Relevant bibliographies by topics / Parliamentary discourse

Academic literature on the topic 'Parliamentary discourse'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 22 June 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Parliamentary discourse"

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Ragozina, Sofya. "Official Discourse on Islam and Islamic Discourse in Contemporary Russia." Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (April 5, 2021): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2019.6.1.47.

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This paper considers intertextuality between official discourse on Islam and Islamic discourse in contemporary Russia. This divide between discourses transmitted by government agencies and Russian Muslim leaders allows for an analysis of the differences and similarities between them. A major goal of this paper is to identify the origins of these modern discourses on Islam. To this end, it examines analytical parliamentary papers and transcripts of parliamentary meetings, but also expert materials from the Russian media and results of public opinion polls, in order to demonstrate how the idea of ‘fighting Islam’ flows across discourses to become a dominant discourse in the Russian political sphere. Analysis of Russian Muslim leaders’ rhetoric demonstrates close semantic connections with government discourse (not just on Islam), insofar as their rhetoric is full of conceptual metaphors indicating loyalty to the ruling elite.
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Соколов and Andrey Sokolov. "ANTI-CRISIS PROGRAMS IN THE DISCOURSE OF RUSSIAN PARLIAMENTARY POLITICAL PARTIES." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 5 (October 20, 2015): 68–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/14296.

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In the article the display of political discourses of Russian parliamentary political parties in economic crisis of 2014 is examined. The translation of anti-crisis programs through the party crisis discourse is studied. On the basis of the comparative analysis of the data of official websites of four Russian parliamentary political parties, conclusions about similarities and differences in critical discourses of parties are drawn, especially public presentation of anti-crisis programs in 2008 - 2012. Special attention is paid to the fact that during the economic crisis new Russian parliamentary political parties formed certain anti-crisis suggestions and made an effort to translate these suggestions through its crisis discourse.
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Archakis, Argiris, and Villy Tsakona. "Parliamentary discourse in newspaper articles." Journal of Language and Politics 8, no. 3 (December 15, 2009): 359–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.8.3.02arc.

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The present paper aims, first, at analysing how and why parliamentary debates are transformed into newspaper articles with a narrative-like format; and, second, at proposing a model for integrating this kind of material and analysis into a literacy-based language teaching programme. Our data consists of Greek parliamentary proceedings and newspaper articles on parliamentary debates. Based on the critical discourse analysis framework and the social constructionist paradigm, we support the claim that the linguistic construction of social events in the press aims at creating and/or maintaining a bond between the newspapers and the readers sharing the same political and ideological standpoints. In this context, we suggest that getting familiar with the linguistic resources and discourse practices used in parliamentary and media discourse is crucial for developing a critical awareness of these genres. Finally, specific tasks are proposed aiming at reinforcing students’ critical awareness of newspaper articles on parliamentary debates.
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Bakhchivanzhi, A. V. "REGULATORY COMMUNICATIVE STRATEGY IN THE UKRAINIAN PARLIAMENTARY DISCOURSE." Opera in linguistica ukrainiana, no. 30 (October 23, 2023): 292–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2414-0627.2023.30.283889.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the Ukrainian parliamentary discourse in terms of the communicative behavior of its participants, in particular, the implementation of communicative strategies of its participants. The concepts of political discourse and parliamentary discourse as a manifestation of the latter are defined; genre features of Ukrainian parliamentary discourse are revealed and to characterize parliamentary debates as the main speech genre. The main communicative strategies of politicians - participants in the Ukrainian parliamentary discourse are outlined and the linguistic means of implementing communicative strategies are analyzed. The study is focused on the communicative behavior of the chairman of the Verkhovna Rada meetings, who performs the communicative role of the moderator and chooses regulatory as the main strategy of communicative behavior in the parliamentary discourse. The purpose of the article is to determine the role of the regulatory strategy in the Ukrainian parliamentary discourse. The object of the study is the Ukrainian parliamentary discourse, the subject of the study is the speech behavior of the “moderator” of the parliamentary debates in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. The transcripts of the meetings of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine for 2022-2023 served as the research material. The speech behavior of the speaker is considered - the chairman of the meetings is the speaker of the Verkhovna Rada or his deputy, who acts as a moderator at the parliamentary debates: announces the agenda, gives the floor, sums up what was said, etc. Participants in parliamentary debates take turns speaking in the discussion: in most cases, the topic of discussion is set by one politician who presents the draft law, and the deputies criticize or support his speech. The regulatory strategy is subordinated to the observance of procedural norms and rules during parliamentary debates, the information strategy provides for the notification of new and operational information to the participants of the parliamentary discourse. The study deepens the theoretical foundations of political linguistics, discourse studies and linguistic pragmatics; theories of speech genres and communicative strategies.
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Abrahamyan, Samvel. "Linguocultural Peculiarities of British Parliamentary Discourse." Armenian Folia Anglistika 12, no. 2 (16) (October 17, 2016): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/afa/2016.12.2.123.

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Peculiarities of British parliamentary discourse are largely conditioned by context models of its participants, which influence the style and linguistic forms of their speeches. As context models are culturally predetermined, linguistic means used in parliamentary discourse have also certain linguocultural peculiarities. Centuries-old traditions of British parliamentary system find their reflection in the language and form an essential part of British parliamentary discourse. The adherence to these communicative norms, including different rituals, ceremonies and traditions peculiar to British political life and British political discourse, has a special symbolic meaning and is aimed at maintaining stability of the political system, respect for the state power and its authority.
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Konstantinova, Anna, Svetlana Anufrienko, Madina Abazalieva, Arevik Gevorgyan, and Elena Soloveva. "Political discourse and the study of parliamentary communication: a comparative analysis." SHS Web of Conferences 69 (2019): 00007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196900007.

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The article is devoted to an analytical review of the main areas of theoretical and applied research of parliamentary communication, among which a special attention is given to the theory of political discourse and political linguistics. The prospects for a comparative study of public parliamentary communication are outlined as oneof the comparatively not studied components of political discourse. Today parliamentary discourse, being one of the components of political discourse, is the subject and object of several humanitarian disciplines. The main system-forming factor of parliamentary discourse is its institutionality, which determines both the form and the content of parliamentary communication. The development of parliamentary communication as a democratic form of exercising state power is influenced by historical, social and cultural progress of mankind as a whole, and the specifics of achieving this progress in separate countries. Despite the existence of a universal democratic framework that determines the status of parliament as a social institution in different countries, its activities have national and cultural specifics. Comparison and identification of universal and national-cultural-specific language features of the parliamentary discourse in different countries are the urgent tasks for political linguistics to fulfill.
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Kondratenko, Nataliia V., Anastisiia A. Kiselova, and Liubov V. Zavalska. "Strategies and Tactics of Communication in Parliamentary Discourse." Studies About Languages, no. 36 (July 1, 2020): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.sal.0.36.23401.

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The study contains an outline of the results of linguo-pragmatic analysis of the speech behavior of politicians who are participants of parliamentary discourse. The concept of parliamentary discourse is defined as one of the varieties of political discourse within the framework of institutional communication. The genre heterogeneity of political discourse is substantiated and the genre of debates, including pre-election and parliamentary debates, is defined. It is revealed that parliamentary debates mostly represent the linguo-pragmatic specificities of parliamentary discourse. The materials for the analysis consisted of transcripts of meetings of the Parliament of Ukraine in 2004-2019. The main criterion of the typology was the peculiarities of the observed communicative interactions - co-operative and conflict ones. Regulatory, informational and consolidation communication strategies are identified within the framework of cooperative communication, within the framework of conflict interaction - declarative, confrontational and argumentative-critical ones.
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Chernousova, Yuliana A., and Luiza R. Sardalova. "Discourse markers in the European Parliamentary Discourse: gender aspect." Current Issues in Philology and Pedagogical Linguistics 34, no. 2 (2019): 43–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/2079-6021-2019-2-43-49.

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Georgalidou, Marianthi. "Addressing women in the Greek parliament." Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict 5, no. 1 (October 2, 2017): 30–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlac.5.1.02geo.

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Abstract In accordance with numerous studies highlighting aspects of political and parliamentary discourse that concern the rhetoric of political combat, verbal attacks and offensive language choices are shown to be rather common in the context of a highly adversarial parliamentary system such as the Greek. In the present study, however, the analysis of excerpts of parliamentary discourse addressed to women reveals not just aspects of the organization of rival political encounters but, as far as female MPs are concerned, aggressive and derogatory forms of speech that directly attack the gender of the addressees. Drawing on data from video-recordings, the official proceedings of parliamentary sittings, and the media (2012–2015), the present study investigates aggressive/sexist discourse within this context. The theoretical issues addressed concern the impoliteness end of the politeness/politic speech/impoliteness continuum in the light of extreme cases of conflict in political/parliamentary discourse.
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Shevchenko, Iryna, Donka Alexandrova, and Volodymyr Gutorov. "Impoliteness in parliamentary discourse: a cognitive-pragmatic and sociocultural approach." 22, no. 22 (August 2, 2021): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2218-2926-2021-22-05.

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This article focuses on the use of impoliteness strategies in the discourse of American, Bulgarian, Polish, and Ukrainian parliaments. Our research of impolite rhetoric, also known as unparliamentary language, is located on the intersection of cognitive pragmatics, cultural linguistics, and discourse analysis. We use an integrative framework, in which the pragmatics of impoliteness is underpinned by the cognitive model of the concept of impoliteness. We offer a description of impoliteness strategies in parliamentary discourse, single out the leading strategy of devaluation of the opponent, and define the stereotypical for each parliament verbal means of the strategy of devaluation and its tactics: criticism and belittlement of one’s merits and importance. Their verbal markers are lexicalized and syntactic units bearing the meaning of negative characterization, disrespect, mockery, sarcasm. We hypothesize that the variation of impoliteness strategies is different parliamentary discourses corresponds to linguistic, pragmatic, and sociocultural dissimilarities, and provide support for this through an empirical study. Linguistically, discursive means of devaluation in the American, Bulgarian, Polish, and Ukrainian parliaments are context free and context dependent, and their ratio varies. In all these parliamentary discourses, the lexicalized markers of impoliteness come from common mental source domains: negative evaluation, legal offence, democracy, deception, hostilities, their variation is due to corresponding construals of the world. Culturally, we claim that the form and content of impoliteness strategies is indirectly connected with a low-context culture in the USA as opposed to a high-context type of Slavic cultures. In the former, devaluation of opponents is mostly reached by lexicalized markers with inherent negative meaning; and in the latter, by syntactic context-dependent means. Pragmatically, the specific properties of impoliteness strategies in the four parliamentary discourses reveal their relation to the dominant politeness principles, which are negatively oriented in modern English and positively in Bulgarian, Polish, and Ukrainian.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Parliamentary discourse"

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McLean, Stacy Avril. "Negotiating identity in multilingual parliamentary discourses in the Western Cape: a discourse analysis." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4282.

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Magister Artium - MA
South Africa transitioned from an apartheid system of government, with one ruling party to a new democracy; a transition that is still currently in progress. With this transition came many new freedoms, such as the ability to choose and freely express one’s linguistic and cultural preferences, amongst many others. This study analyses the negotiation of identity in constitutionally multilingual parliamentary discourses in the Western Cape in order to create a better understanding of the influence the new South Africa has on the identities constructed in parliamentary discourses whereby polylingualism is used as a linguistic resource. The parliamentary discourse is deemed constitutionally multilingual due to the fact that before 1994, African languages were not considered official, but presently Afrikaans, English and isiXhosa are credited provincial official languages in the Western Cape and are amongst the eleven national official languages. In order to investigate how performative identities are constructed discursively in the relatively new spaces of linguistic democracy, this study conducted a multisemiotic analysis on political manifestos in conjunction with a discourse analysis of a randomly selected Hansard Report of the Western Cape Provincial Parliament, which is the only parliament of the national nine to have an alternate political party in government. In collaboration with consulting the Standing Rules of the House, the National Language Policy Framework, the Western Cape Language Policy and observing the actual sitting, scholarly literature pertaining to language use, multisemiotic features and identity negotiation were evaluated to better understand the discursive spaces in which identity is negotiated as well as to achieve the objectives of this study.
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Yu, Bin-Bin. "Aspects of parliamentary discourse in Taiwan : a pragmatic analysis." Thesis, University of Reading, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.440100.

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Sarfo, Emmanuel. "Questioning and debating in UK and Ghanaian parliamentary discourse." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/13437/.

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This study examines UK and Ghanaian parliamentary questions and debates. Using a corpus-assisted discourse studies approach, it investigates questions from transitivity (process types) and debates from evaluatory perspectives. We explore similarities and differences between UK and Ghanaian parliamentary questions and find that, while question forms in the two parliaments are similar, there are significant differences as well. For example, indirect yes/no interrogatives in the Ghanaian data are a major difference between the two. Also, while Ghanaian MPs mark politeness directly by linguistic/word forms, such as the use of modal past, UK MPs mark politeness indirectly. The differences appear to be largely influenced by Ghanaian language interference and cultural differences. From a transitivity standpoint, in both parliaments, mental process interrogatives are the most frequent, followed by verbal, relational and then material processes. We therefore conclude that parliamentary politics can be represented through think, tell, evaluate and do (TTED) processes. Analyses of the debates show that MPs’ concern for the needs of the people becomes a focal point in the debates. Whereas government MPs think that people’s socio-economic conditions are better, opposition MPs think they are worse. This leads us to the conclusion that evaluation in parliamentary debates could be described as a rectangle (drawing on van Dijk’s ideological square), since there is disproportionateness between MPs’ praise and/or criticism for their governments’ policies, which reflects the MPs’ ideological biases. In describing the circumstances of the people, UK MPs use more complex intensifying adverbs and adjectives than their Ghanaian counterparts, a variation which we attribute to first and second language differences. There appears to be a disparity between MPs’ show of concern for the needs of the people and the public perception that MPs care only about their personal interests. MPs construct themselves as agents of the people, and tactically hide behind it their ideological biases.
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Gadavanij, Savitri. "Discursive strategies for political survival : a critical discourse analysis of Thai no confidence debates." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2002. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/803/.

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This thesis argues that the aggressive and informal style of discourse used in Thai parliamentary debates is a product of the Thai political sphere, serving clear functions In its context. Adopting the approach of Critical Discourse Analysis, the thesis presents discourse as socially constituted as well as socially constitutive. The research employs a two level analysis to explore this hypothesis. At the macro level, Critical Discourse Analysis and the Sociocognitive Approach are operationalised to investigate the socio-political conditions that prompt this 'unparliamentary' mode of parliamentary discourse. At the micro level, politeness theory and pragmatics are employed to investigate the potential functions that small linguistic features may serve under such social conditions. Five sample accusatory speeches and two sample respondent speeches from recent debates are selected for close textual analysis using this approach. It is argued that the unparliamentary style of the debates' discourse is the result of discursive strategies used in politicians' speeches. These strategies are textual evidence of sociocultural practice and discourse practice. They reflect the speakers' attempts to subvert three competing conjunctures in the Thai political domain: the debate's formal and actual purposes, its Code of Behaviour, and its multiple audiences. Debaters need to balance three contending purposes: the desire of highly partisan participants to cause maximum damage to the opposing side, their attempts to seek public support (including the maintenance of face), and their need to stay within the parliamentary Code of Behaviour. This thesis identifies a number of strategies that potentially serve these conflicting purposes, for example, intertextuality, enthymeme and prolepsis/disclaimer. These findings lead to the conclusion that an unparliamentary debating style, constituted of small, seemingly insignificant linguistic features, carries larger social implications. Despite being a reflection of social conditions, this debating style has the potential to redefine these conditions. Thai no-confidence debates offer an accomplished parliamentary speaker the opportunity to achieve apparently contradictory political and linguistic ends, within the same tightly-crafted speech.
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Mariat, Kate. "Parliamentary discourse on sexuality over a period of legislative change, 1986-2005." Thesis, University of Roehampton, 2017. https://pure.roehampton.ac.uk/portal/en/studentthesis/parliamentary-discourse-on-sexuality-over-a-period-of-legislative-change(fee9470f-dc61-4984-8270-a5ab46cde4d3).html.

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This study investigates the landslide legislative changes affecting lesbians and gay men between 1986 and 2005. It offers six fully-contextualised Critical Discourse Analyses of key Westminster parliamentary debates on attempted and actual changes in the law in two periods: 1986-1996 and 2001-2004. In addition, it offers a corpus analysis of all key debates in each period. This enables comparisons of the language used and arguments deployed by speakers who supported lesbians and gay men and those who did not, as well as a comparison of the two periods. On the basis that Members of Parliament, particularly in the House of Commons, draw on the beliefs and values of the sections of society they represent and indirectly address via the media, the overall interest of the study is in the nature and extent of social change this legislative landslide suggests. The study's particular focus is on shifts and continuities in the cluster of institutionalised beliefs that constitute homophobia and the institutional arrangements that support them. The content and contexts of these beliefs are initially traced via past laws pertaining to same-sex sexual acts, in most cases sex between men. This shows firstly, how each law was enacted to serve different socio-political purposes in different historical periods and secondly, how their intermittent periods of enforcement coincided with the needs of prevailing rulers to maintain power and social control. Thus homophobic beliefs ebbed and flowed according to the needs of ruling powers. This phenomenon applies past and present and constitutes the ethos of the study. It demonstrates both the residual nature of a prejudice with a very long history and the salient beliefs and values behind arguments used for and against it in contemporary contexts.
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Jakaza, Ernest. "Appraisal and evaluation in Zimbabwean parliamentary discourse and its representation in newspaper articles." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79951.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: “Unofananidza Jesu naKombayi here? (Lit. Are you comparing Jesus with Kombayi?) (Condolences on the death of Senator Patrick Kombayi, 28th July 2009, Appendix B4, line 350) This Shona interjection during the debate on the motion on condolences on the death of Senator Patrick Kombayi (MDC- T) in the Zimbabwean parliament presents the speaker stance taking, appraising and strategically manoeuvering advancing certain argumentative positions. Considering the impact of the outcome of these debates on governance, discourse- analytic researches have to be carried out in order to explore the sorts of appraisal and argumentation principles that are realised. This study makes a multifaceted theoretical approach to a comprehensive exploration of debates and speeches in the Zimbabwean parliament and their representation in newspaper articles. The appraisal theory, the extended pragma- dialectic theory of argumentation and controversy analysis have been integrated to uncover important linguistic insights on parliamentary discourse and news reporting. The analysis is based on a corpus of debates and speeches in the Zimbabwean parliament within the period 2009 and 2010. Another corpus consists of newspaper reports on these debates and speeches in this period. A thematic approach informed by theoretical principles is utilised in the selection of reports, debates and speeches. Firstly, I examined parliamentary discourse. Focus have been on the critical discussion model, argumentative strategies- forms of strategic manoeuvering, how the dialectic- rhetoric relation can be understood, how appraisal resources are realised in the argumentation process and on examining how appraisal resources employed reflect the type of a debate or speech. Secondly, I explored newspaper articles from four Zimbabwean newspapers reporting on the same themes on debates and speeches. Focus has been to make comparative analysis of news reporting examining how appraisal resources are utilised in the representation of parliamentary discourse in different newspapers (independent versus government or state owned newspapers and English versus Shona newspapers) and to examine the nature of argumentation and strategic manoeuvering principles that are utilised in news reporting and how controversial (divergent) debates or issues are represented. This multifaceted analysis offered varied dimensions in the exploration of parliamentary discourse and news reporting and expansions of the appraisal and argumentation theories.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: “Unofananidza Jesu naKombayi here? (Letterlik: Vergelyk jy Jesus met Kombayi?) (Medelye ten tye van die dood van senator Patrick Kombayi, 28 Julie 2009, Bylaag B4, reël 350) Hierdie Shona-uitroep gedurende die debat oor die mosie van medelye ten tye van die dood van senator Patrick Kombayi (MDC-T) in die Zimbabwiese parlement wys hoe die spreker standpunt inneem, en sekere beredenerende posisies opper, beoordeel en op strategiese wyse manipuleer. Met die uitkomste van hierdie debatte oor bestuur in gedagte, moes diskoers-analitiese navorsing gedoen word om die soorte waardebepalende en beredenerende beginsels wat gerealiseer is, te verken. Hierdie studie het ʼn veelvlakkige teoretiese benadering tot ʼn omvattende verkenning van debatte en toesprake in die Zimbabwiese parlement en hulle uitbeelding in koerantartikels ingeneem. Die teorie van waardebepaling, die uitgebreide pragma-dialektiese teorie van beredenering- en geskilsanalise is geïntegreer om belangrike linguistiese insigte oor parlementêre diskoers en nuusrapportering bloot te lê. Die analise is gebaseer op ʼn korpus debatte en toesprake in die Zimbabwiese parlement uit die tydperk 2009 tot 2010. ʼn Verdere korpus bestaan uit koerantberigte oor hierdie debatte en toesprake uit hierdie tydperk. ʼn Tematiese benadering wat deur teoretiese beginsels geïnspireer is, is gebruik by die keuse van berigte, debatte en toesprake. Eerstens het ek parlementêre diskoers nagegaan. Die fokus was op die kritiese besprekingsmodel, beredenerende strategieë, vorme van strategiese manipulering, die wyse waarop die dialekties-retoriese verhouding verstaan kan word, die wyse waarop hulpbronne vir waardebepaling tydens die beredeneringsproses verwesenlik word en op ʼn ondersoek na hoe hulpbronne wat vir waardebepaling gebruik word, die soort debat of toespraak uitbeeld. Tweedens het ek koerantartikels uit vier Zimbabwiese koerante verken wat oor dieselfde temas oor debatte en toesprake verslag gedoen het. Die fokus was op die maak van ʼn vergelykende analise van beriggewing om na te gaan hoe hulpbronne vir waardebepaling gebruik word by die uitbeelding van parlementêre diskoers in verskillende koerante (onafhanklik teenoor koerante in besit van die regering of die staat en koerante in Engels teenoor ander in Shona) en om die aard van beredenering en strategiese manipulerings-beginsels wat by beriggewing gebruik word en die wyse waarop kontroversiële (uiteenlopende) debatte of kwessies uitgebeeld word, te ondersoek. Hierdie veelvlakkige analise het wisselende dimensies by die verkenning van parlementêre diskoers en beriggewing en uitbreidings van die waardebepaling- en beredeneringsteorieë gebied.
This project is a reality because of the generous scholarship I received from the African Doctoral Academy
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Hughes, C. R. B. "Aspects of the relationship between spoken and written discourse, with special reference to Parliamentary language." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334151.

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Rasiah, Parameswary. "Evasion in Australia's parliamentary question time : the case of the Iraq war." University of Western Australia. Graduate School of Education, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0208.

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Given that the basic functions of parliamentary Question Time are to provide information and to hold the Government accountable for its actions, the possibility of evasion occurring in such a context is of crucial importance. Evasion (equivocation) has been identified as a matter of concern in political interviews, but no systematic study has been undertaken in the context of parliamentary discourse, notably Question Time, anywhere in the world. This study applies and adapts Harris's (1991) coding framework on various types of responses, Bull and Mayer's (1993) typology of non-replies and Clayman's (2001) work on how politicians 'resist' answering questions, all of which are based on political news interviews, to the study of evasion in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time. A comprehensive, unified framework for the analysis of evasion is described, a decision flow-chart for the framework is provided, and an illustrative example of the applied framework is given based on Australia's Federal House of Representatives' Question Time. Put simply, the study was undertaken to determine if evasion occurred, how frequently it occurred and how it occurred. It involved the classification of responses as 'answers' (direct or indirect), 'intermediate responses' (such as pointing out incorrect information in the question), and 'evasions' based on specific criteria. Responses which were considered evasions were further analysed to determine the levels of evasion, whether they were covert or overt in nature and the types of 'agenda shifts' that occurred, if any. The thesis also involved a discourse-analytical study of other factors that appear to facilitate Ministerial evasion in Australia's House of Representatives, including the Speaker's performance and the use of 'Dorothy Dixers'. The research data was sourced from Question Time transcripts from the House of Representatives Hansard for the months of February and March 2003, dealing only with questions and responses on the topic of Iraq. In those months there were 87 questions on the topic of Iraq, representing more than two thirds of all questions on Iraq for the whole of 2003. Of these 87 questions, the majority (48) came from the Opposition party, through its leader. The balance (39) was asked by Government MPs. Analysis of the question/answer discourse for all 87 questions revealed that every question asked by Government members was answered compared to only 8 of the 48 Opposition questions. Of the 40 remaining Opposition questions, 21 were given intermediate responses and 19 were evaded outright. The fact that the overwhelming majority (83%) of Opposition questions were not answered together with other findings such as instances of partiality on the part of the Speaker; the use of 'friendly', prearranged questions by Government MPs; and the 'hostile' nature of questions asked by Opposition MPs casts serious doubt on the effectiveness of Question Time as a means of ensuring the Government is held accountable for its actions. The study provides empirical evidence that evasion does occur in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time.
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Varga, Simon. "Frames und Argumentation Integrative Beschreibung semantischer und argumentativer Bedeutungsstrukturen am Beispiel des parlamentarischen Kernenergiediskurses in Deutschland und Frankreich." Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019UBFCH010.

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La sémantique des cadres et l’analyse argumentative comptent parmi les approches les plus sollicitées en linguistique du discours. De nombreuses études parues ces dernières années font ainsi appel aux cadres sémantiques pour analyser la dimension lexicale des discours et aux topoï argumentatifs pour analyser leur dimension argumentative. Or, cette simple addition de différentes techniques d’analyse est contradictoire avec les prémisses même de la sémantique des cadres. En effet, plus encore qu’un outil d’analyse sémantique, les cadres sémantiques sont un format de représentation cognitive structurant nos connaissances ainsi que notre perception du monde. Par conséquent, les cadres sémantiques permettent, en principe, de décrire l’intégralité des structures de savoir sous-jacentes aux discours, et ceci à tous les niveaux d’abstraction. L’intégration des dimensions de sens ici analysées passe par l’intégration du concept de relation argumentative dans la méthodologie communément appliquée en analyse des cadres. Les structures argumentatives reposant nécessairement sur des structures conceptuelles analogues, l’outil méthodologique ainsi développé permet une description intégrée de ces différentes dimensions et de leur interaction dans la construction discursive du sens. Dans la partie empirique, il sera ensuite appliqué à l’analyse des discours parlementaires sur le nucléaire civil à l’Assemblée nationale française et au Bundestag allemand sur la période 1946–2012
Frame semantics and argumentation analysis are among the most popular research methodologies in discourse linguistics. Over the course of the last few years, semantic frames and argumentative topoi have been used in numerous studies to analyse the lexical and argumentative dimension of discourse. However, their simple addition contradicts one of the most basic premises of frame semantics, namely, the idea that frames are not only a tool of semantic analysis but also the universal format of conceptual representation structuring our know ledge of and our interactions with the world that surrounds us. Semantic frames, thus, potentially allow for a description of all knowledge structures underlying discourse at different levels of abstraction. By integrating the concept of argumentative relations in the established methodology of frame analysis, these different dimensions of discursive meaning construction become describable in frame semantic terms. These argumentative relations between discourse elements at the text surface can be seen as mirroring equivalent relations between the constituent elements of cognitive frames at the conceptual level. This approach will be used in the empirical section to analyse the parliamentary discourse on nuclear energy in the French Assemblée nationale and the German Bundestag from 1946 to 2012
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Harder, Sofie Juul. "Deportation of ‘Criminal Foreigners’ - a Discourse Analysis of the Parliamentary and Political Debates of the Bill L 156." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21762.

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The thesis critically assesses parliamentary and political discussions preceding the adoption of a Danish law from 2018, which has the purpose of increasing the use of deportation of what is referred to as ‘criminal foreigners’. The purpose is to investigate how persons brought up in Denmark can be viewed as foreigners rather than Danes and hence why they are deportable when convicted.This is done by identifying antagonisms and common assumptions in the arguments for and against it. Thus, the method used is discourse analysis building on the theoretical framework of Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse analysis. The theory of the community of value is used as lens to understand the identified discourses through. It is found that claims that problematise deportation on the grounds that the persons are Danes is not successful in the order of discourse, and that the discursive struggle primarily is over the role of human rights.
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Books on the topic "Parliamentary discourse"

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Bayley, Paul, ed. Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Parliamentary Discourse. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.10.

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Paul, Bayley, ed. Cross-cultural perspectives on parliamentary discourse. Amsterdam: J. Benjamins Pub. Co., 2004.

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Fuentes-Rodríguez, Catalina, and Gloria Álvarez-Benito, eds. A Gender-based Approach to Parliamentary Discourse. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.68.

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Parliamentary discourses across cultures: Interdisciplinary approaches. Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013.

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The tongue between: Swahili and English in Tanzanian parliamentary discourse. München: Lincom Europa, 2010.

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European parliaments under scrutiny: Discourse strategies and interaction practices. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Pub., 2010.

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Escudero, Ma Pilar Guitart. Discurso parlamentario y lenguaje políticamente correcto. Madrid: Congreso de los diputados, 2005.

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El discurso parlamentario mexicano entre 1920 y 1950: Un estudio de caso en metodología de análisis de discurso. México, D.F: El Colegio de México, 1995.

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The prime minister: Discourses in Indian polity. New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications, 2014.

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Cabasino, Francesca. Formes et enjeux du débat public: Discours parlementaire et immigration. Roma: Bulzoni, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Parliamentary discourse"

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Madzharova Bruteig, Yordanka. "Czech parliamentary discourse." In European Parliaments under Scrutiny, 265–302. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.38.13bru.

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Tyrkkö, Jukka, and Haidee Kotze. "Perspectives on parliamentary discourse." In Exploring Language and Society with Big Data, 1–16. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/scl.111.intro.

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Naderi, Nona, and Graeme Hirst. "Argumentation Mining in Parliamentary Discourse." In Principles and Practice of Multi-Agent Systems, 16–25. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-46218-9_2.

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Ornatowski, Cezar M. "Parliamentary discourse and political transition." In European Parliaments under Scrutiny, 223–64. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.38.12orn.

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Bañón Hernández, Antonio M., Juan Manuel Arcos Urrutia, and Samantha Requena Romero. "Time, gender and parliamentary discourse." In A Gender-based Approach to Parliamentary Discourse, 195–212. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.68.10ban.

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Kissová, Lenka. "Topics Addressed in Parliamentary Debates." In Framing Welfare Recipients in Political Discourse, 81–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63579-4_5.

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Gruber, Helmut. "Intertextual references in Austrian parliamentary debates." In Follow-ups in Political Discourse, 25–56. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.60.02gru.

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Carbó, Teresa. "Parliamentary discourse when things go wrong." In Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Parliamentary Discourse, 301–37. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.10.09car.

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Elspass, Stephan. "3. Phraseological units in parliamentary discourse." In Politics as Text and Talk, 81–110. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.4.06els.

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Ionescu-Ruxandoiu, Liliana. "Perspectivation in the Romanian parliamentary discourse." In Dialogue Studies, 151–66. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ds.18.12ion.

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Conference papers on the topic "Parliamentary discourse"

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Харин, Артём. "Диалог с Россией в дискурсе политических партий ФРГ на современном этапе." In Россия — Германия в образовательном, научном и культурном диалоге. Конкорд, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/de2021/026.

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The article is devoted to the study of the evolution of the foreign policy attitudes of the parliamentary political parties of the Federal Republic of Germany. The article analyzes the coalition agreements and pre-election documents of the German parties in the context of their relation to Russia. The factors that influence the nature of the presence of the foreign policy component in the official discourse of the Germany political parties are revealed.
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Asmara, Rangga, Widya Kusumaningrum, Paulina Fortinasari, and Hersulastuti Hersulastuti. "How does a Celebrity Politician’s Diction Attract Public Empathy for Parliamentary Election? A Critical Discourse Analysis." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Language and Language Teaching, ICLLT 2019, 12 October, Magelang, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.12-10-2019.2292195.

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Sen, Anirban, Aaditeshwar Seth, Debanjan Ghatak, Kapil Kumar, Gurjeet Khanuja, Deepak Bansal, Mehak Gupta, Kumari Rekha, Saloni Bhogale, and Priyamvada Trivedi. "Studying the discourse on economic policies in India using mass media, social media, and the parliamentary question hour data." In the 2nd ACM SIGCAS Conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3314344.3332489.

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Konstantinova, Alla Yurievna, and Olga Federovna Kupreschenko. "Concepts, communicative genres and vogue words of Russian liberal discourse under the circumstances of media war and parliamentary elections." In 5th International research and practice conference. TSNS Interaktiv Plus, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.21661/r-114434.

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Duthie, Rory, and Katarzyna Budzynska. "A Deep Modular RNN Approach for Ethos Mining." In Twenty-Seventh International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-18}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2018/562.

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Automatically recognising and extracting the reasoning expressed in natural language text is extremely demanding and only very recently has there been significant headway. While such argument mining focuses on logos (the content of what is said) evidence has demonstrated that using ethos (the character of the speaker) can sometimes be an even more powerful tool of influence. We study the UK parliamentary debates which furnish a rich source of ethos with linguistic material signalling the ethotic relationships between politicians. We then develop a novel deep modular recurrent neural network, DMRNN, approach and employ proven methods from argument mining and sentiment analysis to create an ethos mining pipeline. Annotation of ethotic statements is reliable and its extraction is robust (macro-F1 = 0.83), while annotation of polarity is perfect and its extraction is solid (macro-F1 = 0.84). By exploring correspondences between ethos in political discourse and major events in the political landscape through ethos analytics, we uncover tantalising evidence that identifying expressions of positive and negative ethotic sentiment is a powerful instrument for understanding the dynamics of governments.
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Kuru, Ahmet T. "CHANGING PERSPECTIVES ON ISLAMISM AND SECULARISM IN TURKEY: THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT AND THE AK PARTY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mmwz7057.

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The debate between secularists and Islamic groups, a conspicuous feature of Turkish politics for decades, changed in the late 1990s when the political discourse of mainstream Islamic groups embraced secularism. The establishment elite advocate the existing French model of an ‘assertive secularism’, meaning that, in the public domain, the state supports only the ex- pression of a secular worldview, and formally excludes religion and religious symbols from that domain. The pro-Islamic conservatives, on the other hand, favour the American model of ‘passive secularism’, in which the state permits the expression of religion in the public do- main. In short, what Turkey has witnessed over the last decade is no longer a tussle between secularism and Islamism, but between two brands of secularism. Two actors have played crucial roles in this transformation: the Gülen movement and the Justice and Development (AK) Party. Recently the Gülen movement became an international actor and a defendant of passive secularism. Similarly, although the AK Party was originated from an Islamist Milli Görüş (National Outlook) movement, it is now a keen supporter of Turkey’s membership to the European Union and defends (passive) secularist, democratic regime. This paper analyses the transformation of these important social and political actors with regard to certain structural conditions, as well as the interactions between them.In April 2007, the international media covered Turkey for the protest meetings of more than a million people in three major cities, the military intervention to politics, and the abortive presidential election. According to several journalists and columnists, Turkey was experienc- ing another phase of the ongoing tension between the secularists and Islamists. Some major Turkish newspapers, such as Hürriyet, were asserting that the secularists finally achieved to bring together millions of opponents of the ruling Adalet ve Kalkınma (Justice and Development) (AK) Party. In addition to their dominance in military and judicial bureauc- racy, the secularists appeared to be maintaining the support of the majority of the people. The parliamentary elections that took place few months later, in July, revealed that the main- stream Turkish media’s presentation was misleading and the so-called secularists’ aspira- tions were unrealistic. The AK Party received 47 percent of the national votes, an unusual ratio for a multiparty system where there were 14 contesting parties. The main opposition, Cumhuriyet Halk (Republican People’s) Party (CHP), only received 21 percent of the votes, despite its alliance with the other leftist party. Both the national and international media’s misleading presentation of Turkish politics was not confined by the preferences of the vot- ers. Moreover, the media was primarily misleading with its use of the terms “Islamists” and “secularists.” What Turkey has witnessed for the last decade has not been a struggle between secularism and Islamism; but it has been a conflict between two types of secularism. As I elaborated else- where, the AK Party is not an Islamist party. It defends a particular understanding of secular- ism that differs from that of the CHP. Although several leaders of the AK Party historically belonged to an Islamist -Milli Görüş (National Outlook)- movement, they later experienced an ideational transformation and embraced a certain type of secularism that tolerates public visibility of religion. This transformation was not an isolated event, but part of a larger expe- rience that several other Islamic groups took part in. I argue that the AKP leaders’ interaction with the Gülen movement, in this regard, played an important role in the formation of the party’s new perspective toward secularism. In another article, I analyzed the transformation of the AK Party and Gülen movement with certain external (globalization process) and internal (the February 28 coup) conditions. In this essay, I will focus on the interaction between these two entities to explore their changing perspectives. I will first discuss the two different types of secularism that the Kemalists and conservatives defend in Turkey. Then, I will briefly summarize diverse discourses of the Milli Görüş and Gülen movements. Finally, I will examine the exchanges between the Gülen movement and the AK Party with regard to their rethinking of Islamism and secularism.
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