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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Parliamentary reform

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Academic literature on the topic 'Parliamentary reform'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Parliamentary reform"

1

Norton, Philip. "Parliamentary Reform." Revue française de civilisation britannique 11, no. 3 (February 1, 2002): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rfcb.696.

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Toews, Vic. "Parliamentary Reform." Manitoba Law Journal 4 (January 1, 2007): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/mlj1034.

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Nazaruddin, Mohd Izzuddin, and Mohammad Agus Yusoff. "Parliamentary Institutional Reforms in Malaysia: The Case of the Pakatan Harapan Era, 2018–2020." Kajian Malaysia 41, no. 2 (October 31, 2023): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/km2023.41.2.2.

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The parliamentary institution is the nation’s highest legislative body in a democratic system, where it enacts, amends, and approves federal laws, examines government policies and approves government spending. However, in Malaysia, during the Barisan Nasional (BN) era, this institution was frequently criticised due to its numerous flaws. Among them were executive control over parliamentary institutions, disregard for the opposition’s role and unequal development provision between government and opposition parliamentarians. Therefore, during the 14th General Election (GE14) campaign, Pakatan Harapan (PH) promised to implement parliamentary reforms, and that pledge carried PH to victory in the GE14. This article utilised the concept of institutional reform as a tool of analytics to discuss parliamentary institutional reforms during the PH’s governmental term from 2018 to 2020. The primary sources of this study were interviews and secondary sources, which were obtained through books, journals and newspapers. This article argues that the PH government has successfully implemented several parliamentary institutional reforms in only 22 months. The reforms were the reform of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC), the establishment of more parliamentary select committees, the restructuring of constituency development funds for members of parliament (MPs) and the appointment of non-partisan speakers. All these reforms have benefited Malaysia’s parliamentary institutions by increasing the role of the opposition, allocating fair constituency development funds to parliamentarians and improving the parliamentary image. Nevertheless, comprehensive reforms were not implemented because the PH government was ousted from power at the end of February 2020 because of the actions of several PH MPs who defected from the party.

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Haapala, Taru. "Parliamentary Reform at Westminster." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 35, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2014.997616.

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Quinault, Roland. "1848 and Parliamentary Reform." Historical Journal 31, no. 4 (December 1988): 831–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015533.

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1848 has gone down in history – or rather in history books – as the year when England was different. In that year a wave of revolution on the Continent overthrew constitutions, premiers and even a dynasty but in England, by contrast, the middle classes rallied round the government and helped it preserve the status quo. This interpretation of 1848 has long been the established orthodoxy amongst historians. Asa Briggs took this view thirty years ago and it has lately been endorsed by F. B. Smith and Henry Weisser. Most recently, John Saville, in his book on 1848, has concluded that events in England ‘demonstrated beyond question and doubt, the complete and solid support of the middling strata to the defence of existing institutions’. He claims that ‘the outstanding feature of 1848 was the mass response to the call for special constables to assist the professional forces of state security’ which reflected a closing of ranks among all property owners. Although some historians, notably David Goodway, have recently stressed the vitality of Chartism in 1848 they have not challenged the traditional view that the movement failed to win concessions from the establishment and soon declined. Thus 1848 in England is generally regarded as a terminal date: the last chapter in the history of Chartism as a major movement. Thereafter Britain experienced a period of conservatism – described by one historian as ‘the mid-Victorian calm’–which lasted until the death of Palmerston in 1865.

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Wright, T. "Prospects for Parliamentary Reform." Parliamentary Affairs 57, no. 4 (October 1, 2004): 867–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsh067.

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Kukuruz, O. V. "Political and legal provision of parliamentary reform in Ukraine: current state and proposals for European integration changes." TRANSFORMATION LEGISLATION OF UKRAINE IN MODERN CONDITIONS DOCTRINAL APPROACHES AND MEASUREMENTS, no. 14 (September 1, 2023): 177–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2023-14-177-182.

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The article analyzes the advantages and disadvantages of the political and legal provision of parliamentary reform in Ukraine and to provide suggestions for its improvement at the current stage of Ukraine’s European integration. Two waves of parliamentary reform are singled out. 1st wave: 2014–2019. Strengths: the Memorandum of Understanding between the European Parliament and the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine was signed; European Parliament’s Needs Assessment Mission, led by P. Cox, analyzed the activities of the Ukrainian parliament and developed a strategy for parliamentary reform – the so-called Roadmap; this political strategic document received the necessary legal basis, it was recognized as the basis for increasing the institutional capacity of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine; Jean Monnet’s Dialogues became an important component of the political support for the reform of the Ukrainian parliament; during the eighth term of the parliament, six meetings were held as part of the «Jean Monnet Dialogues» (in Ukraine, France and Switzerland). Weaknesses: out of 52 recommendations of the European Parliament, the deadline for the implementation of 49 recommendations fell during the period of activity of the Parliament of 8 convocations, however, most of the normative legal acts, the adoption of which was planned for 2016 and 2017, were never adopted. 2nd wave: 2019–2023. Strengths: after the parliamentary elections, as part of the seventh «Jean MonnetтDialogue», a decision was made to continue the parliamentary reform by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of a new convocation; during the ninth term of the parliament, two meetings were held within the framework of the «Jean Monnet Dialogues» (in France and Poland); the validity of the Memorandum between the European Parliament and the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine was extended; the European Union and the United Nations Development Program implemented a parliamentary reform project in Ukraine, within which a number of important analytical documents were prepared by experts. Weaknesses: lack of a single center that would coordinate the work of various structures involved in parliamentary reform, in particular, such as the working group to promote the implementation of the Roadmap; Parliamentary Reform Office; the working group for the preparation of comprehensive legislative proposals on amendments to the laws of Ukraine in the field of parliamentary law; the National Council for the Recovery of Ukraine from the War. The need to adopt an updated parliamentary reform strategy and create clear coordination between the bodies that will implement it was emphasized. Key words: parliamentary reform, parliament reform strategy, dialogues of Jean Monnet, strategic plan, strategic goals of parliamentary reform, European integration.

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Aranda Álvarez, Elviro. "La «sustancialidad» del procedimiento para la reforma constitucional." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 29 (June 1, 2012): 389. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.29.2012.6997.

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La reforma constitucional del artículo 135 de la CE nos ha situado ante la evidencia de que el procedimiento parlamentario con que contamos para dichos cambios es totalmente inadecuado. Una reforma constitucional del calado y relevancia del artículo 135 de la CE no se puede tramitar en el Congreso de los Diputado reduciendo los plazos a la mínima expresión y en una única lectura del Pleno de la Cámara. La importancia de una reforma constitucional requiere de un escrupuloso respeto a los principios que orientan el procedimiento parlamentario: derecho de enmienda, tiempo de negociación, debate y máxima publicidad. Como las previsiones reglamentarias vigentes no se garantizan plenamente estos principios. Por eso, este trabajo propone una reforma de los preceptos correspondientes para asegurar unos procedimientos parlamentarios más adecuados a los importantes objetivos del cambio constitucional.The constitutional amendment of article 135 of the Spanish Constitution has shown that the current parliamentary procedure for constitutional reform is totally inadequate. A constitutional reform of the importance of the one approved of the article 135 of the Spanish Constitution should not have been passed with such a significant reduction of procedural deadlines, and with just a single reading in the full Chamber. Such an important constitutional reform requires a scrupulous respect of the principles that surround parliamentary procedure: right of amendment, negotiation, terms of debate and maximum publicity. The current regulatory provisions do not fully guarantee these principles. Therefore, this essay proposes a change of the relevant regulations in order to ensure parliamentary procedures more adequate in terms of fulfilling the important purposes of constitutional reform.

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Adamantios, Syrmaloglou. "Parliamentary Economists and Social Reform:." History of Economic Thought 56, no. 2 (2015): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5362/jshet.56.2_47.

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Høyland, Bjørn, and Martin G. Søyland. "Electoral Reform and Parliamentary Debates." Legislative Studies Quarterly 44, no. 4 (February 28, 2019): 593–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12237.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Parliamentary reform"

1

Kelso, Alexandra. "Parliamentary reform at Westminster : explorations and explanations." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.417423.

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Saunders, Robert. "The Parliamentary reform debate in Britain, 1848-67." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.432140.

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Karjalainen, Maija. "Liberal Impact in the 1906 Parliamentary Reform of Finland." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-181695.

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Spence, Peter Edward. "The rise and fall of romantic radicalism : England 1800-1810." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.385332.

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Spychal, Martin Vincent. "Constructing England's electoral map : Parliamentary boundaries and the 1832 Reform Act." Thesis, University of London, 2017. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.737000.

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Pontifex, Lachlan Thomas. "The concept of Parliamentary reform in the British periodical press 1859-1869 and the Second Reform Act /." Title page, contents and conclusion only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arp816.pdf.

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Fung, Yiu-shing, and 馮耀成. "Zheng Guanying's (1841-1923) ideas of parliamentary reform as expounded in his Shengshi Weiyan." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951971.

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Smith, Jeffrey. "James Losh : his ideas in relation to his circle and his time." Thesis, Northumbria University, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.245210.

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Vickers, Jane. "Pressure group politics, class and popular liberalism : the campaign for Parliamentary reform in the north west, 1864-1868." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.337844.

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Matanga, Cecilia Rudo. "Unravelling the role of parliament in developing network industries: comparative case of ICT sector reform in Kenya and South Africa." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/23018.

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Several scholars have identified institutional and regulatory conditions under which Information Communication Technologies (ICT) reforms can accomplish positive public policy outcomes. This literature pays little attention, however, to the role of parliaments in these reforms. The institutional factors determining the degree and nature of parliamentary participation in ICT sector reforms in Africa is what this thesis examines. Drawing from the political economy tradition, this thesis explores the interplay between the executive, the parliament and the various sectoral interests that determine ICT sector reforms in developing countries. It does so by placing parliament in a conceptual framework that combines the concept of ICT as a complex ecosystem with that of a constellation of institutions. The gathered empirical evidence is studied through this conceptual lens to build the cases of parliamentary participation in Kenya and South Africa - two of the most dynamic ICT markets in sub-Saharan Africa - which are then analysed comparatively. Some of the information is gathered through a self-assessment survey by members of the ICT parliamentary committees and complemented by high-level interviews with the main sector players. The findings are triangulated with those from an extensive document analysis. This thesis contextualises institutional analysis in specific political circumstances of the two countries in order to understand the relevance of parliament in sector reforms. The findings have important implications for our understanding of structural and institutional constraints on parliaments in developing countries and nascent democracies. Parliaments lack capacity to simply fulfill their legislative and oversight roles, let alone creating an enabling environment for innovative public policy, sector investment and public interest outcomes as required by this dynamic sector in any modern, globalised economy. Systematic coding of the data revealed national governance and institutional arrangements as key determinants of an ICT ecosystem that adapts to local and international conditions, confirming parliament as not simply a neutral legal structure but a significant power broker, reflecting competing interests at play. The formal legal system in both countries is uneven and underutilized, ineffective in achieving robustly-contested public interest outcomes. In order to manage political interests, parliament structures and serves principal agent-relationships, vetoes ICT policy and decision-making processes, links interest groups to government and party agendas, resolves conflicts and, sometimes, builds consensus among key players. The examination of institutional designs of both parliaments identifies critical capacity deficits that are at the heart of the negative outcomes in national legislative and oversight processes. In South Africa, the reason for these deficits is primarily that the parliamentary system promotes political party and executive dominance, which undermine multi-party and participatory structure of parliamentary processes to achieve party preferences and control outcomes. In Kenya, whilst the combination of distinct separation of powers and a constituency-based electoral system provides a legal basis for greater parliamentary accountability, the highly fragmented sector arrangements compounded by lack of internal capacity to utilize parliamentary instruments and mechanisms constrain parliament's participation. These weak institutional arrangements and designs, in both Kenya and South Africa, limit independence of parliament from the executive and sometimes industry, compromising the parliamentary oversight and visionary leadership expected from specialized portfolio committees. This calls for a transformation of arrangements to uphold and reinforce constitutional mandates that give parliament the power and ability to fulfill its role in policy reforms.

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Books on the topic "Parliamentary reform"

1

Kelso, Alexandra. Parliamentary reform at Westminster. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2009.

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Committee, Tasmania Parliament House of Assembly Reform of Parliament Select. Reform of Parliament. [Hobart], Tasmania: G.C. Priestley, Govt. Printer, 1994.

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3

Edmonds, Timothy. Company Law Reform Bill: Parliamentary proceedings. [England]: House of Commons Library, 2006.

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4

Evans, Eric J. Parliamentary reform in Britain, c. 1770-1918. New York: Longman, 1999.

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Tanda, Anton Paolo, and M. Zampini. Le riforme regolamentari di fine secolo (1886-1900). Roma: Camera dei deputati, 1998.

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Embel, Philemon. Parliamentary statement on the national health reform direction. [Papua New Guinea]: Ministry and Dept. of Health, 1996.

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7

Curreri, Salvatore. La procedura di revisione dei regolamenti parlamentari. Padova: CEDAM, 1995.

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8

Zimbabwe. Parliament. Parliamentary Reform Committee. Strengthening parliamentary democracy in Zimbabwe: A foundation report by the Parliamentary Reform Committee, Parliament of Zimbabwe. [Harare, Zimbabwe]: Parliament of Zimbabwe, 1998.

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9

Omar, Ismail. Reform in crisis: Why the tricameral parliamentary system has failed. Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball Publishers, 1988.

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10

Pentland, Gordon. Parliamentary Reform. Edited by David Brown, Gordon Pentland, and Robert Crowcroft. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198714897.013.29.

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This chapter evaluates the large volume of creative scholarship that has reinterpreted and recast our understanding of the ‘heroic age’ of parliamentary reform before the early twentieth century. In doing so, it argues that this varied body of work in itself highlights the value of parliamentary reform as an area for historical research, not least because it has acted as a fertile source of new questions and approaches for political history more generally. Its centrality to accounts of Britain’s political past makes the conspicuous absence of historical accounts of parliamentary reform over the longue durée puzzling. The chapter ends by discussing whether a long-term analysis of parliamentary reform is desirable or possible and examining the potential for historical research into parliamentary reform after 1945.

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Book chapters on the topic "Parliamentary reform"

1

Dalton, Hugh. "Reform of Parliamentary Procedure1." In Practical Socialism for Britain, 44–67. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003308119-8.

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Duff, Andrew. "Parliamentary Europe." In Constitutional Change in the European Union, 37–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10665-1_4.

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AbstractDevelopment of EU democracy is hampered by the lack of proper political parties at the federal level. To rectify this, electoral reform of the European Parliament must introduce transnational lists for a portion of MEPs. Treaty rules for the election of the next Commission president should be respected by the Parliament. A formula should be agreed upon for seat apportionment in the Parliament, and the federal principle of degressive proportionality should be extended to the voting system in the Council. A limited right of initiative should be granted to MEPs, alongside internal reforms. Both the European Parliament and national parliaments should reinforce the scrutiny of their respective executives.

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Harris, Bede. "Indigenous Parliamentary Representation." In Indigenous Peoples and Constitutional Reform in Australia, 251–67. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7121-3_9.

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Smith, Michael S. "Parliamentary Reform and the Electorate." In A Companion to Nineteenth-Century Britain, 156–73. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470997147.ch10.

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Gjevori, Elvin. "Parliamentary Debate of Military Reform." In Democratisation and Institutional Reform in Albania, 181–225. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73071-4_8.

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Birch, A. H. "Parliamentary Reform and Victorian Liberalism." In Representative and Responsible Government, 48–64. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003487661-6.

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"Parliamentary Reform." In The Opinions of William Cobbett, 65–86. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315237961-11.

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Schofield, Philip. "Parliamentary Reform." In Utility and Democracy, 137–70. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208563.003.0006.

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"Parliamentary Reform:." In Liberty and Empire, 64–80. The University Press of Kentucky, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt130jbtt.9.

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"Parliamentary reform." In The Routledge Companion to Britain in the Eighteenth Century, 122–28. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203378908-21.

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Conference papers on the topic "Parliamentary reform"

1

Ahmad, Shamall. "Electoral system as a motivation to reforming political system- The Iraqi model." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp290-310.

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The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).

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Жолудов, М. В. "FEATURES OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TWO-PARITY SYSTEM OF GREAT BRITAIN IN THE XIXth CENTURY." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/mcu.2021.22.66.016.

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В статье рассматриваются особенности развития партийно-политической системы Велико-британии в XIX в. Особое внимание уделено исследованию влияния парламентских реформ на формирование партийных структур. Автор подчеркивает роль парламентской реформы 1832 г., положившей начало серьезным преобразованиям парламентской системы государства. В результа-те произошла трансформация двухпартийного тандема «виги – тори» в связку «либералы – кон-серваторы». Утверждается также, что к концу XIX в. в Великобритании были созданы массовые политические партии современного типа. The article deals with the specific features of the development of the party and political system of Great Britain in the XIXth century. The author emphasizes the role of the parliamentary reform of 1832, which marked the beginning of serious transformations of the parliamentary system of the state. As a result, there was a transformation of the bipartisan tandem of “Whig – Tory” into a bunch of “Liberals – Conservatives”. It is also argued that by the end of the XIXth century mass political parties of the modern type were created in Great Britain.

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Shala, Ibrahim. "PARLIAMENTARY ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND THE QUALITY OF DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN KOSOVO." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.11.01.20.p36.

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The parliamentary electoral system in Kosovo is special; the whole territory of the state is an electoral zone, where voted for the party with an open list of candidates for deputies, at the beginning it was voted for 10 candidates, and currently for five candidates. Despite the minutes of the polling centers, the votes are once again counted at the state level by the Counting and Results Center. Argumentation of the thesis that, this form of voting enables the voter vote not to go to the selected candidate, but the close party leadership decides during the recount process for the desired list of deputies. The main focus will be on arguing the essence of the problem that, this electoral system deforms the will of the voter. It enables the creation of party cliques, close informal groups in the party, whose willpower will be reflected in the governance of the state and the quality of proclaimed democracy. Party clicks are a precondition for corruption and organized crime. In such circumstances, reform of the parliamentary electoral system is necessary. Argumentation of the direct effects of the type of electoral system on the quality of democratic governance. Keywords: vote alienation, party clique, institutional corruption, authoritarian governance.

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Grudinin, Nikita. "Development of the constitutional and legal status of the State Duma of the Russian Federation in the light of the constitutional reform of 2020." In Development of legal systems of Russia and foreign countries : problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02110-1-45-49.

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The constitutional reform of 2020 has made a significant contribution to the development of the system of separation of powers. Currently, domestic parliamentarism and the State Duma of the Russian Federation are experiencing a new stage in their development. The purpose of the study is to consider certain issues of constitutional and legal development of the status of the State Duma of the Russian Federation. Based on the results of the study, it was concluded that the constitutional reform of 2020 adjusted the balance within the system of separation of powers in Russia, strengthening the position of the State Duma in the process of forming the personal composition of the Government. It is noted that the reform carried out contributed to the strengthening of the presidential-parliamentary republic in Russia with a strong presidential power. She also once again raised the question of the prospects of implementing the idea of a party government in Russia

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Drahošová, Silvia, and Andrea Čajková. "STOP BUREAUCRACY REFORMS — CASE STUDY IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION IN SLOVAKIA." In 10th IPMA Research conference: Value co-creation in the project society. International Project Management Association, Serbian Project Management Association, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56889/huhs2803.

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The subject of the research is the possibility of implications of project management tools within the possibility of implementing reforms in public administration in the conditions of the Slovak Republic. For this purpose, the Stop bureaucracy strategy and its two reforms in the field of informatization with the objective - to allow technically and legislatively the replacement of paper confirmations requested by public authorities in accordance with the "once and only principle” in the Slovak Republic - were selected. The results point to the fact that in addition to the need to involve relevant actors to ensure the effectiveness and democratic aspect of policy making in multi-level governance, the duration of the relevant parliamentary term also has a direct impact on the possibilities of implementing reforms and their projects in public administration. The review of two reforms in the recent two parliamentary terms provides an insight into other attributes that, in synergy, affect the possibility of implementing changes in the public administration of the Slovak Republic during one parliamentary term.

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Жолудов, М. В. "The Liberal Party in the Political System of the Great Britain in the XIXth Century: Forms and Features of Development." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.020.

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В статье рассматриваются особенности развития Либеральной партии Великобритании в XIX в. В своем развитии она преодолела несколько этапов, каждый из которых обнаруживал тесную связь с общеисторическими изменениями в Великобритании. В работе утверждается, что способность правящей элиты страны вовремя перейти к политике либеральных преобразований позволила ей преодолеть серьезный социально-политический кризис и спасти Великобританию от революции. Особое внимание уделено исследованию влияния парламентской реформы 1832 г. на формирование структуры партии. Заслугой либералов было то, что они сумели адаптировать плавным, эволюционно-реформистским путем, не затрагивая самих основ общественного порядка, государственно-правовые институты Великобритании к новым историческим условиям, возникшим в результате промышленного переворота. Используя гибкие компромиссные методы управления и проведения социальной политики в отношениях как с землевладельческой аристократией, так и со средними и низшими слоями британского общества, либералы смогли поддерживать достаточно высокую стабильность общества, сглаживать социальные конфликты, столь частые в других странах Западной Европы XIX в. Автор подчеркивает, что к концу XIX в. британским либералам удалось создать массовую политическую партию современного типа. The article examines the features of the development of the Liberal Party of Great Britain in the XIXth century. In its development, the Liberal Party was going through several stages, each of which revealed a close connection with general historical changes in Great Britain. The paper argues that the ability of the country's ruling elite to switch to a policy of liberal transformations in time allowed it to overcome a serious socio-political crisis and save Great Britain from revolution. Particular attention is paid to the study of the influence of the parliamentary reform of 1832 on the formation of the party structure. The merit of the liberals was that they were able to adapt in a smooth, evolutionary-reformist way, without affecting the very foundations of public order, the state-legal institutions of Great Britain to the new historical conditions that arose as a result of the industrial revolution. Using flexible compromise methods of management and social policy in relations both with the landowning aristocracy and with the middle and lower strata of the British society, the liberals managed to maintain a fairly high stability of society, smooth out social conflicts that are so frequent in other countries of Western Europe of the XIXth century. The author emphasizes that by the end of the XIXth century, the British liberals managed to create a mass political party of the modern type.

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NIKOLAEVA, PhD Kamila. "INTER-PARLIAMENTARY COOPERATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN AND THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA: MODERN TRENDS." In UZBEKISTAN-KOREA: CURRENT STATE AND PROSPECTS OF COOPERATION. OrientalConferences LTD, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ocl-01-05.

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Today the Republic of Korea is a country with steadily and harmonious growing economy; it is a country whose positions in global rankings have high indicators. Analysts study the experience of the economic growth of the Republic of Korea, measures to overcome the crisis, the successful implementation of economic and political reforms that have led to a leading position in the international community. This experience is very important for Uzbekistan as well.

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Ambarkov, Nikola. "THE EFFECTIVE NUMBER OF PARLIAMENTARY PARTIES AS AN ASSUMPTION OF THE STABILITY OF THE REPRESENTATIVE BODY. THE PERFORMANCE OF THE MACEDONIAN ASSEMBLY IN THE PAST MORE THAN THREE DECADES OF POLITICAL PLURALISM." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.8.1.23.p31.

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Even before the formal negotiation process of the Republic of North Macedonia (RNM) for membership in the European Union began, the important role that the Parliament should play in this process was highlighted. The main contribution of the Parliament to the European integration process should be ensuring the sustainability of the reforms. The Assembly is the key place for organizing a dialogue between the government, the opposition, and civil society about the far-reaching goals of the reforms that will be made in the rapprochement process. And the European Commission further emphasized that it sees the national parliaments of the countries of the Western Balkans as a link between the citizens and Brussels. Without a stable, functional, effective representative body, these challenges will not be met. In every developed democracy, the problem of the relationship between the government and the political parties represented in the parliament has always been an actual issue. The increase in the number of political forces in the parliament leads to the need to form coalitions and, accordingly, the greater the fragmentation of political interests, the more difficult it is to build consensus, which should imply an agreement between influential MPs, regardless of whether they are in the majority or the opposition. Hence, the aim of this paper is an analysis of the representation of political forces in the Macedonian parliament in the last ten election cycles through the “index of the effective number of parties” as a tool, designed to consider the problem of balance between the representation and effectiveness of the elected bodies and their dependence from the electoral mechanisms. For this purpose, first, in a theoretical sense, the typologies of party systems and the index for the effective number of parties (developed by Estonian political scientists Laakso and Taagepera) will be reviewed. Then, with the help of this index, will be determined the number of effective parliamentary parties in the past ten parliamentary compositions in RNM. The RNM is very convenient for such an analysis because in the country’s three-decade plural history different electoral models were applied – in the parliamentary elections in 1990 and 1994, the majority, in 1998, there was a mixed (parallel) model, and since 2002, a proportional model has been applied.

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Velinova, Neli, Mariyan Tomov, Lilia Raycheva, and Lora Metanova. "Digitization of Pre-election Messages during the 2021 Parliamentary Campaign in Bulgaria." In Human Systems Engineering and Design (IHSED 2021) Future Trends and Applications. AHFE International, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1001128.

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The pre-election campaign for the 45th Parliament in Bulgaria on April 4, 2021 was held in social distance and strict observance of anti-epidemic measures against COVID-19. Internet platforms have become increasingly popular channels for politicians to communicate with their constituents. The aim of this study focuses on the dynamics of online pre-election political communication. The object is the specifics of the internet connection be-tween the digital audiences and the MP candidates during the campaign. The subject refers to the digital election messages of the political party leaders in their Facebook profiles. The methodology is an empirical study and compar-ative analysis. The scope includes those political forces, which passed the 4% threshold. The results are indicative to those interested in digital political communication.

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Dagen, Tomislav, and Marijana Majnarić. "PARLIAMENTARY ELECTORAL LEGISLATION – LAW vis á vis JUSTNESS OF ELECTORAL LEGISLATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA IN THE PAST 20 YEARS." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18302.

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In the last twenty years, through the democratic development of the Republic of Croatia, the problem of modernizing parliamentary electoral legislation and the need and desire to create a better and fairer electoral system as a whole, which will bring the Republic of Croatia into European integration and the map of Western democracies comes “to the surface”. In order for the implementation of the political desire to join Western democracies and bring the Republic of Croatia closer to the European Union realize its full potential, the electoral system was changed in 1999, and since then seven elections have been held for the Croatian Parliament, and the Republic of Croatia has in the meantime become a full member of the European Union. On this democratic path and democratic-parliamentary progress of the Republic of Croatia, a constant and unchanged circumstance (parliamentary anomaly) was noticed, which the Constitutional Court warned about back in 2010, and that is the need to create a fairer electoral system, since these existing ones call into question legality and constitutionality of the election results (the warning which the Croatian Parliament still ignores). Therefore, in this paper, the authors, by analyzing the existing electoral system and comparing the 2000 and 2020 elections, identify its shortcomings, inconsistencies between the Act on Election of Representatives to the Croatian Parliament and the Act on Constituencies. Further analysis in this paper refers to the fact of imbalance in the number of voters in different constituencies in which an identical number of representatives is elected (malapportionment), and the lack of “justness” that allows issues of political engineering and forming post-election coalitions, as well as the possibility of representatives “entering” the Croatian Parliament with a minimum number of votes obtained. Also, the authors try to confirm the thesis that the existing electoral system of electing representatives to the Croatian Parliament as a legislative body of the Republic of Croatia needs to be made more just in order to completely fulfill its purpose of creating parliamentary democracy in accordance with the rule of law and the will of the people. In light of the above, the paper will compare and analyze the results of the aforementioned parliamentary elections and their shortcomings, and will provide an overview of the necessary changes and the creation of a future more just electoral system, which the Republic of Croatia certainly needs and which will reduce to a minimum the difference between law and justice in the procedures for the election of representatives to the Croatian Parliament.

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Reports on the topic "Parliamentary reform"

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Haider, Huma. Political Settlements: The Case of Moldova. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.065.

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The new elite in post-1991 independent Moldova gradually captured state institutions, while internal drivers of reforms have generally been weak. Civil society has had limited effectiveness; and the media is largely dominated by political and business circles (BTI, 2022). The Moldovan diaspora has emerged in recent years, however, as a powerful driver of reform. In addition, new political parties and politicians have in recent years focused on common social and economic problems, rather than exploiting identity and geopolitical cleavages. These two developments played a crucial role in the transformative changes in the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2020 and 2021, respectively.1 The new Moldovan leadership has experienced many challenges, however, in achieving justice and anti-corruption reforms—the primary components of their electoral platform—due to the persistence of rent-seeking and corruption in the justice sector (Minzarari, 2022). This rapid review examines literature—primarily academic and non-governmental organisation (NGO)-based—in relation to the political settlement of Moldova. It provides an overview of the political settlement framework and the political history of Moldova. It then draws on the literature to explore aspects of the social foundation and the power configuration in Moldova; and implications for governance and inclusive development. The report concludes with recommendations for government, domestic reformers, Moldovan society, and donors for improving inclusive governance and development in Moldova, identified throughout the literature. This report does not cover political settlement in relation to Transnistria.

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Ryland, Howard, and Sarah Bunn. Reforming the Mental Health Act - Approaches to Improve Patient Choice. Parliamentary Office of Science and Technology, UK Parliament, May 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.58248/pn695.

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The Mental Health Act 1983 has been criticised as being overly restrictive, with inadequate scope for patient choice and autonomy. The Government’s Draft Mental Health Bill proposes reforms to improve patient choice. A joint parliamentary committee report on the draft Bill recommended further changes to enhance choice, including a statutory duty to offer patients advance choice documents. Reports to date suggest that advance care planning could offer some benefits, but uptake can be low. Proposals to replace the Nearest Relative who has certain powers under the Act, with a Nominated Person of the patient’s choosing, have been widely welcomed. There are questions about operationalisation and safeguarding. Alongside the reforms, the Government is piloting ‘culturally appropriate advocacy’, which preliminary findings suggest could help advocates better support patients from ethnic minority backgrounds. The draft Bill removes learning disabilities and autism as grounds for detention under Section 3 of the Act. Stakeholders have raised concerns about unintended diversion to more restrictive pathways, such as the criminal justice system. A range of stakeholders share the view that careful implementation is needed to maximise the benefits of proposed reforms. The Government has not announced when the Bill will be introduced.

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