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1
Kelso, Alexandra. "Parliamentary reform at Westminster : explorations and explanations." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.417423.
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Saunders, Robert. "The Parliamentary reform debate in Britain, 1848-67." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.432140.
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Karjalainen, Maija. "Liberal Impact in the 1906 Parliamentary Reform of Finland." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-181695.
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Spence, Peter Edward. "The rise and fall of romantic radicalism : England 1800-1810." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.385332.
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Spychal, Martin Vincent. "Constructing England's electoral map : Parliamentary boundaries and the 1832 Reform Act." Thesis, University of London, 2017. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.737000.
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Pontifex, Lachlan Thomas. "The concept of Parliamentary reform in the British periodical press 1859-1869 and the Second Reform Act /." Title page, contents and conclusion only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arp816.pdf.
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Fung, Yiu-shing, and 馮耀成. "Zheng Guanying's (1841-1923) ideas of parliamentary reform as expounded in his Shengshi Weiyan." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951971.
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Smith, Jeffrey. "James Losh : his ideas in relation to his circle and his time." Thesis, Northumbria University, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.245210.
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Vickers, Jane. "Pressure group politics, class and popular liberalism : the campaign for Parliamentary reform in the north west, 1864-1868." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.337844.
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Matanga, Cecilia Rudo. "Unravelling the role of parliament in developing network industries: comparative case of ICT sector reform in Kenya and South Africa." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/23018.
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Several scholars have identified institutional and regulatory conditions under which Information Communication Technologies (ICT) reforms can accomplish positive public policy outcomes. This literature pays little attention, however, to the role of parliaments in these reforms. The institutional factors determining the degree and nature of parliamentary participation in ICT sector reforms in Africa is what this thesis examines. Drawing from the political economy tradition, this thesis explores the interplay between the executive, the parliament and the various sectoral interests that determine ICT sector reforms in developing countries. It does so by placing parliament in a conceptual framework that combines the concept of ICT as a complex ecosystem with that of a constellation of institutions. The gathered empirical evidence is studied through this conceptual lens to build the cases of parliamentary participation in Kenya and South Africa - two of the most dynamic ICT markets in sub-Saharan Africa - which are then analysed comparatively. Some of the information is gathered through a self-assessment survey by members of the ICT parliamentary committees and complemented by high-level interviews with the main sector players. The findings are triangulated with those from an extensive document analysis. This thesis contextualises institutional analysis in specific political circumstances of the two countries in order to understand the relevance of parliament in sector reforms. The findings have important implications for our understanding of structural and institutional constraints on parliaments in developing countries and nascent democracies. Parliaments lack capacity to simply fulfill their legislative and oversight roles, let alone creating an enabling environment for innovative public policy, sector investment and public interest outcomes as required by this dynamic sector in any modern, globalised economy. Systematic coding of the data revealed national governance and institutional arrangements as key determinants of an ICT ecosystem that adapts to local and international conditions, confirming parliament as not simply a neutral legal structure but a significant power broker, reflecting competing interests at play. The formal legal system in both countries is uneven and underutilized, ineffective in achieving robustly-contested public interest outcomes. In order to manage political interests, parliament structures and serves principal agent-relationships, vetoes ICT policy and decision-making processes, links interest groups to government and party agendas, resolves conflicts and, sometimes, builds consensus among key players. The examination of institutional designs of both parliaments identifies critical capacity deficits that are at the heart of the negative outcomes in national legislative and oversight processes. In South Africa, the reason for these deficits is primarily that the parliamentary system promotes political party and executive dominance, which undermine multi-party and participatory structure of parliamentary processes to achieve party preferences and control outcomes. In Kenya, whilst the combination of distinct separation of powers and a constituency-based electoral system provides a legal basis for greater parliamentary accountability, the highly fragmented sector arrangements compounded by lack of internal capacity to utilize parliamentary instruments and mechanisms constrain parliament's participation. These weak institutional arrangements and designs, in both Kenya and South Africa, limit independence of parliament from the executive and sometimes industry, compromising the parliamentary oversight and visionary leadership expected from specialized portfolio committees. This calls for a transformation of arrangements to uphold and reinforce constitutional mandates that give parliament the power and ability to fulfill its role in policy reforms.
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Amat, Francesc. "Redistribution in parliamentary democracies : the role of second-dimensional identity politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7dad5a35-916a-444a-baa3-68d1e23f9bcc.
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In this dissertation I explore the redistributive effects of second-dimensional identity politics in parliamentary democracies. Specifically, I focus on parties’ electoral incentives to manipulate the salience of the territorial-identity cleavage. My main argument is that a greater electoral salience of the second dimension distorts the nature of redistributive outcomes. Although the redistributive effects of second dimensions of political competition have been explored in majoritarian democracies, much less is known about their effects in democracies with proportional representation (PR). The dissertation brings “bad news” in that regard: when the territorial second dimension is salient, it is no longer true that parliamentary democracies with proportional electoral systems redistribute more –which is the prevalent view in the existing literature. In fact, the so called “left-bias” of PR systems vanishes when the territorial-identity cleavage is politically activated. This key insight therefore offers a fundamental qualification to the institutionalism literature, by making an effort to understand the way in which regional diversity interacts with institutions through multidimensional political competition. The dissertation is divided in two parts: one theoretical and one empirical. First, I develop a formal model that illustrates the way in which parties’ second-dimension electoral incentives affect both the electoral stage and the subsequent post-electoral coalition bargaining among parties in national parliaments. The reason is that both right-wing and regionalist parties have incentives to increase the salience of the second dimension at the electoral stage to attract voters, and subsequently the coalition bargaining among parties in parliaments offers new opportunities for legislative coalitions. In the second part of the dissertation, I test the empirical implications at the macro-level, the meso-level and the individual-level. The main empirical results can be summarised as follows. First, I present empirical evidence according to which the legislative salience of the second dimension induces a negative effect on redistribution and a positive effect on the regionalisation of public policy. Second, I provide evidence which shows that both right-wing and regionalist parties strategically increase the electoral salience of the second dimension when they are “losers” on the first dimension. Finally, I illustrate the way in which the salience of the second dimension affects the formation of individual preferences for redistribution. In sum, this dissertation provides new arguments and empirical evidence that demonstrates how second dimensional politics can have profound redistributive consequences in parliamentary democracies.
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O'Flaherty, Liam Michael. "Doing provincial constitutions differently : codifying responsible government in the era of executive dominance." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/2488.
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This paper examines the changing nature of provincial constitutions in Canada. Provinces are granted the right to have their own constitutions by Sections 58-90 of the Constitution Act, 1867, and various sections of the Constitution Act, 1982. The substance of provincial constitutions includes various Acts of provincial parliaments, long-standing constitutional conventions, unwritten rules and principles and common law. With respect to the practice of responsible government, the provinces have long relied on the traditionally “flexible” nature of their largely unwritten constitutions. Using the case studies of statutes dealing with the executive and legislative branches of government in the provinces of British Columbia, Quebec, and Newfoundland and Labrador, this paper analyzes recent changes in the statutes (and therefore constitutions) of the provinces. The analysis shows that there have been many changes in provincial constitutions on the subject of responsible government. The constitutions increasingly recognize the role of the Premier and cabinets, to the detriment of the traditional roles of Lieutenant Governors and the legislatures. This is in line with general trends in Canada’s provinces toward increased executive dominance. The practice of codifying changes in provincial constitutions is also more in line with how constitutional change happens in the states of comparable federations such as Australia and the United States.
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Akbas, Meral. "A Sociological Analysis On Recent Decentralization Practices In Global And Turkish Contexts." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608238/index.pdf.
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The debates over the structure of the Turkish government in the context of Public Administration Reform that point to restructuration of state and/or to re-organization of social relations between state, market and &<br>#8216<br>civil society&<br>#8217<br>have gained momentum especially since the arrival of draft law about Main Principles of Public Administration and Restructuring of Public Administration to the Turkish Parliament. This thesis attempts to analyze the debate on recent public administration reform in Turkey in the contexts of the socio-economic transformations of new capitalism/neo-liberalism within the notion of decentralization and of how/in what ways the neoliberal policies have been legitimated within the specific historical context of Turkish public administration reform. The purpose of the study is to understand the connection between the legal text of public sector reform and the social context in which these legal regulations find their meanings. For this aim, the debate on public administration reform in the Turkish Parliament was argued as a discursive battlefield where the demands and interests of the conflicting social groups &<br>#8216<br>clash&<br>#8217<br>with each other. Therefore, this study concentrates its attention on the critical analysis of the discursive acts of the Justice and Development Party government, and of the Republican People&<br>#8217<br>s Party on reform for understanding how both authority/legitimacy and resistance/de-legitimacy are (re)produced within the parliamentary debates/discourse.
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Gould, Gillian, and n/a. "The expanding role of the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade : 1952 - 1993." University of Canberra. Administrative Studies, 1993. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060712.120351.
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This research essay examines the emergence and development of the
Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade and
its attempts to influence foreign policy. Established as the Joint
Committee on Foreign Affairs in 1952, it was the first committee to
have a specific portfolio alignment. The purpose of the committee was
to ensure that a considerable number of parliamentarians could become
informed about foreign affairs issues.
The establishment of a committee for such a purpose was surprising in
that proponents of parliamentary reform at that tune were strongly
advocating that a comprehensive system of committees be created for
the purposes of financial scrutiny of government expenditure and
consideration of legislation. Against this background it is interesting
that the new committee was not given - and indeed showed no intention
of assuming - the role of scrutinising the activities of the Department
of External (and later, Foreign) Affairs.
It is also interesting that Prime Minister Robert Menzies instigated the
committee despite the fact that the government - and particularly the
Minister for External Affairs R G Casey - feared the committee might
go beyond its terms of reference and attempt to exert influence on
government policy. Consequently the government imposed severe
restrictions on the committee's activities which resulted in the
Opposition steadfastly refusing to participate in the work of the
committee for 15 years. Once some of these restrictions were removed,
the committee began to operate as a bipartisan committee in 1967 and
promptly set about attempting to influence government policy in foreign
affairs. Casey's worst fears were realised.
Over the years the brief of the committee expanded into the areas of
defence and trade. Eleven of the committee's reports address significant
defence issues and since 1987 the committee has conducted extensive
inquiries into trade matters. For the purposes of this research essay
however I have focused on the development of the committee's interest
and influence in the area of foreign affairs.
Chapter One of this essay describes the background of parliamentary
reform which resulted in the establishment of a comprehensive system
of committees within the Australian Parliament. Against this
background the emergence of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs
is outlined in Chapter Two. Chapter Three identifies the major trends
in the work of the committee while Chapter Four examines the
influence and some of the mechanisms through which the committee
has exerted pressure on foreign affairs policy. The conclusions of my
research are addressed in Chapter Five.
This research essay is based on an analysis of official committee
documents which address foreign affairs issues from 1967 to the
present. The major sources for the essay therefore are the reports of the
committee, government responses to those reports and parliamentary
debates. Other works consulted include academic journals and
monographs. I have also gained numerous insights into the powers and
limitations of committees through informal discussions with members
of various committees and colleagues. To these people I am indebted for
their thoughtful and provocative remarks. In particular I thank
Professor John Halligan of the University of Canberra for his assistance
and encouragement in bringing this research essay to its conclusion.
15
Fung, Yiu-shing. "Zheng Guanying's (1841-1923) ideas of parliamentary reform as expounded in his Shengshi Weiyan Zheng Guanying "Sheng shi wei yan" zhong de yi yuan gai ge si xiang /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31951971.
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M, Sjöberg Fredrik. "Competitive Elections in Authoritarian States : Weak States, Strong Elites, and Fractional Societies in Central Asia and Beyond." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-156150.
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Why do some authoritarian states have competitive elections? This study shows that whenever there is a balance of power between candidates, competitiveness will ensue. Electoral fraud is often widespread in autocratic states, but if no single candidate or party is in a position to monopolize electoral support the result will be competitive. The contribution here is to analyze the relative strength of all the actors involved in a parliamentary election and to show that electoral returns reflect the district level balance of power, even in autocracies. Three main sources of candidate-level electoral power are identified: state, market, and society. State affiliated candidates in authoritarian states perform well due to favorable treatment by state institutions. Market actors perform well due to financial resources. These actors arise when market reforms create a class of entrepreneurs that defend their interests by running for public office, often challenging state sanctioned candidates. The strength of candidates using social cleavages, here mainly ‘clan’ and ethnic, is found to be exaggerated in the literature. The study also confirms that competitiveness did not result from an active civil society. Competitive elections matter because they can severely destabilize the regime, as was the case in Kyrgyzstan in 2005. However, electoral competitiveness that is the result of an intra-elite balance of power should not be confused with democracy. This form of self-interested competitiveness where clientelism is pervasive and accountability mechanisms are weak is an affront to the democratic ideal. For those of us who advocate democracy and genuine political participation competitive authoritarian regimes can be used as an informative cautionary tale. Power matters, and especially so in authoritarian states. Understanding the logic behind competitive authoritarianism helps us revise strategies for lasting democratic reforms.
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Anerland, Sjögren Nina, and Edwin Åhman. "Folkskolan : En diskursanalys av prästeståndet och bondeståndets folkskoledebatt 1840-1841." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100407.
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During the nineteenth century the liberal ideals were spreading across large parts of mainland Europe, and the Swedish parliament of 1840-41 is sometimes considered to be the first one embossed by the ideology. Liberal ideas such as the prison reform, the poor relief reform and the school reform were all on the agenda. The state was composed of the king and four political orders tasked to represent each respective social group, the peasantry, the town folks, the clergy and the nobility. All of these with different rates of representation and policies. Sweden had also for the last decades experienced an increase in crime, poverty and drunkenness. The before mentioned reforms were all made in an attempt to better the situation and make way for a better future. In this study we will look at the parliamentary debates of two of the four political orders, the peasantry and the clergy for the parliament previously mentioned. Our goal is to find out what the two orders thought about the establishment of the first national grade school, that would mean considerable changes for both parties which is partly why they are specifically chosen for this study. The two sides frequently had their differences and would not often cooperate with one another. Although liberalismen was a big part of the reason the king proposed the changes, we will instead focus mostly on Michel Foucault’s theory of biopower (or biopouvoir in French) and social discipline. What general themes can be found in the debates? What was the purpose of the grade school? And lastly, are there any similarities and differences between the reviewed orders? What we can see at the end of the study is that the two orders have different focuses. While the peasantry mainly focused on implementing a school to steer the younglings in the “right” way, the clergy emphasised a spiritual teaching that would foster the individual.
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Harvard, Jonas. "En helig allmännelig opinion : Föreställningar om offentlighet och legitimitet i svensk riksdagsdebatt 1848-1919." Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Historical Studies, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-686.
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<p>This thesis analyses how 'public opinion' was conceptualised by Members of the Swedish Parliament (MPs) between 1848 and 1919. The source material consists of the printed minutes from parliamentary debates where issues such as religious freedom, constitutional reform and reform of the Press were discussed. What happened to the ideal of an enlightened public opinion when the development of a large-scale industrial economy changed the nature of the Press? </p><p>Two main aspects of public opinion are analysed. Firstly, the question of what MPs considered the most reliable source of public opinion is examined. The legitimacy of manifestations claiming to represent public opinion, such as written petitions, the Press, Parliament itself, quantitative estimations and also the silent opinion was discussed. In the 1910s the voices of women were also included by some MPs when assessing public opinion.</p><p>The second main aspect is how MPs envisioned the relationship between the reliability of public opinion and the conditions for public discourse. Here an important distinction was made between public opinion formed in a free and unhindered debate and that brought about by persuasion.</p><p>The study shows that public opinion was a contested concept in the Swedish Parliament. In the 1850s, Conservatives gave the religiously conservative nature of public opinion as a reason to postpone the reform of religious laws. In debating constitutional reform, on the other hand, it was the Liberals who argued that decisions should follow public opinion. In the 1910s, the Left was divided over the relationship between public opinion and the State, with some arguing that the State should intervene in the public debate to offset the negative influence of market mechanisms. Others felt that public opinion rather than legislation should set the limits of the public discourse, especially in the case of religion, but also concerning the Press.</p>
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Alvar, Blomgren. "”By the iron hand of oppression" : The performance of the parliamentary election contest in Nottingham and Middlesex 1802-1803." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-143964.
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The aim of this thesis is to investigate how politics was done at the level of the parliamentary constituencies at the time of the treaty of Amiens 1802-1803. This is achieved through two case studies of the elections in Middlesex and Nottingham, which are investigated as social practices. This thesis argues that understandings of masculinity and national identity, as well as questions about the nature of the constitution and citizen rights were central to participants in the extraparliamentary political process. Collective emotions were also highly important in the process of mobilising political support, and this thesis emphasises that participation in these elections was a collective effort; men and women from all levels of society were significant political actors. Moreover, this thesis demonstrates the importance of competences such as knowledge about the organisation of crowds and political violence in the performance of the election.
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Paula, Maria Eunice de. "Poder judiciário : crise e reforma." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/13181.
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O objetivo da pesquisa é a análise da instalada e crescente crise do Poder Judiciário no Brasil e da reforma que pretende solucioná-la. Diante do exame perfunctório se verifica que a crise não é somente operacional, ocasionada pelo desaparelhamento do Judiciário, pelo processo, suas excessivas formalidades e por outros motivos apontados pelo meio jurídico. Embora presentes, a principal causa é de ordem institucional, pois trata do exercício de um dos três Poderes de Estado, que já não se apresenta em sintonia com a teoria clássica da separação dos poderes do século XVIII, em face da nova sociedade e da decorrente alteração dos fins do Estado. O Poder Judiciário vem evoluindo no sentido de administrar a Justiça e prestar a jurisdição de forma substancial, com base na concretização da Constituição, especialmente dos Direitos Fundamentais, o que leva, pelo menos aparentemente, a ditar o Direito e imiscuir-se na atividade política, em contradição à teoria clássica da separação dos poderes. De outro lado, nosso sistema de governo presidencialista, com a hegemonia do Poder Executivo, depõe contra a independência do Judiciário ao centralizar a cooptação dos componentes da mais Alta Corte e ingerir na formação dos Tribunais Superiores. Agora com a adoção do controle externo do Poder Judiciário, aumenta a concentração de poderes no Executivo, fazendo frente à pletora de competência que a Constituição atribuiu ao Poder Judiciário. A conclusão é de que a perda é da sociedade, com a subversão do regime democrático. A história dos países mais desenvolvidos está a indicar o caminho do consenso, como sendo o de um novo agenciamento de poderes, adotando-se o sistema parlamentarista e um Tribunal Constitucional independente.<br>The objective of the research is the analysis of the installed and crescent crisis of the Judicial Power in Brazil and the reform that intend to solve it. In front of the perfunctory we verify that the crisis is not just operational, caused by the lack of apparatus of the Judicial, by the process, its excessive formalities or other reasons pointed by the judicial environment. Although present, the main cause is from institutional order, because it’s about the prosecution of one of the three Powers of the State, which already is not shown in sintony with the classic theory of the separation of the powers from the XVII century, in regard to the new society and the current alteration of the finality of the State. The Judicial Power has been developing in the sense of managing the Justice and render the jurisdiction in a substantional way, based on the realization of the Constitution, specially the Fundamental Rights, that takes us, at least apparently, to dictate the Law and insert itself in the political activity, in contradiction to the classic theory of the separation of the Powers. On the other hand, our presidential government system, with the hegemony of the Executive Power, deposes against the independence of the Judicial centralizing the political choice of the components of the Highest Court and ingests the formation of the Superior Courts. Now with the adoption of the external control of the Judicial Power, raises the concentration of the powers in the Executive, initiating the exuberance of competence that the Constitution attributed to the Judicial Power. The conclusion is that the lost is of the society, with the subversion of the democratic regime. The history of the well developed countries is pointing the way of consensus, as been the way of a new placement of the powers, adopting the parliamentary system and a independent Constitutional Court.
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Erli, Peter. ""Nachtwächterstaat" oder "Praktisches Christenthum"?" Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2010. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-33520.
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Die Arbeit untersucht die parlamentarische Diskussion im Deutschen Reichstag um die (Bismarckschen) Sozialversicherungsgesetze 1881-1889 hinsichtlich ihrer Beeinflussung durch christlich-religiös motivierte Standpunkte. Sie weist nach, dass die Prägekräfte religiöser Überzeugungen und Argumentationsmuster nicht nur auf einer kirchlichen oder theologischen Ebene wirksam sind, sondern beispielsweise mit der Sozialversicherung bis in die unmittelbare Gegenwart wirksam sind.
Die Arbeit enthält einen umfassenden Überblick über die sozialreformatorische Diskussion des 19. Jahrhunderts sowie über die sozialpolitischen Maßnahmen bis zur Einführung der Sozialversicherung.
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Ogou, Dogba Blaise. "Les évolutions de la règle électorale dans les systèmes politiques transitionnels : les élections législatives en Europe du Sud-Est (1989-2009)." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0019/document.
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Le sujet central de cette thèse concerne les évolutions de la règle électorale dans les régimespost-communistes et traite de la contribution de ces évolutions à la démocratisation dessystèmes politiques de l’Europe du Sud-Est, à partir d’un échantillon d’Etats (Albanie,Bulgarie, Macédoine, Roumanie et Serbie-Monténégro). La transition démocratique et lechangement de régime impliquent la construction d’une nouvelle légitimité politique. Cettelégitimité passe par les élections qui sont au coeur de la démocratie. Ce travail cherche àcomprendre comment sont choisies les règles régissant ces élections. Le choix du systèmeélectoral est, dans une grande mesure, la conséquence de plusieurs processus. L’accent mis surles facteurs déterminants de l’adoption et de la réforme électorale permet de comprendre lesmotivations et les objectifs des évolutions de la règle électorale en Europe post-communiste.L’étude de la législation réformée et l’analyse du comportement des acteurs électorauxpermettent de constater que les leaders politiques ont très souvent contourné le sensdémocratique de la norme électorale. Dans cet échantillon d’Etats, les évolutions de la règleélectorale ont eu des conséquences relatives sur le nombre des partis politiques représentés auParlement. Le changement de régime a favorisé l’alternance des majorités électorales etparlementaires. Cette alternance démontre que les principes démocratiques des électionscontribuent à la stabilisation démocratique, même si le contexte et les enjeux politiques propresà cette région favorisent une relative instabilité des majorités parlementaires etgouvernementales<br>The central subject of this thesis concerns the developments of the electoral rule in postcommunistregimes and discusses the contribution of these changes to the democratization ofpolitical systems of Southeast Europe, from a sample of states (Albania, Bulgaria, Macedonia,Romania and Serbia-Montenegro). Democratic transition and regime change involves theconstruction of a new political legitimacy. This legitimacy is through elections that are at theheart of democracy. This work seeks to understand how the rules are chosen these elections.The choice of electoral system is, to a large extent, the result of several processes. The focus onthe determinants of adoption and electoral reform to understanding the motivations and goalsof the developments of the electoral rule in post-communist Europe. The study of the reformedlegislation and behavior analysis of electoral allow players to see that the political leaders haveoften bypassed the democratic sense of the electoral standard. In this sample of countries,changes in the electoral rule had consequences on the number of political parties represented inParliament. Regime change has favored the alternation of parliamentary and electoralmajorities. This alternation shows that the democratic principles of elections contribute to thedemocratic stabilization, even if the context and the political stakes in this region favor a relativeinstability of parliamentary and government majority
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Borges, Guilherme Martins Teixeira. "O saber penal como instrumento legitimador do processo de criminalização dos trabalhadores rurais sem-terra: apontamentos acerca da Comissão Parlamentar Mista de Inquérito da Reforma Agrária e Urbana (CPMI da Terra)." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/4163.
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Previous issue date: 2014-07-01<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES<br>This dissertation aims to analyze the relationship between the action of landless rural workers, especially the activities of members of the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST), and the criminalization process of his conducts by Criminal Law. Therefore, this study aims to verify scientifically know as the criminal knowledge can be a legitimate instrument to promote the criminalization and stigmatization of these landless workers. Thus, the work takes as its starting point the characterization of their research subject, namely, the landless rural workers in its meaning of agrarian social movement, why it held an approach to the construction of social inequality and its correlation with the emergence and structuring of social movements, for, in the end, weave important considerations about what is meant by social Movement and Agrarian MST. Following aimed to explain how the criminal know contemporary Brazilian still shows a strong influence of the positivist criminological thought inaugurated by the Italian school centuries ago. It is shown how positivist criminology was responsible for creating a conception of social dangerousness and embrace a segregationist and selective criminological project, such that those individuals who were "classified" as a threat, should be removed from social interaction. We report how this discourse entered " the back door " of the criminal laws homelands and enabled the creation of an ideology of social defense and the criminalization of minorities (poor, landless ruais, black and so on). Finally, aiming to
demonstrate the hypothesis elected, held a review of the work conducted by the Joint
Parliamentary Committee of Inquiry ( CPMI ) and Urban Land Reform, known as "CPMI of
Land ", specially her Final Report , highlighting Project Senate n . 264/2006 ( PLS No. 264 /06 ) and Project of House of Representatives n . 7485/2006 ( PL No. 7485 / 06 ), whose
proposals are, appropriately, intended to spearhead a process of criminalization of landless legitimized by criminal law.<br>A presente dissertação objetiva analisar a relação entre a atuação dos trabalhadores rurais sem
terra, em especial a atuação dos integrantes do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem
Terra (MST), e o processo de criminalização de suas condutas por parte dos operadores do
direito. Para tanto, este estudo se propõe a verificar cientificamente como o saber penal pode
ser um instrumento legítimo para promover a criminalização e estigmatização penal destes
trabalhadores. Desta forma, o trabalho toma como ponto de partida a caracterização do seu
sujeito de pesquisa, qual seja, os trabalhadores rurais sem terra em sua acepção de movimento
social agrário, razão por que se realizou uma abordagem da construção das desigualdades
sociais e a sua correlação com o surgimento e estruturação dos movimentos sociais, para, ao
final, tecer importantes considerações sobre o que se entende por Movimento Social Agrário e
MST. Na sequência, objetivou-se explanar como o saber penal brasileiro contemporâneo
ainda ilustra uma forte influência do pensamento criminológico positivista inaugurado pela
Escola Italiana séculos atrás. Demonstra-se como a criminologia positivista foi responsável
por criar uma concepção de periculosidade social e abraçar um projeto criminológico
segregacionista e seletivo, de tal forma que aqueles indivíduos os quais fossem “classificados”
como uma ameaça, deviam ser afastados do convívio social. Relata-se como esse discurso
adentrou “pelas portas dos fundos” das legislações penais pátrias e possibilitou a criação de
uma ideologia da defesa social e da criminalização das minorias (pobres, trabalhadores ruais
sem terra, negros e etc.). Ao final, objetivando demonstrar factivelmente a hipótese de
trabalho eleita, realizou-se uma análise dos trabalhos realizados pela Comissão Parlamentar
Mista de Inquérito (CPMI) da Reforma Agrária e Urbana, conhecida como “CPMI da Terra”,
em especial os encaminhamentos por ela declarados em seu Relatório Final, com destaque
para o Projeto de Lei do Senado n. 264, de 2006 (PLS N. 264/06) e o Projeto de Lei da
Câmara dos Deputados n. 7485/2006 (PL N. 7485/06), cujas propostas revelam, com
propriedade, a intenção de encabeçar um processo de criminalização dos trabalhadores rurais
sem terra legitimado pelo próprio Direito Penal.
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Sev?, Jana?na Tude. "A m?o que afaga ? a mesma que apedreja: preservando a natureza que ? poss?vel! Propriedade da terra, classes dominantes e representa??o pol?tica no Brasil contempor?neo ? a reforma do C?digo Florestal Brasileiro de 1965." Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro, 2016. https://tede.ufrrj.br/jspui/handle/jspui/1293.
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Previous issue date: 2016-06-10<br>Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico - CNPq<br>This doctoral thesis deals with the ruling classes, private ownership of land and the nature and political representation in Brazil Republican. Situated in the field of study of the agrarian question, focuses on the role of agrarian elites in the drafting and revision of legal texts on environmental preservation and ownership of natural resources, pointing to the processes and relationships that permeates and dialectically structured the State . It assumes that private property is one of the structural elements of inequality between classes and, consequently, is instituted and instituting policies representations that make up the state in general, and especially Brazil. Addressing the process of formation of laws, while playing field, aims to understand the power relations between classes as has been legitimized in the Brazilian agrarian reality. For such analyzes the action of Agriculture of the Parliamentary Front (APF), also known as caucus, in the face of environmental and land legislation. More specifically rescues the Brazilian Forest Code (Decree n. 23,793 / 34 /, Law no. 4,771 / 65 and Law no. 12,651 / 12), with an emphasis on recent process 1965 Code reform, to identify as political representation ruralistas of interests is organized, clear and positions in political institutional process. This study identifies that, despite the economic dominance and privileged status in the social hierarchy represented by the power of large farmers in our society, rural employers classes and agroindustrial not give up take and act on institutional policy, be present in the democratic and interfere with its rules. Acting in state spheres and with civil society producing consensus and weaving alliances are complementary actions and integrate the building strategies of its hegemony. Thus the research has focused on the narratives and discourses of legislative documents relating to the Forest Code, the parliamentary speeches in the course of the Brazilian Forest Code reform bill of 1965 in the House of Representatives, as well as in street mobilizations - hearts and minds - promoted by the caucus in partnership with trade unions and non-unions of rural employer representation. It was possible that, through legal reform, the ruling classes in the field is expanding and diversifying its spaces, forms and political action strategies to legitimize their structural interests as the owner class that is the absolute right of private property and the monopoly on their instruments of economic, environmental and social regulation.<br>Esta tese de doutorado versa sobre as classes dominantes, a propriedade privada sobre a terra e a natureza e a representa??o pol?tica no Brasil republicano. Situada no campo de estudos da quest?o agr?ria, foca a atua??o das elites agr?rias no processo de elabora??o e revis?o dos textos legais sobre a preserva??o ambiental e a apropria??o dos recursos naturais, apontando para os processos e rela??es que permeia e, dialeticamente, estruturam o Estado. Parte do pressuposto que a propriedade privada ? um dos elementos estruturantes da desigualdade entre as classes e que, consequentemente, ? institu?da e instituinte das representa??es pol?ticas que comp?em o Estado em geral, e o brasileiro especialmente. Ao abordar o processo de forma??o das leis, enquanto campo de disputa, visa compreender as rela??es de poder entre as classes tal como vem sendo legitimadas na realidade agr?ria brasileira. Para tal analisa a a??o da Frente Parlamentar da Agropecu?ria (FPA), tamb?m conhecida como bancada ruralista, frente ?s legisla??es ambiental e agr?ria. Mais especificamente resgata os C?digos Florestais brasileiros (Dec. n. 23.793/34/, Lei n. 4.771/65 e Lei n. 12.651/12), com ?nfase no processo recente de reforma do C?digo de 1965, visando identificar como a representa??o pol?tica dos interesses ruralistas se organiza, manifesta e posiciona no processo pol?tico institucional. O presente estudo identifica que, a despeito da domina??o econ?mica e do status privilegiado na hierarquia social representadas pelo poder dos ruralistas em nossa sociedade, as classes patronais rurais e agroindustriais n?o abrem m?o de ocupar e atuar na pol?tica institucional, se fazer presente no jogo democr?tico e interferir em suas regras. Atuar nas esferas estatais e junto ? sociedade civil produzindo consensos e tecendo alian?as s?o a??es complementares e integram as estrat?gias de constru??o de sua hegemonia. Deste modo a pesquisa se debru?ou sobre as narrativas e discursos dos documentos legislativos relativos aos C?digos Florestais, dos discursos parlamentares durante a tramita??o do projeto de reforma do C?digo Florestal Brasileiro de 1965 na C?mara dos Deputados, bem como nas mobiliza??es de rua ? cora??es e mentes ? promovidas pela bancada ruralista em parceria com organiza??es sindicais e n?o sindicais de representa??o patronal rural. Foi poss?vel identificar que, atrav?s da reforma legal, as classes dominantes no campo vem ampliando e diversificando seus espa?os, formas e estrat?gias de a??o pol?tica, para legitimar um de seus interesses estruturantes enquanto classe propriet?ria que ? o direito absoluto da propriedade privada e o monop?lio sobre seus instrumentos de regula??o econ?mica, ambiental e social.
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Clavel, Isabelle. "La SFIO et le MRP, partis réformistes de la IVe République (1944-1958) : acculturations républicaines." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BOR30070.
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Un cycle réformiste et républicain est initié après les expériences de la guerre et de la Résistance. Le programme coordonné dès 1944 par le Conseil national de la Résistance (CNR) apparaît ici comme une réponse à la carence de démocratie politique créée par le gouvernement de Vichy et l’occupation allemande. Le moment de la reconstruction ne pourra se contenter d’être un simple retour à la situation d’avant-guerre. Les nationalisations, la mise en place d’une sécurité sociale, la liberté syndicale sont les jalons de ce programme réformiste auquel le MRP et la SFIO adhèrent pleinement. A partir de 1944, ils deviennent deux composantes majeures du paysage politique français et sont les pivots de tous les gouvernements de la IVe République jusqu’en 1951. Malgré des cultures politiques très différentes, ils collaborent à la refondation des institutions républicaines et posent le cadre de ce qui sera l’État providence. Les difficultés du « compromis républicain » n’en sont pas moins réelles. Elles se lisent entre autre au sein des commissions parlementaires, possibles lieux de réformes. Majorité gouvernementale fragile et instabilité ministérielle chronique paralysent le pouvoir. Les guerres de décolonisation condamnent finalement le régime en 1958. Dans cet intervalle relativement long, la SFIO et le MRP ont poursuivi et réalisé un programme ambitieux de réformes. Ils se sont aussi affrontés sur le terrain de la laïcité et de l’école. In fine, leurs actions communes, leurs accords, leurs divergences profondes et leurs contradictions interrogent sur la manière dont la IVe république a participé à la transformation du modèle républicain<br>The experience of war and Resistance has initiated a “reformist” and republican cycle. The National Council of Resistance (CNR) has coordinated in 1944 a program as an answer to the lack of political democracy, which resulted of the government of Vichy and the German occupation. Going back to the pre-war situation would not be enough to rebuild. The MRP and the SFIO plainly joined the “reformist” program, based on nationalizations, the creation of a welfare insurance and trade union freedom. From 1944 to 1951, they both became a major part of the French political landscape, backbone of all major governments of the IVth Republic. Setting aside their entirely different political cultures, they worked together for a renewal of the republican institutions, making the welfare state a future reality. Thus, it still has been difficult to set this « republican agreement » on track. The study of the parliamentary committee as a place of reformism easily acknowledge that statement. Moreover, weak government majority, added to a chronical instability of the ministries, seemed to paralyse the decision making process. Eventually, in 1958, the wars of decolonization put an end to it. During this period, ambitious reforms were conceived and applied, leaded by the MRP and the SFIO together. They nonetheless had to face each other about subjects of dissension, such as secularism and school. As a consequence, the question of how the IVth Republic of France changed its republican model can be asked, given the joint actions, contradictions, agreements and disagreements of those two parties
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Pan, Xin-Xiu, and 潘信秀. "A Study of British Parliamentary Second Reform Act." Thesis, 1993. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/81987742540503737093.
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McKenzie, Daniel. "Accountability and financial oversight reform: the case of the Parliamentary Budget Officer (PBO)." 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/5279.
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The Conservative Government came to power in 2006 on a platform of accountability.
One aspect of this platform was the creation of a Parliamentary Budget Officer (PBO).
The PBO was intended to contribute to a higher level of accountability in government
budgeting. This thesis seeks to explain why the PBO was created, what it does, and
contemplates whether the PBO has been able to help Parliamentarians hold the
Executive to account. In addition, the thesis questions how the PBO itself is held
accountable. Finally the study considers potential changes to the PBO and what might
become of the PBO after its conspicuous first leader Kevin Page passes from the scene.
Minor changes to the PBO’s legislation and placement within the institutions of
government may improve the results of the PBO. However, the PBO’s effectiveness,
independence and accountability will still depend on the office’s structural
characteristics and leadership.
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Yao, Chung-Yuan, and 姚中原. "Influence of Constitutional Reform on Parliamentary System in Taiwan: From the Perspective of the Abolishment of the National Assembly." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/59355889360895002230.
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博士<br>國立臺灣大學<br>國家發展研究所<br>102<br>Taiwan, officially known as the Republic of China, is the only liberal democracy with Chinese culture to have successfully completed two exchanges in the ruling party. Taiwan’s transition from an authoritarian system to a true democratic nation ruled by law has received praise from neighboring countries in the Asia Pacific and even from world powers such as the US. Taiwan has been described as “a beacon of democracy to Asia and the world” and “one of the great success stories of Asia”, and this is due to the democratic and political achievements of the Taiwanese government accumulated from multiple constitutional and parliamentary reforms.
The parliamentary system of Taiwan previously differed from that of general democracies, presenting the controversial issue of multiple parliaments. The lack of clarity in defining the parliamentary system resulted in numerous power struggles between the Legislative Yuan and the National Assembly, both of which were titled central civil representative bodies. Although the Kuomingtang government initiated a number of constitutional reforms after martial law was lifted, the issue of multiple parliaments had yet to be resolved. It was not until 2005, when the ruling Democratic Progressive Party joined efforts with largest opposition party Kuomingtang in making a seventh constitutional amendment that abolished the National Assembly, that the parliamentary system of Taiwan could be more distinctly defined.
The National Assembly was a government body established according to Article 25 of the Constitution of the Republic of China to represent the people and indirectly exercise their civil rights. It was a crucial design and institution based on the ideals of Dr. Sun Yat-sen and the Three Principles of the People. However, why such a crucial constitutional body was reformed into a tasked-based organization and then abolished in 2005, what the abolishment implies on a deeper level, how this abolishment will influence the future constitutional and parliamentary systems of Taiwan, and what direction the government should take if they were to make an eight constitutional amendment to enhance the procedural efficiency of the parliament are all issues worthy of discussion and in-depth study.
This doctoral dissertation contains a comprehensive analysis of the constitutional reforms initiated by the government of Taiwan using document analysis, participant observation, comparison, and transdisciplinarity integration. We discovered that from the perspectives of the separation of powers and parliamentary reform, the seventh constitutional reform and its abolishment of the National Assembly in 2005 in fact have significant meaning with regard to the future constitutional and parliamentary systems of Taiwan. First, the act of abolishment goes against not only the spirit of a central government system and the five-power constitution but also the advocacy of limiting constitutional amendments in the legacy of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Second, the central civil representative body of Taiwan had always differed from those of advanced American and European nations with the controversial issue of multiple parliaments. With the seventh constitutional amendment abolishing the National Assembly and transferring its powers to the Legislative Yuan, the Taiwanese government has declared the beginning of a new single-parliament era in Taiwan. With regard to future constitutional reforms (meaning the eight constitutional amendment), this dissertation puts forward four policy recommendations: the clarification of Taiwan’s central government system, review and improvement of the legislative election system, enhancement of the legal status of the Speaker’s police powers, and the establishment of an expulsion system for members of parliament.
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Borodáčová, Jana. "Britské radikální reformní hnutí v období 1792-1795." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-372830.
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This thesis is focused on the development of the English and Scottish radical reform movement in the 1790s and analyzes the relationship between the British government and the radical reformers who endeavored for introduction of universal suffrage and annual parliaments. The thesis also emphasizes the reaction of a large part of the public, and especially the wealthy, who in fear of spreading the ideas of the French Revolution, decided to suppress the activities of the reformers through the so-called loyalist movement. The result of fear of loyalists from the threat of domestic Jacobinism was a wave of persecution, which ended with great political trials in Scotland and England in 1793 and 1794. The thesis is also focused on the question of the influence of the French Revolution on the activities of the reformers and explains to what extent, the ideas of republicanism prevailed among the radicals. The work also emphasizes that not only thoughts of the French Revolution but also an effect of the domestic reform tradition and Glorious Revolution had an impact on the ideas of the radical reformers. In addition, this thesis analyses also the activities of the reformers themselves, who founded in 1792 a number of new societies whose membership base consisted mainly of the working class. British...
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Hunt, Jocelyn B. "Understanding the London Corresponding Society: A Balancing Act between Adversaries Thomas Paine and Edmund Burke." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/7273.
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This thesis examines the intellectual foundation of the London Corresponding Society’s (LCS) efforts to reform Britain's Parliamentary democracy in the 1790s. The LCS was a working population group fighting for universal male suffrage and annual parliaments in a decade that was wrought with internal social and governmental tension. Many Britons, especially the aristocracy and those in the government, feared the spread of ideas of republicanism and equality from revolutionary France and responded accordingly by oppressing the freedom of speech and association. At first glance, the LCS appears contradictory: it supported the hierarchical status quo but fought for the voice and representation of the people; and it believed that the foundation for rights was natural but also argued its demands for equal rights were drawn from Britain’s ancient unwritten constitution. This thesis contextualizes these ideas using a contemporary debate, the Burke-Paine controversy, as Edmund Burke was the epitome of eighteenth century conservative constitutionalism in Reflections on the Revolution in France while Thomas Paine’s Rights of Man represented a Lockean interpretation of natural rights and equality. Thus using Reflections and Rights of Man as a framework, this thesis demonstrates that the LCS thoroughly understood its demands for parliamentary reform and uniformly applied its interpretation of natural rights and equality to British constitutionalism and the social and governmental hierarchies.
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Correia, Maria Cristina Aniceto de Mendonça Machado de Araújo Neves. "A base de dados de iniciativas europeias - um instrumento de participação da Assembleia da República no processo de construção europeia." Master's thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/2588.
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Desde as últimas décadas do Século XX até ao presente, que o Estado se tem vindo a deparar com a necessidade de alteração das suas funções, como forma de as adaptar às exigências de um contexto que o transfere, da sua tradicional autoridade de Estado soberano, para um novo papel de mediador e regulador, num cenário de governança globalizada, multinivelada e multipolarizada. Tendo como base esta reflexão, o presente trabalho concretiza quais as principais perspectivas teóricas subjacentes aos movimentos de reforma que Administrações Públicas e Parlamentos, incluindo o português, têm vindo a experimentar na busca de um novo paradigma de funcionamento do Estado.
A partir deste enquadramento analítico, o segundo capítulo desenvolve o modelo de gestão pública proposto. Este consiste na criação de uma base de dados de iniciativas europeias, através da qual seja possível, não só aceder à documentação europeia relevante para efeitos de um acompanhamento parlamentar condigno do processo de decisão europeu, como, sobretudo, tornar visível o referido acompanhamento, para que este se assuma como uma verdadeira actividade política institucionalizada no Parlamento português.
O modelo poderá encontrar no contexto – jurídico e político, nacional e europeu – uma ameaça ou uma oportunidade ao seu bom funcionamento. O seu sucesso dependerá, igualmente, do grau de envolvimento dos recursos humanos afectos ao apoio da Comissão de Assuntos Europeus.
Por fim, defendemos que a base de dados de iniciativas europeias contribuirá para o reforço dos princípios orientadores da reforma da Assembleia da República de 2007, transformando-a num Parlamento mais autónomo, mais eficaz, que presta contas e está próximo dos cidadãos, mais transparente e mais activo na construção europeia e no Mundo.<br>From the last decades of the 20th century to the present day, the State has been confronted with the need of adjusting its functions, in order to adapt them to the demands of a context that transfers it from its traditional authority of sovereign State to a new role of mediator and regulator in a scenario of multi-polarised and multileveled global governance. Using this consideration as a starting point, this work identifies the main theoretical perspectives of the reform movements that Public Administrations and Parliaments, including the Portuguese Parliament, have been experimenting with a view to searching for a new paradigm of the functioning of the State.
Based on this analytical framework, the second chapter develops the proposed model of public administration, which consists of creating a database of European initiatives, through which it is possible, not only to access relevant European documentation, for the purposes of an adequate parliamentary scrutiny of the European decision-making process, but also to provide visibility to this activity, in order to transform it in a true institutionalised political activity of the Portuguese Parliament.
The context in which the model is included – legal and political, national and European – might represent a threat or an opportunity for its proper functioning. Its success will also depend on the degree of involvement of the staff of the European Affairs Committee.
Finally, we sustain that the database of European initiatives will contribute to the strengthening of the principles that guided the Reform of the Assembly of the Republic, that took place in 2007, transforming it in a more autonomous and more effective Parliament, accountable and close to the citizens, more transparent and more active in the European construction and in the world.
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Depelteau-Paquette, Marie. "Le pouvoir du premier ministre dans la nomination du haut personnel de l’État au Canada : vers un processus plus transparent et moins discrétionnaire, comme en Grande-Bretagne ?" Thèse, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7119.
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Ce mémoire vise à évaluer les réformes consistant à encadrer le pouvoir de nomination que confère la prérogative royale au premier ministre. Notre étude s’inspire largement de l’institutionnalisme historique en science politique et des analyses en termes de « path dependency ». Selon cette approche, lorsque les décideurs amorcent une trajectoire de politique publique, leurs décisions subséquentes auront tendance à suivre la même direction. À partir des documents gouvernementaux et des transcriptions de comités parlementaires, ainsi que de l’exemple de la Grande-Bretagne, ce travail cherche à évaluer si les réformes visant à contraindre le pouvoir de nomination du premier ministre canadien ont suivi une trajectoire « path dependent ». Nos conclusions nous amènent plutôt à constater qu’en ce qui concerne les nominations, le Canada est plus monarchique que la Grande-Bretagne. Pour le Canada, l’impression générale qui se dégage à la fin de ce mémoire n’en est pas une de « path dependence » mais plutôt d’incrémentalisme disjoint.<br>This paper aims to assess the reforms that regulate the appointment power conferred by the Royal Prerogative to the Prime minister. Our study is largely based on historical institutionalism in political science and analysis in terms of “path dependency”. This theory argues that once policymakers begin a course of public policy, their subsequent decisions will follow the same direction. Based on governmental documents, transcripts of parliamentary committees and the example of Great Britain, this work seeks to assess whether the reforms to constrain the appointment power of the Prime Minister of Canada validates the “path dependence” approach. Our findings leads us rather to see that with regard to appointments, Canada is more monarchical than Great Britain. Our general conclusion is that the Canadian approach is not “path dependent” but can be better described as “disjointed incrementalism”.
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Erli, Peter. ""Nachtwächterstaat" oder "Praktisches Christenthum"?: Religiöse Kommunikation innerhalb der parlamentarischen Diskussion im deutschen Reichstag um die Einführung der Sozialversicherung 1881-1889." Doctoral thesis, 2006. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A25299.
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Die Arbeit untersucht die parlamentarische Diskussion im Deutschen Reichstag um die (Bismarckschen) Sozialversicherungsgesetze 1881-1889 hinsichtlich ihrer Beeinflussung durch christlich-religiös motivierte Standpunkte. Sie weist nach, dass die Prägekräfte religiöser Überzeugungen und Argumentationsmuster nicht nur auf einer kirchlichen oder theologischen Ebene wirksam sind, sondern beispielsweise mit der Sozialversicherung bis in die unmittelbare Gegenwart wirksam sind.
Die Arbeit enthält einen umfassenden Überblick über die sozialreformatorische Diskussion des 19. Jahrhunderts sowie über die sozialpolitischen Maßnahmen bis zur Einführung der Sozialversicherung.