Dissertations / Theses: 'Parliamentary discourse'

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McLean, Stacy Avril. "Negotiating identity in multilingual parliamentary discourses in the Western Cape: a discourse analysis." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4282.

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Magister Artium - MA
South Africa transitioned from an apartheid system of government, with one ruling party to a new democracy; a transition that is still currently in progress. With this transition came many new freedoms, such as the ability to choose and freely express one’s linguistic and cultural preferences, amongst many others. This study analyses the negotiation of identity in constitutionally multilingual parliamentary discourses in the Western Cape in order to create a better understanding of the influence the new South Africa has on the identities constructed in parliamentary discourses whereby polylingualism is used as a linguistic resource. The parliamentary discourse is deemed constitutionally multilingual due to the fact that before 1994, African languages were not considered official, but presently Afrikaans, English and isiXhosa are credited provincial official languages in the Western Cape and are amongst the eleven national official languages. In order to investigate how performative identities are constructed discursively in the relatively new spaces of linguistic democracy, this study conducted a multisemiotic analysis on political manifestos in conjunction with a discourse analysis of a randomly selected Hansard Report of the Western Cape Provincial Parliament, which is the only parliament of the national nine to have an alternate political party in government. In collaboration with consulting the Standing Rules of the House, the National Language Policy Framework, the Western Cape Language Policy and observing the actual sitting, scholarly literature pertaining to language use, multisemiotic features and identity negotiation were evaluated to better understand the discursive spaces in which identity is negotiated as well as to achieve the objectives of this study.

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Yu, Bin-Bin. "Aspects of parliamentary discourse in Taiwan : a pragmatic analysis." Thesis, University of Reading, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.440100.

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Sarfo, Emmanuel. "Questioning and debating in UK and Ghanaian parliamentary discourse." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/13437/.

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This study examines UK and Ghanaian parliamentary questions and debates. Using a corpus-assisted discourse studies approach, it investigates questions from transitivity (process types) and debates from evaluatory perspectives. We explore similarities and differences between UK and Ghanaian parliamentary questions and find that, while question forms in the two parliaments are similar, there are significant differences as well. For example, indirect yes/no interrogatives in the Ghanaian data are a major difference between the two. Also, while Ghanaian MPs mark politeness directly by linguistic/word forms, such as the use of modal past, UK MPs mark politeness indirectly. The differences appear to be largely influenced by Ghanaian language interference and cultural differences. From a transitivity standpoint, in both parliaments, mental process interrogatives are the most frequent, followed by verbal, relational and then material processes. We therefore conclude that parliamentary politics can be represented through think, tell, evaluate and do (TTED) processes. Analyses of the debates show that MPs’ concern for the needs of the people becomes a focal point in the debates. Whereas government MPs think that people’s socio-economic conditions are better, opposition MPs think they are worse. This leads us to the conclusion that evaluation in parliamentary debates could be described as a rectangle (drawing on van Dijk’s ideological square), since there is disproportionateness between MPs’ praise and/or criticism for their governments’ policies, which reflects the MPs’ ideological biases. In describing the circumstances of the people, UK MPs use more complex intensifying adverbs and adjectives than their Ghanaian counterparts, a variation which we attribute to first and second language differences. There appears to be a disparity between MPs’ show of concern for the needs of the people and the public perception that MPs care only about their personal interests. MPs construct themselves as agents of the people, and tactically hide behind it their ideological biases.

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Gadavanij, Savitri. "Discursive strategies for political survival : a critical discourse analysis of Thai no confidence debates." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2002. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/803/.

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This thesis argues that the aggressive and informal style of discourse used in Thai parliamentary debates is a product of the Thai political sphere, serving clear functions In its context. Adopting the approach of Critical Discourse Analysis, the thesis presents discourse as socially constituted as well as socially constitutive. The research employs a two level analysis to explore this hypothesis. At the macro level, Critical Discourse Analysis and the Sociocognitive Approach are operationalised to investigate the socio-political conditions that prompt this 'unparliamentary' mode of parliamentary discourse. At the micro level, politeness theory and pragmatics are employed to investigate the potential functions that small linguistic features may serve under such social conditions. Five sample accusatory speeches and two sample respondent speeches from recent debates are selected for close textual analysis using this approach. It is argued that the unparliamentary style of the debates' discourse is the result of discursive strategies used in politicians' speeches. These strategies are textual evidence of sociocultural practice and discourse practice. They reflect the speakers' attempts to subvert three competing conjunctures in the Thai political domain: the debate's formal and actual purposes, its Code of Behaviour, and its multiple audiences. Debaters need to balance three contending purposes: the desire of highly partisan participants to cause maximum damage to the opposing side, their attempts to seek public support (including the maintenance of face), and their need to stay within the parliamentary Code of Behaviour. This thesis identifies a number of strategies that potentially serve these conflicting purposes, for example, intertextuality, enthymeme and prolepsis/disclaimer. These findings lead to the conclusion that an unparliamentary debating style, constituted of small, seemingly insignificant linguistic features, carries larger social implications. Despite being a reflection of social conditions, this debating style has the potential to redefine these conditions. Thai no-confidence debates offer an accomplished parliamentary speaker the opportunity to achieve apparently contradictory political and linguistic ends, within the same tightly-crafted speech.

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Mariat, Kate. "Parliamentary discourse on sexuality over a period of legislative change, 1986-2005." Thesis, University of Roehampton, 2017. https://pure.roehampton.ac.uk/portal/en/studentthesis/parliamentary-discourse-on-sexuality-over-a-period-of-legislative-change(fee9470f-dc61-4984-8270-a5ab46cde4d3).html.

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This study investigates the landslide legislative changes affecting lesbians and gay men between 1986 and 2005. It offers six fully-contextualised Critical Discourse Analyses of key Westminster parliamentary debates on attempted and actual changes in the law in two periods: 1986-1996 and 2001-2004. In addition, it offers a corpus analysis of all key debates in each period. This enables comparisons of the language used and arguments deployed by speakers who supported lesbians and gay men and those who did not, as well as a comparison of the two periods. On the basis that Members of Parliament, particularly in the House of Commons, draw on the beliefs and values of the sections of society they represent and indirectly address via the media, the overall interest of the study is in the nature and extent of social change this legislative landslide suggests. The study's particular focus is on shifts and continuities in the cluster of institutionalised beliefs that constitute homophobia and the institutional arrangements that support them. The content and contexts of these beliefs are initially traced via past laws pertaining to same-sex sexual acts, in most cases sex between men. This shows firstly, how each law was enacted to serve different socio-political purposes in different historical periods and secondly, how their intermittent periods of enforcement coincided with the needs of prevailing rulers to maintain power and social control. Thus homophobic beliefs ebbed and flowed according to the needs of ruling powers. This phenomenon applies past and present and constitutes the ethos of the study. It demonstrates both the residual nature of a prejudice with a very long history and the salient beliefs and values behind arguments used for and against it in contemporary contexts.

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Jakaza, Ernest. "Appraisal and evaluation in Zimbabwean parliamentary discourse and its representation in newspaper articles." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79951.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: “Unofananidza Jesu naKombayi here? (Lit. Are you comparing Jesus with Kombayi?) (Condolences on the death of Senator Patrick Kombayi, 28th July 2009, Appendix B4, line 350) This Shona interjection during the debate on the motion on condolences on the death of Senator Patrick Kombayi (MDC- T) in the Zimbabwean parliament presents the speaker stance taking, appraising and strategically manoeuvering advancing certain argumentative positions. Considering the impact of the outcome of these debates on governance, discourse- analytic researches have to be carried out in order to explore the sorts of appraisal and argumentation principles that are realised. This study makes a multifaceted theoretical approach to a comprehensive exploration of debates and speeches in the Zimbabwean parliament and their representation in newspaper articles. The appraisal theory, the extended pragma- dialectic theory of argumentation and controversy analysis have been integrated to uncover important linguistic insights on parliamentary discourse and news reporting. The analysis is based on a corpus of debates and speeches in the Zimbabwean parliament within the period 2009 and 2010. Another corpus consists of newspaper reports on these debates and speeches in this period. A thematic approach informed by theoretical principles is utilised in the selection of reports, debates and speeches. Firstly, I examined parliamentary discourse. Focus have been on the critical discussion model, argumentative strategies- forms of strategic manoeuvering, how the dialectic- rhetoric relation can be understood, how appraisal resources are realised in the argumentation process and on examining how appraisal resources employed reflect the type of a debate or speech. Secondly, I explored newspaper articles from four Zimbabwean newspapers reporting on the same themes on debates and speeches. Focus has been to make comparative analysis of news reporting examining how appraisal resources are utilised in the representation of parliamentary discourse in different newspapers (independent versus government or state owned newspapers and English versus Shona newspapers) and to examine the nature of argumentation and strategic manoeuvering principles that are utilised in news reporting and how controversial (divergent) debates or issues are represented. This multifaceted analysis offered varied dimensions in the exploration of parliamentary discourse and news reporting and expansions of the appraisal and argumentation theories.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: “Unofananidza Jesu naKombayi here? (Letterlik: Vergelyk jy Jesus met Kombayi?) (Medelye ten tye van die dood van senator Patrick Kombayi, 28 Julie 2009, Bylaag B4, reël 350) Hierdie Shona-uitroep gedurende die debat oor die mosie van medelye ten tye van die dood van senator Patrick Kombayi (MDC-T) in die Zimbabwiese parlement wys hoe die spreker standpunt inneem, en sekere beredenerende posisies opper, beoordeel en op strategiese wyse manipuleer. Met die uitkomste van hierdie debatte oor bestuur in gedagte, moes diskoers-analitiese navorsing gedoen word om die soorte waardebepalende en beredenerende beginsels wat gerealiseer is, te verken. Hierdie studie het ŉ veelvlakkige teoretiese benadering tot ŉ omvattende verkenning van debatte en toesprake in die Zimbabwiese parlement en hulle uitbeelding in koerantartikels ingeneem. Die teorie van waardebepaling, die uitgebreide pragma-dialektiese teorie van beredenering- en geskilsanalise is geïntegreer om belangrike linguistiese insigte oor parlementêre diskoers en nuusrapportering bloot te lê. Die analise is gebaseer op ŉ korpus debatte en toesprake in die Zimbabwiese parlement uit die tydperk 2009 tot 2010. ŉ Verdere korpus bestaan uit koerantberigte oor hierdie debatte en toesprake uit hierdie tydperk. ŉ Tematiese benadering wat deur teoretiese beginsels geïnspireer is, is gebruik by die keuse van berigte, debatte en toesprake. Eerstens het ek parlementêre diskoers nagegaan. Die fokus was op die kritiese besprekingsmodel, beredenerende strategieë, vorme van strategiese manipulering, die wyse waarop die dialekties-retoriese verhouding verstaan kan word, die wyse waarop hulpbronne vir waardebepaling tydens die beredeneringsproses verwesenlik word en op ŉ ondersoek na hoe hulpbronne wat vir waardebepaling gebruik word, die soort debat of toespraak uitbeeld. Tweedens het ek koerantartikels uit vier Zimbabwiese koerante verken wat oor dieselfde temas oor debatte en toesprake verslag gedoen het. Die fokus was op die maak van ŉ vergelykende analise van beriggewing om na te gaan hoe hulpbronne vir waardebepaling gebruik word by die uitbeelding van parlementêre diskoers in verskillende koerante (onafhanklik teenoor koerante in besit van die regering of die staat en koerante in Engels teenoor ander in Shona) en om die aard van beredenering en strategiese manipulerings-beginsels wat by beriggewing gebruik word en die wyse waarop kontroversiële (uiteenlopende) debatte of kwessies uitgebeeld word, te ondersoek. Hierdie veelvlakkige analise het wisselende dimensies by die verkenning van parlementêre diskoers en beriggewing en uitbreidings van die waardebepaling- en beredeneringsteorieë gebied.
This project is a reality because of the generous scholarship I received from the African Doctoral Academy

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Hughes, C. R. B. "Aspects of the relationship between spoken and written discourse, with special reference to Parliamentary language." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334151.

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Rasiah, Parameswary. "Evasion in Australia's parliamentary question time : the case of the Iraq war." University of Western Australia. Graduate School of Education, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0208.

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Given that the basic functions of parliamentary Question Time are to provide information and to hold the Government accountable for its actions, the possibility of evasion occurring in such a context is of crucial importance. Evasion (equivocation) has been identified as a matter of concern in political interviews, but no systematic study has been undertaken in the context of parliamentary discourse, notably Question Time, anywhere in the world. This study applies and adapts Harris's (1991) coding framework on various types of responses, Bull and Mayer's (1993) typology of non-replies and Clayman's (2001) work on how politicians 'resist' answering questions, all of which are based on political news interviews, to the study of evasion in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time. A comprehensive, unified framework for the analysis of evasion is described, a decision flow-chart for the framework is provided, and an illustrative example of the applied framework is given based on Australia's Federal House of Representatives' Question Time. Put simply, the study was undertaken to determine if evasion occurred, how frequently it occurred and how it occurred. It involved the classification of responses as 'answers' (direct or indirect), 'intermediate responses' (such as pointing out incorrect information in the question), and 'evasions' based on specific criteria. Responses which were considered evasions were further analysed to determine the levels of evasion, whether they were covert or overt in nature and the types of 'agenda shifts' that occurred, if any. The thesis also involved a discourse-analytical study of other factors that appear to facilitate Ministerial evasion in Australia's House of Representatives, including the Speaker's performance and the use of 'Dorothy Dixers'. The research data was sourced from Question Time transcripts from the House of Representatives Hansard for the months of February and March 2003, dealing only with questions and responses on the topic of Iraq. In those months there were 87 questions on the topic of Iraq, representing more than two thirds of all questions on Iraq for the whole of 2003. Of these 87 questions, the majority (48) came from the Opposition party, through its leader. The balance (39) was asked by Government MPs. Analysis of the question/answer discourse for all 87 questions revealed that every question asked by Government members was answered compared to only 8 of the 48 Opposition questions. Of the 40 remaining Opposition questions, 21 were given intermediate responses and 19 were evaded outright. The fact that the overwhelming majority (83%) of Opposition questions were not answered together with other findings such as instances of partiality on the part of the Speaker; the use of 'friendly', prearranged questions by Government MPs; and the 'hostile' nature of questions asked by Opposition MPs casts serious doubt on the effectiveness of Question Time as a means of ensuring the Government is held accountable for its actions. The study provides empirical evidence that evasion does occur in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time.

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Varga, Simon. "Frames und Argumentation Integrative Beschreibung semantischer und argumentativer Bedeutungsstrukturen am Beispiel des parlamentarischen Kernenergiediskurses in Deutschland und Frankreich." Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019UBFCH010.

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La sémantique des cadres et l’analyse argumentative comptent parmi les approches les plus sollicitées en linguistique du discours. De nombreuses études parues ces dernières années font ainsi appel aux cadres sémantiques pour analyser la dimension lexicale des discours et aux topoï argumentatifs pour analyser leur dimension argumentative. Or, cette simple addition de différentes techniques d’analyse est contradictoire avec les prémisses même de la sémantique des cadres. En effet, plus encore qu’un outil d’analyse sémantique, les cadres sémantiques sont un format de représentation cognitive structurant nos connaissances ainsi que notre perception du monde. Par conséquent, les cadres sémantiques permettent, en principe, de décrire l’intégralité des structures de savoir sous-jacentes aux discours, et ceci à tous les niveaux d’abstraction. L’intégration des dimensions de sens ici analysées passe par l’intégration du concept de relation argumentative dans la méthodologie communément appliquée en analyse des cadres. Les structures argumentatives reposant nécessairement sur des structures conceptuelles analogues, l’outil méthodologique ainsi développé permet une description intégrée de ces différentes dimensions et de leur interaction dans la construction discursive du sens. Dans la partie empirique, il sera ensuite appliqué à l’analyse des discours parlementaires sur le nucléaire civil à l’Assemblée nationale française et au Bundestag allemand sur la période 1946–2012
Frame semantics and argumentation analysis are among the most popular research methodologies in discourse linguistics. Over the course of the last few years, semantic frames and argumentative topoi have been used in numerous studies to analyse the lexical and argumentative dimension of discourse. However, their simple addition contradicts one of the most basic premises of frame semantics, namely, the idea that frames are not only a tool of semantic analysis but also the universal format of conceptual representation structuring our know ledge of and our interactions with the world that surrounds us. Semantic frames, thus, potentially allow for a description of all knowledge structures underlying discourse at different levels of abstraction. By integrating the concept of argumentative relations in the established methodology of frame analysis, these different dimensions of discursive meaning construction become describable in frame semantic terms. These argumentative relations between discourse elements at the text surface can be seen as mirroring equivalent relations between the constituent elements of cognitive frames at the conceptual level. This approach will be used in the empirical section to analyse the parliamentary discourse on nuclear energy in the French Assemblée nationale and the German Bundestag from 1946 to 2012

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Harder, Sofie Juul. "Deportation of ‘Criminal Foreigners’ - a Discourse Analysis of the Parliamentary and Political Debates of the Bill L 156." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21762.

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The thesis critically assesses parliamentary and political discussions preceding the adoption of a Danish law from 2018, which has the purpose of increasing the use of deportation of what is referred to as ‘criminal foreigners’. The purpose is to investigate how persons brought up in Denmark can be viewed as foreigners rather than Danes and hence why they are deportable when convicted.This is done by identifying antagonisms and common assumptions in the arguments for and against it. Thus, the method used is discourse analysis building on the theoretical framework of Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse analysis. The theory of the community of value is used as lens to understand the identified discourses through. It is found that claims that problematise deportation on the grounds that the persons are Danes is not successful in the order of discourse, and that the discursive struggle primarily is over the role of human rights.

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Friis, Gustav. "Populist Radical Right Parties into Parliament : Changes in mainstream parties’ political positions in parliamentary debates on immigration and refugees." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-403427.

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Do Populist Radical Right Parties have an impact on the attitudes of other parties? Despite drawing much attention from the general public as well as academics, there is no clear answer to this conundrum. In this paper I examine how mainstream political parties change their positions in parliamentary debates on immigration and refugees after Populist Radical Right Parties enter parliament. In order to do this, I use theoretical concepts such as discourse coalitions and storylines in combination with network methodology to map out how parties in the Swedish parliament relate to one another through their attitudes towards key themes in the debate on immigration and refugees. This paper focuses on the relations between parties through language by applying Discourse Network Analysis on parliamentary debates. Thus, it contributes with a new relational aspect and methodological tool on a relatively underutilised material. The findings indicate that there is a change in other parties’ attitudes towards immigration and refugees, with two mainstream right parties moving closer to the Populist Radical Right Party. However, the datatype does not support causal language and the findings are limited due to small amounts of data.

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Truan, Naomi. "“Who Are You Talking About?”. The Pragmatics of Third-Person Referring Expressions : a Contrastive Corpus-Based Study of British, German, and French Parliamentary Debates." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL014.

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Ce travail analyse la manière dont les expressions de la troisième personne dénotant des êtres humains peuvent référer aux destinataires d’un énoncé – par opposition à l’allocutaire – en français, anglais et allemand. Les formes de la troisième personne incluent tout élément linguistique déclenchant un accord à la troisième personne, considérée comme une catégorie hétérogène : pronoms (il(s), elle(s), on, en français, he, she, they, one en anglais, er, sie, man en allemand), pronoms interrogatifs et indéfinis (qui, quiconque, whoever, anyone, wer), quantifieurs (tous, chacun, certains, all, every, anyone, some, alle, jeder, manche, etc.), relatives précédées par ceux (ceux qui, those who, diejenigen, die) et groupes nominaux contenant un nom dénotant un agent humain (peuple, personnes, citoyen, people, citizen, Volk, Leute, Menschen, Bürger, etc.). A partir d’un corpus de débats parlementaires en France, en Allemagne et au Royaume-Uni, nous montrons que les locuteurs peuvent référer aux destinataires, conçus comme un rôle discursif distinct des personnes empiriques, par des expressions de la troisième personne. L’accent mis sur la première et la deuxième personnes a conduit à un relatif oubli des formes de la troisième personne. Pourtant, la conceptualisation des destinataires par des expressions de la troisième personne est explicite, omniprésente, fonctionnelle et se produit à une fréquence égale dans l’ensemble du corpus. En se concentrant sur le rôle discursif du destinataire, une attention particulière est accordée au système constitué par la deuxième et la troisième personnes, prises dans leur continuité plutôt que leur opposition, dans l’acte de référence
Based on a corpus of British, French, and German parliamentary debates, this research presents an integrated account of how third person expressions denoting human referents can encode the targets of an utterance – as opposed to the addressee. Third person forms include every linguistic item triggering third person agreement, regarded as a heterogeneous category: third person pronouns (he, she, one, they in English, il(s), elle(s), on in French, er, sie, man in German), interrogative and indefinite pronouns (whoever, qui, quiconque, wer), quantifiers (all, every, many, some, anyone, tous, chacun, beaucoup, certains, alle, jeder, viele, manche, etc.), relative clauses introduced by those (those who, ceux qui, diejenigen, die), and noun phrases containing a noun denoting a human agent (people, citizen, peuple, personnes, citoyen , Volk, Leute, Menschen, Bürger, etc.). I combine a trilingual contrastive research design with a qualitative discourse-analytic and a quantitative corpus- based perspective to determine how reference to the targets of an utterance, conceived as a speech role distinct from the empirical persons, can be achieved by third person expressions. With most existing research focusing on the first and second persons, third person reference has been considerably neglected. Yet, the conceptualisation of targets via third person expressions is explicit, pervasive, functional, and occurs with equal frequency throughout the political spectrum. By focusing on the newly refined speech role of the target, attention is given to the continuity between second and third grammatical persons as a system referring to addressees and targets of an utterance
In dieser Arbeit präsentiere ich eine umfassende Analyse der Funktionsweisen von englischen, französischen und deutschen Ausdrücken der dritten Person zur Bezeichnung menschlicher Referenten, an die eine Äußerung gerichtet ist. Zu den Formen der dritten Person gehören alle sprachlichen Elemente, die in Bezug auf die grammatischen Kategorien Person und Numerus mit Verben in der dritten Person verwendet werden: Personalpronomen (er, sie, man im Deutschen, he, she, they, one im Englischen, il(s), elle(s), im Französischen), Interrogativ- oder Indefinitpronomen (wer, whoever, qui, quiconque), Quantifikatoren (alle, jeder, viele, manche, all, every, many, some, anyone, tous, chacun, beaucoup, certains), Relativsätze (diejenigen, die, ceux qui, those who), und Nominalsyntagmen, die ein Substantiv enthalten, das einen menschlichen Referenten bezeichnet (Volk, Leute, Menschen, Bürger, people, citizen, peuple, personnes, citoyen, etc.). Anhand eines Korpus britischer, französischer und deutscher Parlamentsdebatten kombiniere ich ein sprachkontrastives Forschungsdesign mit einer qualitativen Diskursanalyse und einer quantitativen korpusbasierten Perspektive, um zu bestimmen, wie der Bezug auf die gemeinten Referenten erfolgt. Bisher hat sich die Forschung auf Formen der ersten und zweiten Person konzentriert und die dritte Person vernachlässigt, obwohl explizite, funktionale Bezüge auf den intendierten Referenten einer Äußerung in der dritten Person allgegenwärtig sind und im gesamten politischen Spektrum vorkommen

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Slembrouck, Stefaan G. G. "The study of language use in its societal context : pragmatics and the representation of Parliamentary debates in newspaper discourse." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357003.

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Hoskins, Amanda. "Five Categories of "We" in a European Parliamentary Debate : A Conversation Analytic Study." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för kultur och kommunikation, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-126492.

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The aim of this thesis is to analyse the personal pronoun “we” in a political debate using Conversation Analysis as research method. More specifically, the thesis aims to identify and analyse how the speakers of a political debate use “we” to express different referential domains in terms of group affiliation. Consequently, to support the thesis’s aim, the following research questions have been devised: What different categories of “we” can be found in the debate? How and when are these different categories used to manifest group affiliation and what do they accomplish?

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Herrschaft-Iden, Marlene [Verfasser]. "Arguing About Britain and Europe in Parliamentary Discourse : Imagined Communities in Liberal Democrat Leaders’ Debate Contributions (1997–2010) / Marlene Herrschaft-Iden." Frankfurt a.M. : Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1199773727/34.

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Amao, Shade. "Why is low wages the right way to integration? : A discourse analysis searching for perceptions of justice in Swedish parliamentary debates." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-295803.

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This study has centered on the proposal for decreasing the entrance rate in order to create more jobs and integrate the increasing asylum seekers in the Swedish society. Based on a discourse analysis on the parliamentary debates “The road to the labor market” and “Integration”, this thesis examines the discourses around ‘justice’. By applying Nancy Frasers theoretical framework of justice, the arguments were analyzed in order to understand if the constructed problems were built on the dimension of recognition or redistribution and to investigate if the solutions were based on an affirmative or transformative strategy. The analysis shows that the primary justice discourse in the debate of labor and integration is the distribution dimension. The injustices that are presented in these debates are concerned with maldistribution. Affirmative strategies are mostly suggested for solutions which indicates that the politicians in the Swedish parliament have an urge to solve problems in the present instead of focusing on the future and solving the underlying structure.

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Alotaibi, Mohammad DH. "PUBLIC DISCOURSE IN KUWAIT: EXAMINING THE USE OF TWITTER AND DIWANIYA AMONG YOUNGER GENERATION IN THE DECEMBER 2012 KUWAIT PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION." OpenSIUC, 2015. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/1674.

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AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF MOHAMMAD ALOTAIBI, for the Master of Arts degree in Media Theory & Research, presented on March 31, 2015 at Southern Illinois University Carbondale. TITLE: PUBLIC DISCOURSE IN KUWAIT: EXAMINING THE USE OF TWITTER AND DIWANIYA AMONG YOUNGER GENERATION IN THE DECEMBER 2012 KUWAIT PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION MAJOR PROFESSOR: Dr. Uche Onyebadi This thesis assessed public discourse among the younger generation in Kuwait during the country's Parliamentary elections in December, 2012. The research question examined the extent to which Twitter, as a new form of social medium, became an alternative to the more traditional diwaniya, as a forum for discussing salient public issues among the younger generation. The methodological approach in this study was a combination of the online survey instrument and semi-structure interviews. Uses and Gratifications served as the theoretical framework for the study. The major finding in the study shows that Twitter was indeed an alternative to diwaniya as a forum for public discussion and information seeking among the younger generation in Kuwait during the election. Also important is the finding that there was no statistically significant difference in the use of Twitter and diwaniya among younger generation women in that electioneering period. Finally, it was found that the level of education was a significant factor among the younger generation in their use of Twitter and their attendance of diwaniya for information gathering and discussion, as a political activities unfolded in Kuwait during the election.

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Herrschaft-Iden, Marlene. "Out of the Blue or a Long Time Coming?: The Conservative Party’s Demands for an EU Referendum in Parliamentary Discourse: (1997 - 2010)." Universität Leipzig, 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A21129.

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The term ‘New Right’ refers to a strand of Conservative politics emerging in the UK during the 1970s, and flourishing mainly under Margaret Thatcher (Beech 2016: 23). The Conservative Party continued to dominate British politics until 1997, when a period of 13 years of Labour governments, from 1997 until 2010, would follow, with Tony Blair pursuing an arguably rather EU-friendly course. When the Conservatives came back to government in a coalition in 2010 and subsequently won the 2015 general election, however, Prime Minister David Cameron tried to renegotiate the relationship with the EU before implementing the election promise to hold a referendum, which resulted in the pro-Brexit vote last June and Cameron’s resignation. Cameron’s successor, Theresa May, formally notified the EU of the UK’s intention to leave on 29 March 2017, while the ultimate consequences of last year’s referendum result – though still uncertain to say the least – are gradually taking shape. The question arises how this could have happened and why these developments seem to have taken many politicians, analysts, scholars and other observers by surprise. While the Conservative party was in government, it was comparatively easy to see where their priorities lay – but their time in opposition constitutes a veritable ‘black-box’ in terms of research on the evolving discourse. This paper will argue that to understand whether the Brexit referendum really came out of the blue or indeed has been a long time coming, it is necessary to explore how the Conservative party’s discourse has developed during their time in opposition. This paper thus sets out to investigate how the Conservative discourse on Europe has developed during the 13 years of opposition, hoping to generate a better understanding of Conservative positions and policies today. The current challenges epitomised by the growing popularity of ‘New Right’ thinking must be traced back in time to unearth their origin and to help explain their growing popularity.

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19

Lehtinen, Don. "When Tweets Are Embedded, Who Gains the Upper Hand? : The Discursive Power Struggle on Finnish Digital News Articles before the 2019 Parliamentary Election." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, JMK, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-194180.

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This Master’s thesis focuses on the discursive power struggle between politicians and journalists on Finnish digital news articles where the politician’s tweets are embedded or quoted in using multimodal discourse analysis. Embedded and quoted tweets are one of the premier links between Twitter and digital news platforms but have for the most part been left out of the field of discourse analysis. This research will try to fill that gap, focusing on a time period of one month before the 2019 parliamentary election in Finland. The research material consists of 18 articles from two of the biggest digital news platforms in Finland, Iltalehti and Ilta-Sanomat. They are analyzed using Machin and Mayr’s seven-part scheme for critical discourse analysis, focusing on the embedded and quoted tweets in relation to the text’s discourse, and also the intertwined textual and the visual sides of the articles. The analysis shows that in most articles, the discourse portrayed in the tweets is not challenged by the journalist, meaning that the politicians most often come on top in the discursive power struggle. The analysis also displays that there are multiple ways of challenging the discourse, but they are seldom used in the power struggle. In conclusion, as the tweets’ discourses often go unchallenged, both the politicians and Twitter as a platform have arguably disproportionate power to influence both the discourse on digital news platforms, as well as the readers of those.

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20

Yoshida, Reiko. "Global AIDS and the politics of youth sexuality: exploring the impact of international policy frameworks on parliamentary discourse on sex education in Japan." Thesis, McGill University, 2013. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=119365.

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This dissertation presents a critical analysis of the development of policy frameworks for HIV/AIDS prevention and sex education at the international level and the impact these frameworks have had on the national discourse on sex education in Japan. In the first chapter, the author presents an autobiographical narrative positioning herself as a Japanese woman who has lived outside of Japan for over 20 years, a mother and an international civil servant employed for almost ten years in UNESCO, a specialized agency of the United Nations. This chapter also discusses the theoretical and methodological framework that guided the dissertation, namely, social constructionism and discourse analysis. Chapter two discusses how the discourse around HIV/AIDS, sexual health and youth has become a global concern over the years; information is provided on UN actions concerning HIV/AIDS. In chapter three, the development of sex education for youth since the late nineteenth century is presented; this is followed by an overview of present-day policies in selected countries. Chapter four deals with the history of sexuality in Japan and with sex education policies developed over the years. By presenting approaches to sexuality in Japan and the social position of Japanese women through history, the research shows how Japan was once a sexually tolerant society, which in time invented a tradition of chastity for women, subjecting female sexuality to the control of the state. This sociopolitically constructed gender and sexual ideology was reinforced through school education. Morality-based chastity education dominated the post-WWII era. Sex education policies in Japan changed, however, when HIV/AIDS emerged as a matter of concern at the global level in the 1980s. This chapter also discusses the fate of the pamphlet Love and Body Book, which was distributed in 2002 by the Ministry of Health, but withdrawn when it was vehemently criticized by conservative politicians and media. Chapter five analyzes parliamentary discourse on sex education in Japan between 1945 and 2012. It argues that, while the international policy frameworks on reproductive health for women and gender equality did influence the manner in which Japanese parliamentarians discussed sex education, they did not take into account in any way the three UN Declarations on HIV/AIDS, which included recommendations concerning school-based sex education and youth empowerment. Japanese parliamentarians as a rule have referred to young people in terms of innocence and protection, while denying their sexuality. The analysis of parliamentary debates reveals as recurrent topics in the field of sex education: control and sexual standardization, prevention of STIs and human rights and gender equality. But notions such as empowerment of young people or sexual pleasure are notably absent. In the concluding chapter, the author highlights that acknowledging youth sexuality and providing young people with access to relevant information about sexuality and sexual health from an early age are important starting points for developing meaningful sex education. The author further advocates the importance of evidence-based and transparent policy making, as well as the relevance of standard-setting platforms developed by the UN and its agencies.
Cette thèse présente une analyse critique sur le développement des cadres politiques relatifs à la prévention du VIH/SIDA et à l'éducation sexuelle au niveau international et leurs impacts sur le discours national concernant l'éducation sexuelle au Japon.Dans le premier chapitre, l'auteur présente un récit autobiographique qui lui permet de se positionner en tant que femme japonaise ayant vécu à l'extérieur du Japon depuis plus de 20 ans, mère et fonctionnaire international depuis près de dix ans à l'UNESCO, une institution spécialisée des Nations Unies. Ce chapitre porte également sur la théorie et la méthodologie utilisées ; le travail repose sur le constructivisme social et l'analyse du discours.Le chapitre deux explique comment le discours sur le VIH/SIDA, la santé sexuelle et les jeunes est devenu une préoccupation mondiale au cours de ces années; des informations sont fournies sur les actions des Nations Unies sur le VIH/SIDA. Dans le chapitre trois, il est fait état du développement de l'éducation sexuelle à l'égard des jeunes depuis la fin du XIXe siècle, suivi d'un aperçu des politiques actuelles dans certains pays.Le chapitre quatre traite de l'histoire de la sexualité au Japon et des politiques d'éducation sexuelle élaborées au fil des ans. En présentant les approches de la sexualité au Japon et la position sociale des femmes japonaises à travers l'histoire, la recherche montre la manière dont le Japon, société sexuellement tolérante, a, avec le temps, en particulier pendant la période Meiji (1868-1912), inventé une tradition de la chasteté pour les femmes, impliquant une sexualité féminine régit par un contrôle étatique. Cette idéologie de genre et sexuelle construite sociopolitiquement a été renforcée à travers l'éducation scolaire. L'éducation de la chasteté axée sur la moralité a dominé pendant la période précédant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Cependant, les politiques relatives à l'éducation sexuelle au Japon ont changé, lorsque le VIH/SIDA est devenu un sujet de préoccupation à l'échelle mondiale dans les années 1980. Le chapitre quatre se penche aussi sur le sort réservé à la brochure « Love and Body Book » distribuée en 2002 par le Ministère de la Santé, mais qui a été retirée suite aux violentes critiques des politiciens et médias conservateurs dont elle a été l'objet.Le chapitre cinq analyse le discours parlementaire sur l'éducation sexuelle au Japon entre 1945 et 2012. Il fait valoir que, tandis que les cadres politiques internationaux en matière de santé reproductive pour les femmes et d'égalité entre les sexes ont influencé la manière dont les parlementaires japonais ont débattu sur l'éducation sexuelle, ils n'ont jamais tenu compte des trois déclarations des Nations Unies sur le VIH/SIDA, qui comprenaient pourtant des recommandations concernant l'éducation sexuelle en milieu scolaire et l'autonomisation des jeunes. Les parlementaires japonais, en règle générale, se sont référés aux jeunes en termes d'innocence et de protection, en niant leur sexualité. L'analyse des débats parlementaires révèle que les sujets récurrents dans le domaine de l'éducation sexuelle sont les suivants : le contrôle et la normalisation sexuelle, la prévention des MTS, des droits de l'homme et de l'égalité entre les sexes. Mais des notions telles que l'autonomisation des jeunes gens, ou le plaisir sexuel sont les grands absents de ces débats.Dans le dernier chapitre, l'auteur souligne que la reconnaissance de la sexualité des jeunes et l'accès pour ces derniers à des informations pertinentes sur la sexualité et la santé sexuelle à un âge précoce sont des points de départ importants pour le développement constructif de l'éducation sexuelle. L'auteur préconise en outre l'importance de l'élaboration de politiques fondées sur des données factuelles et la transparence, ainsi que la pertinence des plateformes de normalisation élaborées par les Nations Unies et ses institutions.

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Swain, Stacie A. "Armed with an Eagle Feather Against the Parliamentary Mace: A Discussion of Discourse on Indigenous Sovereignty and Spirituality in a Settler Colonial Canada, 1990-2017." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/36887.

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Canada 150, or the sesquicentennial anniversary of Confederation, celebrates a nation-state that can be described as “settler colonial” in relation to Indigenous peoples. This thesis brings a Critical Religion and Critical Discourse Analysis methodology into conversation with Settler Colonial and Indigenous Studies to ask: how is Canadian settler colonial sovereignty enacted, and how do Indigenous peoples perform challenges to that sovereignty? The parliamentary mace and the eagle feather are conceptualized as emblematic and condensed metaphors, or metonyms, that assert and represent Canadian and Indigenous sovereignties. As a settler colonial sovereignty, established and naturalized partially through discourses on religion, Canadian sovereignty requires the displacement of Indigenous sovereignty. In events from 1990 to 2017, Indigenous people wielding eagle feathers disrupt Canadian governance and challenge the legitimacy of Canadian sovereignty. Indigenous sovereignty is (re)asserted as identity-based, oppositional, and spiritualized. Discourses on Indigenous sovereignty and spirituality provide categories and concepts through which Indigenous resistance occurs within Canada.

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22

Juhlin, Martin, and Henrik Thelander. "Vattenfall - I nationens Intresse? : En diskursanalys av den riksdagspolitiska kampen om Vattenfall." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för tema, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-93641.

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Till följd av Vattenfalls uppmärksammade investeringar i fossilbränslebaserad energiverksamhet har vi genom att analysera den riksdagspolitiska debatten kring Vattenfall, sökt efter återkommande yttranden, genom vilka vi konstruerat diskurser som står för vad riksdagspolitiska aktörer anser i frågan om det statliga styret av Vattenfall. Vi kommer fram till att det inte helt oväntat går att skapa två övergripande diskurser, där de olika politiska blocken verkar inom varsin diskurs i frågan om hur Vattenfalls miljöintentioner ska uppnås.

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23

Pereira, Braz Ana Cristina. "L'ironie dans le discours parlementaire portugais : degrès d'implicitation, indices linguistiques et stratégies discursives." Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080078.

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Le sujet de cette recherche est l´analyse sémantico-pragmatico-discursive de l´ironie dans le débat parlementaire portugais. Nous étudions plus particulièrement les degrés d´implicitation de la critique ironique, les indices, les fonctions et les stratégies discursives de l´ironie. Notre approche théorique interdisciplinaire permet de couvrir la pluralité des formes d´expression de l´ironie dans notre corpus, et elle comprend des concepts opératoires émanant notamment: de la théorie des actes de langage (Austin 1962 et Searle 1969 et 1979); des maximes conversationnelles de Grice 1975; de la perspective antiphrastique de l´ironie (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980); des théories de la polyphonie linguistique (Ducrot 1984) et de la politesse verbale (Brown & Levinson 1987 et Kerbrat-Orecchioni 2005 et 2010), ainsi que des études sur l´argumentation (Amossy 2000). La première partie de ce travail est consacrée à la caractérisation du discours parlementaire portugais et à l´analyse critique de certaines études sur l´ironie. Dans la deuxième partie, nous étudions les diverses formes de manifestation de l´ironie dans notre corpus, établissant trois grandes classes d´ironie à partir des différents degrés d´implicitation du jugement ironique; nous y dégageons également les indices d´ironie les plus fréquents. Dans la troisième partie, nous nous penchons sur les principales fonctions et stratégies discursives qui sous-tendent l´utilisation de l´ironie dans le genre discursif en question. Cette démarche nous a permis d´envisager l´ironie comme un mécanisme linguistico-discursif de nature axiologique, visant la disqualification d´autrui, au service de l´argumentation et de la persuasion
The subject of this study is a semantic, pragmatic and discursive analysis of irony in Portuguese parliamentary debate. We study in particular the implicitation degrees of ironic criticism, the signals, the functions and the discursive strategies of irony. Our interdisciplinary theoretical approach covers the multiple forms that irony takes in our corpus, and includes operating concepts deriving from : the speech act theory (Austin 1962 and Searle 1969 and 1979) ; Grice´s conversational maxims (1975) ; the antiphrastic irony´s point of view (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980) ; the linguistic theory of polyphony (Ducrot 1984) ; the verbal politeness theory (Brown & Levinson 1987 and Kerbrat-Orecchioni 2005 and 2010) and studies on argumentation (Amossy 2000). The first part of this work focuses on the characteristics of the Portuguese parliamentary discourse and on the critical analysis of different studies on irony. In the second part, we study the different forms of irony in our corpus and identify the most common signals of irony. In the third part, we focus on the main discursive functions and strategies that underlie the use of irony in the discursive genre being analysed. This approach has allowed us to conceive irony as an axiological linguistic-discursive mechanism that aims to depreciate someone, while supporting argumentation and persuasion
O objeto de estudo deste trabalho é a análise semântico-pragmático-discursiva da ironia no debate parlamentar português. São estudados em particular os graus de implicitação da crítica irónica, os índices, as funções e as estratégias discursivas da ironia. A abordagem teórica interdisciplinar permite contemplar a multiplicidade de formas de expressão da ironia no nosso corpus e inclui conceitos operatórios oriundos nomeadamente: da teoria dos atos de fala (Austin 1962 e Searle 1969 e 1979); das máximas conversacionais de Grice (1975); da perspetiva antifrástica da ironia (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980); das teorias da polifonia linguística (Ducrot 1984) e da cortesia verbal (Brown & Levinson 1987 e Kerbrat-Orecchioni 2005 e 2010), assim como dos estudos sobre a argumentação (Amossy 2000). A primeira parte do trabalho é dedicada à caracterização do discurso parlamentar português e à análise crítica de determinados estudos sobre a ironia. Na segunda parte, estudamos as várias formas de manifestação da ironia no corpus em análise, estabelecendo três grandes classes de ironia a partir dos diferentes graus de implicitação da apreciação irónica; identificamos igualmente os índices de ironia mais frequentes. Na terceira parte, debruçamo-nos sobre as principais funções e estratégias discursivas da ironia que subjazem à utilização da ironia no género discursivo em questão. Este procedimento permitiu-nos considerar a ironia como um mecanismo linguístico-discursivo de natureza axiológica, que visa a desqualificação de outrem, estando ao serviço da argumentação e da persuasão

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24

Oliveira, Maria Rodrigues de. "Discurso parlamentar: estratégias de retextualização." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2009. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/14595.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:34:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Rodrigues de Oliveira.pdf: 2144385 bytes, checksum: c5a5e3d73a93bcbd76acae283ec6c9ad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-26
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This dissertation deals with the retextualization of parliamentary debates and intends to map changes introduced by retextualizers during the transformation of parliamentary oral speeches into written texts, as well as to analyze these changes in order to understand their implications for the meaning of the text. The research is relevant because parliamentary debates contribute to the validation of Executive and Legislative acts. Translated from oral into written language, these speeches make up the annals of legislative chambers, and so become essential historic records, and can be ordered by the Courts as evidence in legal proceedings. The retextualization of these speeches, having in mind the importance of what is said in plenary sessions, should excel in their fidelity to the speaker s words and respect for his style. However, these two requirements are not always met because there are changes in the retextualization process that distance the source text (speech) from the secondary text (written). This research is based primarily on studies located in the field of Textual Linguistics and Conversation Analysis and its corpus consists of extracts from five Guarulhos City Chamber (São Paulo State) ordinary sessions that took place between 2001 and 2007. The results indicate that deletions, insertions and substitutions are the main changes made by retextualizers and that those affect the style, the speakers words and the meaning of the text
Esta dissertação trata da retextualização de discursos parlamentares e tem como objetivo o levantamento de alterações promovidas por retextualizadores na passagem de discursos parlamentares orais para a modalidade escrita, como também a análise dessas alterações com vistas às suas implicações para o sentido do texto. Justifica-se pelo fato de que os discursos parlamentares contribuem para a validação de atos dos Poderes Executivo e Legislativo. Transpostos da modalidade oral para a escrita, esses discursos compõem os anais das casas legislativas, constituindo-se em registros essenciais para a história, além de poderem ser requisitados pela Justiça para instrução de peças judiciais. A retextualização desses discursos, tendo em vista a importância do que é dito no plenário, deveria primar pela fidelidade ao dito pelo orador e pelo respeito ao seu estilo. Observa-se, porém, que esses dois itens nem sempre são atendidos, pois, no processo de retextualização, ocorrem mudanças que afastam o texto derivado (escrito) do texto fonte (oral). A investigação fundamenta-se primordialmente em estudos situados no campo da Lingüística Textual e da Análise da Conversação e tem como corpus cinco trechos de atas de sessões ordinárias da Câmara Municipal de Guarulhos, Estado de São Paulo, realizadas no período de 2001 a 2007. Os resultados indicam que eliminações, inserções e substituições são as principais alterações realizadas pelos retextualizadores que afetam o estilo, o dito do orador e o sentido do texto

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25

Pereira, Braz Ana Cristina. "L'ironie dans le discours parlementaire portugais : degrès d'implicitation, indices linguistiques et stratégies discursives." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080078.

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Le sujet de cette recherche est l´analyse sémantico-pragmatico-discursive de l´ironie dans le débat parlementaire portugais. Nous étudions plus particulièrement les degrés d´implicitation de la critique ironique, les indices, les fonctions et les stratégies discursives de l´ironie. Notre approche théorique interdisciplinaire permet de couvrir la pluralité des formes d´expression de l´ironie dans notre corpus, et elle comprend des concepts opératoires émanant notamment: de la théorie des actes de langage (Austin 1962 et Searle 1969 et 1979); des maximes conversationnelles de Grice 1975; de la perspective antiphrastique de l´ironie (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980); des théories de la polyphonie linguistique (Ducrot 1984) et de la politesse verbale (Brown & Levinson 1987 et Kerbrat-Orecchioni 2005 et 2010), ainsi que des études sur l´argumentation (Amossy 2000). La première partie de ce travail est consacrée à la caractérisation du discours parlementaire portugais et à l´analyse critique de certaines études sur l´ironie. Dans la deuxième partie, nous étudions les diverses formes de manifestation de l´ironie dans notre corpus, établissant trois grandes classes d´ironie à partir des différents degrés d´implicitation du jugement ironique; nous y dégageons également les indices d´ironie les plus fréquents. Dans la troisième partie, nous nous penchons sur les principales fonctions et stratégies discursives qui sous-tendent l´utilisation de l´ironie dans le genre discursif en question. Cette démarche nous a permis d´envisager l´ironie comme un mécanisme linguistico-discursif de nature axiologique, visant la disqualification d´autrui, au service de l´argumentation et de la persuasion
The subject of this study is a semantic, pragmatic and discursive analysis of irony in Portuguese parliamentary debate. We study in particular the implicitation degrees of ironic criticism, the signals, the functions and the discursive strategies of irony. Our interdisciplinary theoretical approach covers the multiple forms that irony takes in our corpus, and includes operating concepts deriving from : the speech act theory (Austin 1962 and Searle 1969 and 1979) ; Grice´s conversational maxims (1975) ; the antiphrastic irony´s point of view (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980) ; the linguistic theory of polyphony (Ducrot 1984) ; the verbal politeness theory (Brown & Levinson 1987 and Kerbrat-Orecchioni 2005 and 2010) and studies on argumentation (Amossy 2000). The first part of this work focuses on the characteristics of the Portuguese parliamentary discourse and on the critical analysis of different studies on irony. In the second part, we study the different forms of irony in our corpus and identify the most common signals of irony. In the third part, we focus on the main discursive functions and strategies that underlie the use of irony in the discursive genre being analysed. This approach has allowed us to conceive irony as an axiological linguistic-discursive mechanism that aims to depreciate someone, while supporting argumentation and persuasion
O objeto de estudo deste trabalho é a análise semântico-pragmático-discursiva da ironia no debate parlamentar português. São estudados em particular os graus de implicitação da crítica irónica, os índices, as funções e as estratégias discursivas da ironia. A abordagem teórica interdisciplinar permite contemplar a multiplicidade de formas de expressão da ironia no nosso corpus e inclui conceitos operatórios oriundos nomeadamente: da teoria dos atos de fala (Austin 1962 e Searle 1969 e 1979); das máximas conversacionais de Grice (1975); da perspetiva antifrástica da ironia (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980); das teorias da polifonia linguística (Ducrot 1984) e da cortesia verbal (Brown & Levinson 1987 e Kerbrat-Orecchioni 2005 e 2010), assim como dos estudos sobre a argumentação (Amossy 2000). A primeira parte do trabalho é dedicada à caracterização do discurso parlamentar português e à análise crítica de determinados estudos sobre a ironia. Na segunda parte, estudamos as várias formas de manifestação da ironia no corpus em análise, estabelecendo três grandes classes de ironia a partir dos diferentes graus de implicitação da apreciação irónica; identificamos igualmente os índices de ironia mais frequentes. Na terceira parte, debruçamo-nos sobre as principais funções e estratégias discursivas da ironia que subjazem à utilização da ironia no género discursivo em questão. Este procedimento permitiu-nos considerar a ironia como um mecanismo linguístico-discursivo de natureza axiológica, que visa a desqualificação de outrem, estando ao serviço da argumentação e da persuasão

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26

Akbas, Meral. "A Sociological Analysis On Recent Decentralization Practices In Global And Turkish Contexts." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608238/index.pdf.

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The debates over the structure of the Turkish government in the context of Public Administration Reform that point to restructuration of state and/or to re-organization of social relations between state, market and &
#8216
civil society&
#8217
have gained momentum especially since the arrival of draft law about Main Principles of Public Administration and Restructuring of Public Administration to the Turkish Parliament. This thesis attempts to analyze the debate on recent public administration reform in Turkey in the contexts of the socio-economic transformations of new capitalism/neo-liberalism within the notion of decentralization and of how/in what ways the neoliberal policies have been legitimated within the specific historical context of Turkish public administration reform. The purpose of the study is to understand the connection between the legal text of public sector reform and the social context in which these legal regulations find their meanings. For this aim, the debate on public administration reform in the Turkish Parliament was argued as a discursive battlefield where the demands and interests of the conflicting social groups &
#8216
clash&
#8217
with each other. Therefore, this study concentrates its attention on the critical analysis of the discursive acts of the Justice and Development Party government, and of the Republican People&
#8217
s Party on reform for understanding how both authority/legitimacy and resistance/de-legitimacy are (re)produced within the parliamentary debates/discourse.

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27

Manole, Veronica. "O debate parlamentar em português (Portugal, Brasil) e romeno : abordagem pragmático-discursiva." Thesis, Paris 8, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA080076.

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Le sujet de cette thèse est l’analyse comparative des débats parlementaires portugais, brésiliens et roumains, dans l’optique de l’organisation interactionnelle et de l’usage des formes d’adresse (Carreira 1997). Du point de vue théorique, notre étude s’appuie sur la linguistique interactionnelle (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1990), sur l’analyse du discours politique (Charaudeau 2005) et du discours parlementaire (Ilie 2006; Marques 2000). Après un préambule juridico-politique, qui présente le fonctionnement des parlements dans les trois pays choisis (Portugal, Brésil, Roumanie), nous analysons, dans la première partie de la thèse, les transcriptions officielles des réunions parlementaires en tant que corpus pour l’étude linguistique. Ensuite, nous nous concentrons sur les particularités de la structure séquentielle des débats – ouverture, corps, clôture –, la négociation du tour de parole et les stratégies d’éviter les réponses aux questions. La deuxième partie de la thèse se penche sur les usages de formes d’adresse dans la construction des auto-images et hétéro-images et dans la configuration de la distance interlocutive. Cette approche nous a permis de dégager quelques particularités de chaque sous-corpus: les débats portugais sont plus proches du protocole parlementaire (structure micro-séquentielle plus rigide, usage quasi exclusif des formes nominales d’adresse institutionnelles), alors que dans les débats brésiliens et roumains il y a plus de flexibilité dans la construction micro-séquentielle (les actes rituels sont plus fréquents) aussi bien que dans l’usage des formes d’adresse plus variées (relationnelles, académiques, professionnelles, génériques)
The subject of this thesis is the comparative analysis of Portuguese, Brazilian and Romanian parliamentary debates, from the point of view of interactional organization and address terms uses (Carreira 1997). Our theoretical framework is interactional linguistics (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1990), political discourse analysis (Charaudeau 2005) and parliamentary discourse analysis (Ilie 2006; Marques 2000). After a legal and political preamble that presents how parliaments in the three selected countries (Portugal, Brazil, Romania) work, we analyse, in the first part of the thesis, the official transcripts of parliamentary sittings as a corpus for linguistic studies. Then we focus on the characteristics of the sequential structure of the debates – opening, body, closing –, negotiation of turn taking and evasion strategies in answering questions. The second part of the thesis focuses on the uses of address terms in constructing images of the self and of the others and the configuration of interlocutive distance. This approach has allowed us to identify a few characteristics of each sub-corpus: Portuguese debates are closer to the parliamentary protocol (the micro-sequential structure is more rigid, nominal institutional address forms are used almost exclusively), while in Brazilian and Romanian debates there is more flexibility both in the micro-sequential construction (ritual acts are more frequent) and in the wider range of address forms used (relational, academic, professional, generic)

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Manole, Veronica. "O debate parlamentar em português (Portugal, Brasil) e romeno : abordagem pragmático-discursiva." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA080076.

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Le sujet de cette thèse est l’analyse comparative des débats parlementaires portugais, brésiliens et roumains, dans l’optique de l’organisation interactionnelle et de l’usage des formes d’adresse (Carreira 1997). Du point de vue théorique, notre étude s’appuie sur la linguistique interactionnelle (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1990), sur l’analyse du discours politique (Charaudeau 2005) et du discours parlementaire (Ilie 2006; Marques 2000). Après un préambule juridico-politique, qui présente le fonctionnement des parlements dans les trois pays choisis (Portugal, Brésil, Roumanie), nous analysons, dans la première partie de la thèse, les transcriptions officielles des réunions parlementaires en tant que corpus pour l’étude linguistique. Ensuite, nous nous concentrons sur les particularités de la structure séquentielle des débats – ouverture, corps, clôture –, la négociation du tour de parole et les stratégies d’éviter les réponses aux questions. La deuxième partie de la thèse se penche sur les usages de formes d’adresse dans la construction des auto-images et hétéro-images et dans la configuration de la distance interlocutive. Cette approche nous a permis de dégager quelques particularités de chaque sous-corpus: les débats portugais sont plus proches du protocole parlementaire (structure micro-séquentielle plus rigide, usage quasi exclusif des formes nominales d’adresse institutionnelles), alors que dans les débats brésiliens et roumains il y a plus de flexibilité dans la construction micro-séquentielle (les actes rituels sont plus fréquents) aussi bien que dans l’usage des formes d’adresse plus variées (relationnelles, académiques, professionnelles, génériques)
The subject of this thesis is the comparative analysis of Portuguese, Brazilian and Romanian parliamentary debates, from the point of view of interactional organization and address terms uses (Carreira 1997). Our theoretical framework is interactional linguistics (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1990), political discourse analysis (Charaudeau 2005) and parliamentary discourse analysis (Ilie 2006; Marques 2000). After a legal and political preamble that presents how parliaments in the three selected countries (Portugal, Brazil, Romania) work, we analyse, in the first part of the thesis, the official transcripts of parliamentary sittings as a corpus for linguistic studies. Then we focus on the characteristics of the sequential structure of the debates – opening, body, closing –, negotiation of turn taking and evasion strategies in answering questions. The second part of the thesis focuses on the uses of address terms in constructing images of the self and of the others and the configuration of interlocutive distance. This approach has allowed us to identify a few characteristics of each sub-corpus: Portuguese debates are closer to the parliamentary protocol (the micro-sequential structure is more rigid, nominal institutional address forms are used almost exclusively), while in Brazilian and Romanian debates there is more flexibility both in the micro-sequential construction (ritual acts are more frequent) and in the wider range of address forms used (relational, academic, professional, generic)

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Canales-Caballero, Alvaro-Alonso. "Proceso de revocatoria a Susana Villarán De La Puente: el debate en la "Exposición de motivos”." Bachelor's thesis, Universidad de Lima, 2017. http://repositorio.ulima.edu.pe/handle/ulima/4684.

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Con motivo del proceso de revocatoria a la exalcaldesa de Lima Susana Villarán De La Puente del año 2013, el presente artículo pretende determinar el papel que cumplen los debates televisados en el marco de una revocatoria; a razón de ello, se postula como objetivos específicos el análisis de las estrategias discursivas, la clasificación de la orientación temática y el estudio del lenguaje audiovisual
Trabajo de investigación

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Huff, Ariella Rachel. "Parliamentary discourses on the European security and defence policy in Britain, Ireland and Poland, 1998-2008." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610552.

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El, Fellah Souad. "L'apostrophe dans les discours parlementaires en France et au Maroc : approche comparative." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016MON30081/document.

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L'apostrophe est un marqueur de coénonciation et d'altérité dans le genre du discours les Questions au gouvernement. C'est une entité structurante incorporant soi-même et l'autre dans l'échange pendant l'exercice institutionnel Question / Réponse. Elle conforte la relation interpersonnelle préétablie par et dans la scène institutionnelle en déterminant les types de relations interpersonnelles sous-jacentes qui s'établissent entre les coénonciateurs dans la situation de face-à-face
The apostrophe is a marker of coenonciation and otherness in the kind of the speech the Questions to the government. It is a structuring entity incorporating oneself and the other in the exchange during the institutional exercise Question / Answer. It consolidates the interpersonal relationship preestablished by and in the institutional scene by determining the types of subjacent interpersonal relationships which are established between the coénonciateurs in the situation of face-to-face discussion

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Al-Faris, Khamael Hasan Naji. "Immigration policy and the role of political discourses in the relationship between foreign nationals and crime in England and Wales." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/4576.

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Significant criminological attention has been given to the relationship between immigration and crime. However, this relationship has not been researched in the UK to any great extent, and consequently the information on the UK context is limited. This research investigates how the criminality of foreign nationals have been constructed by examining the nature of immigration policy, foreign criminality discourses, and the media in the UK to understand how crime in particular has been used to define, refine, and inform control of immigrants. This study refers to the legislative, policy, and political factors that underpin this process, and particularly explains how immigration policy and political debates have emphasised the criminality of foreign nationals in the UK. In order to achieve these goals, this research reviews a brief history of British immigration policy and legislation and outlines the connections made between foreign nationals and non-immigration criminal offences. In addition, secondary data from different British institutions and data collected via the Freedom of Information Act 2000 have been used to illustrate the level of foreigners’ criminality as well as the type of crimes compared to the British representation. Finally, Parliamentary debates and related political discourses have been used to examine the role of politics has in reinforcing the relationship between foreign nationals and crime and elevating negative public sentiment and the relationship with media reports. This research highlights the limitations of existing data relating to the criminality of foreign nationals in offending records in England and Wales, partly due to the disorganised recording of offender nationality. This study reveals that nationality is the new racism; whilst immigration has become a central focus in political and public discourses on crime they as a group in statistical terms exhibit low levels of offending but are more likely to be imprisoned for less serious crimes. The relationship between foreign nationals and crimes is thus a political issue rather than a legal one. As such, foreign nationals supposed criminality has been used to control immigration, avoid the blame of failing policies, gain electoral votes, and facilitate changes in immigration and crime policies.

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Chen, Ting-Yi, and 陳亭伊. "The Pragmatic Functions of Discourse Marker Hǎo in Parliamentary Discourse." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/e9kbbu.

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碩士
國立臺北科技大學
應用英文系碩士班
105
Discourse markers, linguistic expressions, can be observed in spontaneous speech. Speakers use discourse markers as cohesive devices for giving fluent speech. Other than maintaining cohesion (Schiffrin, 1987), discourse markers enable speakers to figure out how to express ideas that fit the speakers’ intention in communicative interaction. With regard to the desire to avoid conflicts and the wish to maintain social relationship, the pragmatic functions deserve more attention in the field. Studies of discourse markers within pragmatics grow rapidly. Discourse markers that function on the interpersonal level are emphasized. A pragmatic approach is taken to shed light on how people interpret particular utterance and how the marker operates in actual usage to maintain social relationships. Researchers have carried out research studies to explore the discourse-pragmatic functions of discourse markers in casual conversation, adolescent talk, peer interaction and TV/radio interview. However, little attention has been paid to pragmatic functions of a particular individual marker within a specific context regarding power differential in previous studies. Therefore, the purpose of the study is to delve into pragmatic functions of Chinese discourse marker hǎo in parliamentary discourse. Drawing on the analytic framework of politeness, how discourse marker hǎo operates in the context in relation to power differential was further interpreted. The data included 1011 tokens of hǎo in total collected from parliamentary discourses, which consists of exchanges by parliamentarians and government officials and have been orthographically transcribed. The discourses were selected from the official documentary records, which are the unsolicited transcription archives, of a session which was held from March 27 to June 4 in 2014. The results show that the discourse marker hǎo in parliamentary discourse signaled fourteen pragmatic functions, including to agree, to express understanding, to express an opinion, to bring up an issue, to elaborate, to request, to attract attention, backchannels, to hold the floor, to query, to express disagreement, to vie for a turn, to make a promise, and to complete negotiation. Moreover, in terms of the perspectives of politeness maxims as well as politeness strategies, based on the dichotomy of participants, parliamentarians and government officials, the present data showed that speakers in parliamentary interaction used tact, agreement and approbation maxims (Leech, 1983) while negotiating issues. Other than politeness maxims, the parliamentarians enacted both positive and negative face saving acts (Brown & Levinson, 1987) to meet the fact want and to mitigate threats to the negative face of others, while the government officials adopted only positive politeness strategy in the communication.

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Viola, Ana Isabel Serra Gonçalves. "A gestão do ethos político: estudo das estratégias argumentativas de descredibilização e persuasão no debate sobre o estado da Nação." Doctoral thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.2/11398.

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A presente tese contempla o estudo da gestão do ethos político através de uma análise retóricopragmática das estratégias de descredibilização e persuasão no subgénero de discurso político parlamentar debate sobre o estado da Nação, numa perspetiva teórica da argumentação no discurso (Amossy, [2000]), integrada na Análise do Discurso. No primeiro capítulo da análise, centramo-nos no funcionamento das figuras do discurso identificadas no contradiscurso e sua refutação e evidenciamos o seu valor pragmático na conquista da adesão do auditório a uma imagem desvalorizadora do adversário, salientando o seu contributo para a gestão do ethos dos oradores. A identificação e análise das tipologias de argumentos utilizadas pelos oradores, realizada no segundo capítulo da análise, permite-nos categorizar as várias configurações argumentativas utilizadas no discurso parlamentar no género em estudo. No terceiro capítulo, estudamos os procedimentos retórico-discursivos adotados no contradiscurso e sua refutação, portanto, na sua dimensão polémica, procurando observar quais as estratégias mobilizadas pelos políticos para preservar e salvar a sua face, bem como para a construção ou afirmação de uma identidade política. Através do tipo de argumentação, bem como dos procedimentos retóricos mobilizados e da forma como se processa a interação agonal, reconstruímos os tipos de ethè (individuais e coletivos) discursivos dos oradores e procuramos mostrar que o ethos que os políticos desejam projetar (Charaudeau, [2005]) é inverso à imagem desvalorizadora que constroem do adversário. Concluímos que a construção e gestão do ethos político se configura como uma forma de legitimação política que revela não apenas conflitos ideológicos mas que denuncia, sobretudo, estratégias de posicionamento.
The present PhD thesis covers the study of political ethos management through a rhetoricalpragmatic analysis of discredit and persuasion strategies in the parliamentary debate on the state of the Nation, in a theoretical perspective of argumentation in discourse (Amossy, [2000]), integrated into the Discourse Analysis. In the first chapter, we focus on the functioning of the discourse figures identified in the counter-discourse and on their refutal. We also bring attention to the pragmatic value of the discourse figures in winning the audience's support to a devaluing image of the opponent, thus highlighting their contribution to the management of the speakers' ethos. The identification and the analysis of the types of arguments used by the speakers carried out in the second chapter, allow us to categorize the various argumentative configurations used in the parliamentary political discourse in the genre under study. In the third chapter, we not only study the rhetorical-discursive procedures adopted in the counter-discourse and their refutation, that is, in their controversial dimension, but we also seek to observe which strategies are mobilized by politicians to preserve and save their face, as well as to carry out the construction or affirmation of an identity policy. Through the type of the argument, as well as the mobilized rhetorical procedures and the way agonal interaction is processed, we reconstruct the speakers’ types of (individual and collective) discursive ethè and we attempt to demonstrate that the ethos politicians want to project (Charaudeau, [ 2005]) is contrary to the devaluing image they build of the opponent. We conclude by stating that the construction and management of the political ethosis shaped as a form of political legitimation that not only reveals ideological conflicts but, above all, discloses positioning strategies.

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Teixeira, António Pedro dos Santos. "As relações pós-coloniais no discurso parlamentar português (1976-1980)." Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/35136.

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Esta investigação pretende estudar as relações pós-coloniais no discurso parlamentar português (1976-1980) através de sessões plenárias. Atendemos à natureza democrática e constitucional do Parlamento eleito, à sua competência política e legislativa e representatividade popular para compreender o relacionamento com outras entidades. Concebemos este discurso político como um produto do debate entre os partidos políticos, confrontando as suas semelhanças e divergências. O pós-colonialismo é assumido neste trabalho no seu sentido histórico. Quanto ao significado identitário deste termo, questionamos as rupturas e continuidades no discurso parlamentar como consequência da perda do Império, dos efeitos da descolonização e da configuração da identidade nacional. A caracterização das relações pós-coloniais depende deste período cronológico pós-revolucionário, da natureza do regime semipresidencial, das dinâmicas de relacionamento entre Órgãos de Soberania, da singularidade deste primeiro Parlamento e das contingências do trabalho parlamentar. A vocação e orientação da política externa portuguesa também pesa na nossa investigação. Entre o europeísmo propulsor da integração comunitária e uma noção universalista e ecuménica que privilegia as relações com o antigo espaço colonial, a Assembleia da República procura um novo posicionamento internacional para a Democracia portuguesa. Particularmente quanto ao antigo Império, atendemos à construção de laços com os países africanos de língua oficial portuguesa acompanhada de desígnios fraternais e cooperação entre Estados, mas questionando o protesto e os assuntos do contencioso colonial. Medimos a posição do Hemiciclo a este propósito, sublinhando as dificuldades associadas às tentativas de normalização das relações diplomáticas com o antigo Ultramar. Quanto à descolonização, examinamos o impacto do Retorno considerando as declarações políticas sobre o assunto e analisando a avaliação dos seus efeitos. Discutindo os problemas de integração no território europeu, tentamos observar o comprometimento dos parlamentares com as propostas de acolhimento dos fluxos migratórios nesta nova Democracia europeia. Constatando as diferentes linhas políticas de abordagem das relações pós-coloniais na casa da Democracia, tentamos pesar os conflitos e alinhamentos expostos na Assembleia da República. Alguns padrões homogéneos podem reflectir um consenso pós-colonial no diálogo da identidade nacional portuguesa com o passado próximo. As conclusões sugerem algumas pistas para futuras investigações.
This investigation intends to study the post-colonial relations in the Portuguese parliamentary discourse (1976-1980) through the plenary sessions. We considered the democratic and constitutional nature of the elected Parliament, its political and legislative competence and popular representation to understand the relationship with other entities. We conceive this political discourse as a product of the political parties’ dialogue, confronting its similarities and differences. The post-colonialism is assumed in this work in its historical sense. With regards to the identity significance of this term, we questioned the disruptions and continuities in parliamentary discourse as the loss of the Empire, the decolonization’s effects and the configuration of national identity. The characterization of the post-colonial relations depends on this post-revolutionary period, on the nature of the semi-presidential regimen, the relationship’s dynamics between Sovereignty institutions, the singularity of this first democratic parliament and on the parliamentary labour contingencies. The vocation and orientation of the Portuguese foreign policy also weights in our investigation. Between the Europeanism propulsive of the Community integration and the universalist and ecumenic notion which privilege the relations with the ancient colonial area, the Assembly of the Republic seeks for a new international position for the Portuguese Democracy. Particularly in respect to the ancient Empire, we consider the building ties with the Portuguese-speaking African countries (PALOP) among fraternal designs and cooperation between States, while questioning the political protest and colonial litigation affairs. We measure the position of the chamber on this purpose, underlining the difficulties associated to the attempts to normalize the diplomatic relations with the ancient Ultramar. On the decolonization theme, we examine the impact of the Retorno by considering the political statements on this issue and analysing the evaluation of its effects. Discussing the problems of integration in the European territory, we aim to observe the parliamentarian’s commitment with the proposals to host the migration flows in this new European Democracy. Realising the different political lines of approach of post-colonial relations in the house of Democracy, we seek to balance the conflicts and alignments exposed in the Assembly of the Republic. Some homogenic patterns may reflect a post-colonial consensus on the dialogue of Portuguese national identity with the recent past. The conclusions suggest some clues for future investigations.

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Moore, Hayley. "Stop Me If You've Heard This One Before." 2020. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A38856.

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Discourse pervades all areas of human activity. Beyond the use of verbal communication, discourse also extends to non-verbal elements such as body language, facial expressions, intonation and laughter. Despite the wide range of studies that examine the structures and nature of political discourse, very few have looked at the ways in which politicians use non-verbal elements and, in particular, laughter as part of their discourse strategies. This study looks at the use of laughter in the German Bundestag by analysing 16,000 observations of laughter taken from the transcripts of 847 plenary sessions spanning four electoral terms. The study finds that laughter can be used by politicians as a non-verbal means of expressing opinion and making a statement without breaking the stringent rules of conduct. The use of laughter in parliament can provide information on party alliances, both current and traditional, as well as the general ‘mood’ of the electoral period. Due to the changing nature of political debates and the increasing rejection of ‘traditional’ means of doing politics, fascinating changes are taking place in the political landscape.:1 Introduction 2 Discourse analysis 2.1 Political discourse analysis 2.2 Parliamentary debates 2.2.1 According to Klein 2.2.2 Parliamentary discourse as monologue, dialogue or trialogue? 2.2.3 Interjections as parliamentary discourse 2.3 Non-verbal communication 3 Humour 3.1 Humour in politics 3.2 The study of humour in politics 4 Background 4.1 The German Bundestag 4.2 Stenographic reports 4.2.1 Written or spoken language? 4.2.2 The difference between Lachen and Heiterkeit 4.3 Electoral term specifics 5 Data 5.1 Hypotheses 5.2 Description of the analysis 6 Results 7 Discussion 7.1 Reflections 7.2 Outlook 8 Conclusion References

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Álvares, Maria Eugénia Cotta Patrício. "Discursos de mudança: igualdade de oportunidades em 30 anos de políticas educativas em Portugal." Doctoral thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/20504.

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A mudança em políticas de educação é, em Portugal, um tema controverso. Por um lado, há quem critique a sistemática mudança, por outro, quem considere que a educação pouco mudou, apelando à transformação. Mas o que nos diz uma investigação centrada no tema? Com recurso à análise de discurso de 30 anos de debates no parlamento português, esta pesquisa centra-se nas mudanças ocorridas, focando um dos seus aspetos centrais: a trajetória das ideias políticas sobre igualdade de oportunidades. Para isso, explora fontes de legitimação e recursos de autoridade usados pelos partidos, como o conhecimento científico ou as recomendações das organizações nacionais e internacionais (OCDE e UE), investigando a sua relação com a mudança. Com um foco paralelo na tomada de decisão, as medidas implementadas desde 1986 são alvo de meta-análise e, a partir de normativos, relatórios e estatísticas, reconstroem-se dinâmicas de decisão e ação política, identificando e interpretando ligações e relações entre discursos e práticas. A investigação revelou um quadro que combina, de forma variável, persistências e mudanças de discurso com continuidades e transformações nas políticas, da qual emergem transformações graduais, mas significativas no conceito de igualdade de oportunidades. Se as ideias de falhanço, rutura e mudança são mobilizadas para transmitir uma perspetiva de alternativa entre propostas partidárias, a análise de políticas por ciclo político evidencia processos menos abruptos de ensaio e ajuste de estratégias, que resultaram na melhoria global de resultados, tanto em alargamento da escolarização da população, como relativos à qualidade dos processos escolares e de sucesso educativo.
In Portugal, change in education policies is a controversial issue. On the one hand, there are those who criticize systematic change; on the other, those who consider that education has changed little, calling for transformation. But what can research focused on policy change tell us? Using discourse analysis of 30 years of debates in the Portuguese parliament, this research centres on changes that have occurred during this time, targeting one of its central aspects: the trajectory of political ideas on equal opportunities. To this end, it explores sources of legitimacy and resources of authority used by parties, such as scientific knowledge or the recommendations of national and international organizations (OECD and EU), investigating their impact on policy changes. With a parallel focus on the process of decision-making, it also subjects the measures implemented since 1986 to meta-analysis and, by the study of legislation, statistics and reports, reconstructs the dynamics of decision-making and political action, identifying and interpreting links and relationships between discourses and practices. The investigation reveals a picture that combines, in different ways, continuity and change in discourse with permanency and transformation in policies, from which gradual but significant changes to the concept of ‘equality of opportunities’ emerges. While the ideas of ‘failure’, ‘rupture’ and ‘change’ are mobilized to convey an impression of change on party proposals, analysis to policies adopted throughout different political cycles reveal a different truth: less abrupt processes of testing, whose adjustments have led to the overall improvement of results, both in school access to school and in improving the quality of school processes leading to educational success.

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Nevrkla, Lukáš. "Srovnání "hedging" (atenuace) v politickém diskurzu britské a australské angličtiny." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-353307.

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The thesis analyses the pragmatic aspects of the language of political discourse in the particular context of the institute of parliamentary question time. The thesis examines and compares the use of hedging in the context of other communication management strategies (e.g., evasion, reformulation, dodging a footing shift) in the British House of Commons and in the Australian House of Representatives. In addition, the thesis seeks to test the methodological approaches and verify the conclusions reached in previous research, especially by Alan Partington (2003) and Bruce Fraser (2010). Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

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Chari, Tendai Joseph. "Press-citizen interface in a fragile society: mapping press and citizen discourses on election violence during presidential and parliamentary elections in Zimbabwe, 2000-2013." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/22743.

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Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Media Studies, 2016
Many African countries have been holding regular elections since the “Third Wave” of democratisation which reintroduced multi-party politics on the African continent, but few of these elections meet the democratic litmus test, due to, among other factors, the prevalence of election violence. The press has been justifiably or unjustifiably indicted for these imbroglios on account of alleged transgressions linked to its overt or covert incitement to violence. In the ensuing political contestations, citizens bear the burden of diminished prospects of credible information occasioned by a highly politicised press. In the Southern African region, there is no better case to illustrate the entanglement of the press in electoral contestations than Zimbabwe. This study is a qualitative exploration of press and citizen discourses on election violence during the presidential and parliamentary elections held in Zimbabwe between 2000 and 2013. A Foucauldian discursive analytic approach was used to analyse the representation of election violence in two-state-owned and four privately-owned newspapers during presidential and parliamentary elections held over the specified period spanning thirteen years. The study also examined how these press discourses interrelate with citizen discourses. Empirical data were drawn from a corpus of archival textual data comprising hard news and feature articles published in The Herald, The Sunday Mail, The Zimbabwe Independent, The Financial Gazette, Newsday and the Daily News. In-depth interviews were conducted with purposively targeted journalists and editors from the selected newspapers. In addition, in-depth-interviews were held with twenty-one (21) regular newspaper readers who were also politically engaged citizens. The main observation was that press representation of election violence was marked by antagonistic discursive practices reflective of the rivulets of political and ideological bifurcation. Consequently, competing and politically expedient journalistic philosophies emerged. The state-owned press used a model of ‘national interest’ journalism while the privately-owned press preferred the ‘human-rights’ model which crystallized into an over-arching ‘activist journalism’. This ‘activist’ journalistic approach found expression through an array of anti-democratic press discursive practices epitomised by selectivity, silence and salience, the consequence of which was that citizens were starved of credible and impartial information. This thesis argues that the anti-democratic discursive practices deployed by the press camps blunted the citizenry’s critical engagement with the exact motivations, causes and manifestations of election violence. These anti-democratic discursive practices have a potential to engender a culture of political intolerance with long-term consequences that predispose society to political conflict rather than consensus building.
MT2017

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Parliamentary discourse'

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