parliamentary investigations in Austria. The aim of this article is to shed light on the parliamentary perspective and to deepen the understanding of investigative committees. In this way, it is to be shown which potentials, but also weaknesses, can be found in the investigative instrument from the MPs’ point of view. A first-time survey of members of committees of inquiry showed that the perceptions of the reform and the democratic benefits differed greatly between the governing party ÖVP and the opposition party SPÖ. The increasing polarisation of the political debate also led to a further divergence in the approval or rejection of the investigative instrument. These developments may not only result in a weakening of the investigative instrument, but also directly challenge parliamentary democracy.

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Kretzmer, David. "Presidential Elements in Government Experimenting with Constitutional Change: Direct Election of the Prime Minister in Israel." European Constitutional Law Review 2, no. 1 (February 2006): 60–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019606000605.

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A constitutional experiment in which a parliamentary system of government under proportional representation was combined with the direct election of a prime minister — the system prior to 1992 — the political context of the 1992 reform — the unintended consequences of the reform in practice — the return to a pure parliamentary form of government, combined with a constructive vote of no-confidence and a prime-ministerial power to dissolve parliament.

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24

Wen, Tingrui. "An Exploration of Jeremy Bentham's Utilitarian View of Politics." Academic Journal of Management and Social Sciences 3, no. 3 (July 20, 2023): 174–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ajmss.v3i3.11128.

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In response to the injustice and confusion in the legal and political fields of 18th-century England, Jeremy Bentham systematically proposed a utilitarian system and its penalties based on David Hume’s moral emotionalism and Beccaria's principles of legislation. Specifically, with a view of Minarchism, he proposed a comprehensive and radical plan for parliamentary reform in terms of the right to vote, the establishment of institutions, parliamentary procedures and the qualifications of parliamentarians in order to avoid corrupt practices, while at the same time emphasizing crime prevention, calling for leniency in penalties, the establishment of a sound and clear legal system and the reduction of the cost of defence to provide for his ideal political environment. Not only did he pioneer utilitarianism in theory, but he also contributed to the reform of the 1832 Parliamentary Reform and the improvement of the legal code.

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Lim, Preston Jordan. "Parliamentary Debate as a Driver of Military Justice Reform in Canada." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 35, no. 3 (December 2020): 437–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2020.14.

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AbstractIn June 2019, the Supreme Court of Canada pronounced judgment in the case of R v Stillman, upholding the military justice system’s ability to try serious civil offences. The Stillman decision highlighted one key mechanism of military justice reform: court judgments. This article argues, however, that military legal experts have overlooked Parliamentary debate as a key driver of military reform. By drawing on analysis of Hansard from past decades, this article argues that the Canadian Parliament has historically pushed for radical reform to the military justice system. This reformist consensus continues to shape Parliamentary discussions on military justice in the twenty-first century.

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Sallavaci, Oriola. "Parliamentary Scrutiny of Law Reform in Albania." European Journal of Law Reform 22, no. 2 (September 2020): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/ejlr/138723702020022002002.

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van Eekelen, Willem. "The Parliamentary Dimension of Security Sector Reform." Sicherheit & Frieden 23, no. 3 (2005): 126–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2005-3-126.

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Cody, Howard. "Parliamentary Reform: Some Implications for Western Canada." American Review of Canadian Studies 22, no. 1 (March 1992): 11–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722019209481104.

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Moniz, Amanda B. "Reforming Expectations: Parliamentary Pressure and Moral Reform." Parliamentary History 37 (July 2018): 102–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12332.

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CRIDDLE, BYRON. "Parliamentary Reform at Westminster - By Alexandra Kelso." Parliamentary History 30, no. 2 (June 2011): 278–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.2011.00271_12.x.

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Byelov, D. M. "Parliamentary reform in Ukraine: challenges and prospects." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 4 (September 14, 2023): 657–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2023.04.103.

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The reviewed monograph was made within the framework of the scientific research of Zozulya A.I. and is devoted to the problem that is relevant in the field of constitutional law of Ukraine - the improvement of the constitutional and legal status and activity of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.

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Winzen, Thomas. "The European Semester and Parliamentary Oversight Institutions Inside and Outside of the Euro Area." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (August 13, 2021): 100–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4129.

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The European Semester is a challenge for national parliaments but also an opportunity to reform domestic oversight institutions. Drawing on data from all member states, this study examines the conditions under which national parliaments use this opportunity. Is Euro area membership a prerequisite for parliamentary adaptation to the European Semester and, if so, which further combinations of conditions account for variation among Euro area countries? The analysis suggests that membership in or close ties with the Euro area and institutional strength constitute <em>necessary conditions</em> for parliamentary adaptation. Combined with other factors—in particular, public debt exceeding the Maastricht criteria—these conditions explain reform in many cases. National parliamentary adaptation to the European Semester thus follows existing institutional divisions constituted by differentiated integration in the Euro area and uneven national parliamentary strength.

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Fealy, Greg. "Indonesia's Reform Era Faces a Test." Current History 107, no. 712 (November 1, 2008): 388–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2008.107.712.388.

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Stetckevich, M. S. "ПАРЛАМЕНТСКАЯ РЕФОРМА 1832 ГОДА В АНГЛИИ — РЕЛИГИОЗНЫЙ КОНФЛИКТ?" Konfliktologia 13, no. 2 (June 6, 2018): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2018-13-2-109-127.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the struggle for the first parliamentary reform in England (1830–1832) in order to get an answer on the question of the possibility of classifying this conflict as a religious one. The author proceeds from the previously formulated concept, according to which the most important feature, allowing to classify the conflict as religious, is the division of the subjects of the conflict on religious grounds, and not the presence, as many researchers believe, of religious motivation of the opposing sides. The article analyzes the position of the two main confessional groups of the early XIX century England on the issue of the parliamentary reform: Anglicans (members of the state Church of England) and radical Protestants — dissenters. The Church of England was closely connected with the English model of the «old order», based on the political dominance of the land-owning elite, the dissenters mostly belonged to the «middle class», which sought to reform the political system. Based on the analysis of the speeches of Anglican bishops in the Parliament, the results of the voting at the General elections, the preaching of the clergy, the Anglican and dissenter press, the author comes to the conclusion that most of dissenters supported the idea of reform, and the adherents of the established Church were deeply divided. Not only the supporters of the «old order» and the Tory party were Anglicans, but also the Whigs that put forward the idea of parliamentary reform. It was supported also by some of the Anglican clergy. Theological arguments for and against the reform were rare enough. This allows us to state the existence of religious aspects of the confrontation over the parliamentary reform, but not to qualify it as a full-fledged religious conflict between Anglicans and dissenters.

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Stetckevich, M. S. "ПАРЛАМЕНТСКАЯ РЕФОРМА 1832 ГОДА В АНГЛИИ — РЕЛИГИОЗНЫЙ КОНФЛИКТ?" Konfliktologia 13, no. 2 (June 6, 2018): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2018-13-2-119-136.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the struggle for the first parliamentary reform in England (1830–1832) in order to get an answer on the question of the possibility of classifying this conflict as a religious one. The author proceeds from the previously formulated concept, according to which the most important feature, allowing to classify the conflict as religious, is the division of the subjects of the conflict on religious grounds, and not the presence, as many researchers believe, of religious motivation of the opposing sides. The article analyzes the position of the two main confessional groups of the early XIX century England on the issue of the parliamentary reform: Anglicans (members of the state Church of England) and radical Protestants — dissenters. The Church of England was closely connected with the English model of the «old order», based on the political dominance of the land-owning elite, the dissenters mostly belonged to the «middle class», which sought to reform the political system. Based on the analysis of the speeches of Anglican bishops in the Parliament, the results of the voting at the General elections, the preaching of the clergy, the Anglican and dissenter press, the author comes to the conclusion that most of dissenters supported the idea of reform, and the adherents of the established Church were deeply divided. Not only the supporters of the «old order» and the Tory party were Anglicans, but also the Whigs that put forward the idea of parliamentary reform. It was supported also by some of the Anglican clergy. Theological arguments for and against the reform were rare enough. This allows us to state the existence of religious aspects of the confrontation over the parliamentary reform, but not to qualify it as a full-fledged religious conflict between Anglicans and dissenters.

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Gómez Lugo, Yolanda. "La tramitación de la reforma constitucional mediante procedimientos legislativos abreviados: un problema de límites procedimentales." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 43 (May 23, 2019): 389. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.43.2019.24432.

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¿Pueden las Cámaras tramitar las iniciativas de reforma constitucional aplicando simultáneamente los procedimientos parlamentarios de reforma constitucional y procedimientos legislativos abreviados? Más específicamente, ¿puede considerarse que los métodos de lectura única y urgencia son procedimientos adecuados para tramitar la revisión de la Constitución? En el Auto 9/2012 el Tribunal Constitucional parece haberse decantado por la tesis de la simultaneidad procedimental, conforme a la cual los procedimientos de reforma constitucional podrían aplicarse transversalmente junto a las técnicas procedimentales de lectura única y de urgencia. Sin embargo, haciendo una interpretación sistemática de las normas constitucionales y parlamentarias que regulan el modo de producción legislativa, es posible deducir que dichas modalidades abreviadas actúan como límites procedimentales en la tramitación parlamentaria de la revisión de la Constitución.Can the Parliament process constitutional reform initiatives applying the procedures of constitutional reform and abbreviated legislative procedures simultaneously? More specifically, can it be considered that the method of single reading and the urgent procedure are adequate for processing the revision of the Constitution? In the decision ATC 9/2012 the Constitutional Court seems to have embraced the thesis of procedural simultaneity, according to which the procedures of constitutional reform could be applied transversally along with the legislative techniques of single reading and urgency. However, making a systematic interpretation of constitutional and parliamentary rules governing the lawmaking process, it might be argued that these kind of abbreviates procedures act as procedural limits in the parliamentary processing of the constitutional revision.

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GREENAWAY, JOHN R. "PARLIAMENTARY REFORM AND CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A NINETEENTH-CENTURY DEBATE REASSESSED." Parliamentary History 4, no. 1 (March 17, 2008): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1985.tb00655.x.

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Cranmer, Frank. "Parliamentary Report." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 13, no. 3 (August 11, 2011): 344–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x11000457.

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The long-awaited proposals for the final (?) reform of the House of Lords were published on 15 May. Though the draft Bill envisages a House with 240 elected members and 60 appointed members nominated by a statutory Appointments Commission and recommended for appointment by the Prime Minister, the White Paper states explicitly that ‘it is a draft and we will consider options including a wholly elected House’. Probably the key proposal for readers of this Journal is that a maximum of 12 Church of England bishops would sit ex officiis in the reformed House, in addition to the 60 appointed members. Unlike the other members, the bishops will not be paid in respect of their membership, and the provisions of the draft Bill on taxation, suspension and expulsion and the majority of the disqualifying grounds will not apply to them. Over time the number of bishops in the Lords will be reduced from the initial 12 to 7.

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Longley, Lawrence D., and Taylor M. Hoffman. "Parliamentary members and leaders as agents of reform: Parliamentary and regime change revisited." Journal of Legislative Studies 5, no. 3-4 (September 1999): 131–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572339908420602.

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Cram, Ian. "Amending the constitution." Legal Studies 36, no. 1 (March 2016): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lest.12090.

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How easy ought it to be to enact constitutional amendment? In the absence of constitutionally prescribed procedures, fundamental reforms in the UK can often appear hurried, under-consultative and controlled by transient political majorities. In the recent referendum on Scottish independence, the NO campaign's promise of additional powers to Holyrood in the face of a possible ‘Yes’ vote appears to fit this pattern (even if, for reasons of political sensitivity, it was not driven directly by members of the Coalition government). A recent sample of concluded constitutional reforms, including the Constitutional Reform Act 2005, the Constitutional Reform and Governance Act 2010 and the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011, have drawn criticism from within Westminster on the grounds of defective process. Specific options to improve pre-parliamentary and parliamentary stages of constitutional reform have been proposed with a view to attaining principled procedures of constitutional reform removed from executive control that signal attachment to process values such as wide and effective consultation, deliberation outside and inside Parliament, and informed scrutiny. The foregoing prescriptions for remedying defective processes may, however, be said in the ultimate analysis to retain a normative preference for a more formal, elite-managed vision of constitutional change that is premised upon a limited conception of the citizens' ‘informed consent’. In any case, in purely descriptive terms, top-down managed change does not capture the totality of patterns of past constitutional reform in the UK. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, for example, radical grassroots campaigns for the extension of the franchise resulted ultimately in universal adult suffrage. More recently, the Scotland Act 1998 can be seen as the culmination of a civic society–led, deliberative engagement with ordinary voters over decades that offered an alternative vision of ‘bottom-up’ constitutional reform to that seen in more formal, elite-led processes of constitutional reform. The inclusive and participatory nature of the campaign for Scottish devolution marked out a radically different model of constitutional reform to that which has typified Westminster-style amendment and which is still largely directed by political elites. In such circumstances as prevail currently at Westminster, it is difficult to give much credence to claims that the outcomes of constitutional reform processes enjoy the ‘informed consent’ of the people.

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Lorencka, Małgorzata, and Giulia Aravantinou Leonidi. "Syriza in power (2015-2019): A Review of Selected Aspects." Political Preferences, no. 24 (December 2, 2019): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2019.24.5-26.

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What are the consequences of Syriza coming to power in Greece in 2015? Did it become a new Weimar Germany for the future Europe? In this article we test the hypothesis that winning two consecutive parliamentary elections in 2015 and forming a government contributed to a farther institutionalisation of this party within the rules of Greek democracy. This article is based on data from the Greek Ministry of Interior and the website of the Greek parliament. This text aims at presenting the process of transformation of Syriza - a radical, left-wing, anti-establishment and anti-austerity party into a governmental entity, pro systemic and accepting the principle of the democratic state of law. All this was due to the establishing of the governmental coalition with ANEL, a nationalist party; social-economic reforms; the reform of the electoral system for parliamentary elections; the proposal of a constitutional reform and the ending of the nearly 30-year dispute with Macedonia. The electoral failure during the parliamentary elections on the 7th of July 2019 finishes a 4-year governance of Syriza and enables us to try to evaluate this experiment for the first time. A key finding of our investigation is the need to highlight the respect for the democratic rules by Syriza during its government and its further institutionalisation as one of the main groupings of the contemporary party system in Greece.

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Pärna, Priidu. "Legal Reform in Estonia." International Journal of Legal Information 33, no. 2 (2005): 219–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500004935.

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Estonia restored its independence in 1991 following the unsuccessful coup attempt for in Moscow. Within six months, the Constitutional Assembly created a draft of a new constitution based on Estonia's constitution of 1938. Estonia's subsequent legal reforms have been based on the Constitution adopted in 1992 reinstating a parliamentary democracy founded on legal continuity. Supreme power is vested in the people, and this power is exercised through a single chamber parliament.

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Flinders, Matthew. "Shifting the Balance? Parliament, the Executive and the British Constitution." Political Studies 50, no. 1 (March 2002): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00357.

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This article examines the paradoxes of parliamentary reform. Focusing mainly on the House of Commons, the first section highlights the contradictory roles of parliament and utilizes a distinction between the ‘Whig’ and ‘Peelite’ conceptions of the Whitehall-Westminster model to demonstrate the ambiguities and tensions that exist. This framework is then applied to a case study of parliamentary reform under Labour governments since 1997 in the second section. The third section emphasizes that parliament cannot be studied in isolation. It suggests that the British constitution is at a critical historical, political and institutional juncture in which a number of inter-linked emerging agendas are altering the relationship between parliament and the executive. The significance of these emerging agendas is that, unlike internal reform of parliament, they are largely beyond the executive's control. The combined influence of these factors is likely to impel the executive, at some point, to support a coherent and far-reaching reappraisal of the structure, role and powers of parliament. Consequently the degree to which Britain ( de facto) remains a parliamentary state will be subject to intense and increasing debate.

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SALMON, PHILIP. "‘Reform Should Begin at Home’: English Municipal and Parliamentary Reform, 1818-32*." Parliamentary History 24 (March 17, 2008): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.2005.tb00464.x.

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DONNELLY, K. "Parliamentary Reform: Paving the Way for Constitutional Change." Parliamentary Affairs 50, no. 2 (April 1, 1997): 246–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a028724.

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Saunders, Robert. "Lord John Russell and Parliamentary Reform, 1848–67." English Historical Review 120, no. 489 (December 1, 2005): 1289–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei332.

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Wasson, Ellis Archer. "The Great Whigs and Parliamentary Reform, 1809–1830." Journal of British Studies 24, no. 4 (October 1985): 434–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385846.

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The genesis of the Reform Act of 1832 is still not fully understood. It has become fashionable for historians to direct their attention toward two groups of Whigs who are seen as the ultimate arbiters of policy. The first, men of high visibility such as Lords Grey and Holland, was certainly of importance. The Reform Bill prime minister was the most brilliant political tactician the Whigs had produced since Walpole. But the senior leaders of the 1830s were already becoming rather antiquated in their ideas, and men of their type and generation were generally very moderate reformers. The other group to whom historians attribute the progressive elements of Whiggism, the Edinburgh Reviewers and especially Henry Brougham, are seen as the “new men,” the radicalizers and educators of Whiggery. Yet Brougham, for example, frequently worked against the efforts of advanced Whigs to unify and strengthen the party. Indeed, he actually regretted the liberal nature of the Reform Bill. The “new men” who might have played such a role in the House of Commons, Romilly, Horner, and Whitbread, were dead by 1818, the victims of disease and madness. Mackintosh and Macaulay contributed to the party's articulation of principles but did not shape them in the 1810s and 1820s.No peaceful steps could have been taken toward actual constitutional change without the acquiescence, indeed the active cooperation, of the great Whig magnates. No Whig government could hope to survive for long or call itself Whig without support from the great families, most of them cousins by blood or marriage, whose surnames and titles were inextricably bound up with mythology anchored in the events of 1688–89.

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QUINAULT, ROLAND. "The French Revolution of 1830 and Parliamentary Reform." History 79, no. 257 (October 1994): 377–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.1994.tb01605.x.

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Blewett, Neal. "Parliamentary Reform: Challenge for the House of Representatives." Australian Quarterly 65, no. 3 (1993): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20635728.

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Birch, Sarah. "Electoral reform in Ukraine: The 1998 parliamentary elections." Representation 35, no. 2-3 (June 1998): 146–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899808523032.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Parliamentary reform'

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