Journal articles on the topic 'Parliamentary Country Parties'
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1
Kustec Lipicer, Simona. "Evaluation Remarks about Slovenian Parliamentary Democracy at Its Twenty-Fifth Anniversary." Contributions to Contemporary History 56, no. 3 (December 5, 2016): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.56.3.03.
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In order to evaluate the existing practices of the Slovenian parliamentary democracy, the author conducted a chronological overview of the shifts in prevailing democratic patterns, starting with the first parliamentary elections after the country gained independence onwards. Parliamentary and governmental political party behaviour was central to the analysis and, thus, was analysed using both statistical data and secondary sources, which primarily consisted of academic and research papers and media records. The analysis revealed that Slovenian parliamentary democracy in the initial (first) decade was according to the electoral data predictable and by programme orientation oriented towards democratic development. However, over the past three election cycles (second decade), the situation began to change quickly, indicating a predominance of internal party interests and conflicts that affect the country’s entire democratic arena. One of the main findings of the article suggests that political parties in Slovenia remain a fundamentally important pillar of parliamentary democracy, but their roles and activities within the parliamentary, governmental and other arenas increasingly warn of their central mission and democratic system functions. It can be detected that the potentials for electoral uncertainties increase with the intensities of internal and inter-parties’ conflicts which all give distinctly negative connotation to the country’s parliamentary democracy. To reverse the curve of parliamentary democracy in a country upwards again a new period of democratic transformation should be activated, built on the principles of a new model of democratic and party governance, as well as also global sustainability policies. A clear distance from narrow internal political parties’ interests, conflicts and in this regard negative competition needs to be considered as well.
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Lysek, Jakub, Ľubomír Zvada, and Michal Škop. "Mapping the 2020 Slovak Parliamentary Election. Analysis of Spatial Support and Voter Transition." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (2020): 278–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-3-278.
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This contribution is a complex analysis of the geographic voting patterns in the 2020 Slovak parliamentary election using methods such as Geographically Weighted Regression, Hierarchical Regression Models, and Ecological Inference. It is focused on the winner of the 2020 parliamentary election, the populist OĽaNO, and on the loser, the traditional left-wing SMER-SD – within the context of electoral support and voter transition in comparison to the 2016 parliamentary election, and in part to the 2019 presidential election. The article contributes to the underdeveloped discourse relating to the spatial support of political parties in Slovakia and finds how the selected socio-economic indicators explain the varying voting patterns. The main finding is that Slovakia is an internally heterogeneous country. The socio-demographic factors have a differentiated (either positive or negative) effect on the electoral support for Slovakian parties. As a result, voting patterns differ not only between the western and eastern parts of the country but also between districts within a common geographic area or region. This reveals the complex set of dividing lines in the country and indicates future trends in Slovakian politics.
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Petrosyan, J. V. "Foreign Policy Aspects in Attitudes of Germany Parliamentary Parties during Period of A. Merkel’s Chancellorship (2005—2021)." Nauchnyi dialog 11, no. 8 (October 30, 2022): 403–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-8-403-419.
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The main directions in the foreign policy agendas of the leading parties in Germany during the period of A. Merkel’s chancellorship are considered. The relevance of the study is due to the need to study the strategic program settings of the German parliamentary parties, which will allow a better understanding of what the country’s future foreign policy may be. It is emphasized that the party system of Germany is quite stable: only three parties have joined the parliamentary parties of the first convocation — the CDU / CSU, the FDP and the SDPG — at the present stage: the “Union 90 / Greens”, “Left” and since 2017 — “Alternative for Germany”. Particular attention is paid to the study of the election and fundamental programs of the parliamentary parties of Germany, as they reflect the party’s “worldview”, views on the place and role of the country in the world, the ultimate or most important goals to which the party should move, as well as the means and methods for achieving the set goals. Based on the analysis of these documents, it is concluded that there is a certain consensus among parliamentary parties on key issues related to the country’s foreign policy. Demands for a revision of the chosen course are heard only from right and left populists, who do not have a significant impact on German foreign policy.
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Baron, David P. "Comparative Dynamics of Parliamentary Governments." American Political Science Review 92, no. 3 (September 1998): 593–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585483.
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This article presents a dynamic theory of parliamentary governments that incorporates attributes of the institutional system in a country, exogenous events that shape parliamentary and electoral opportunities, and the strategies of the government and the opposition as structured by institutions and preferences. The dynamics are investigated in an infinitely repeated game in which events in the form of shocks to income or government resources occur and the government responds with a legislative proposal that is subject to a confidence or censure procedure and may lead to government continuation, reorganization, or dissolution. With a majority confidence procedure, governments are stable, and if parties are politically patient, voting cohesion within the government is high. A censure motion initiated by the opposition can result in voluntary dissolution of government, and the approach of required elections increases the likelihood of dissolution. If the events represent fluctuations in aggregate income, governnment dissolution occurs in good times for the government leader and bad times for the other parties.
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Acharya, Indu. "Challenges of Nepalese Women in Parliamentary Elections." Tribhuvan University Journal 28, no. 1-2 (December 2, 2013): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v28i1-2.26219.
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The country has just passed from the 2nd election for the constituent assembly. Assuring the minimum level of women in the house has been a real challenge; however the recent CA election results have shown a clear decline in the presence of women lawmakers in the house. Despite hard struggle and pressure of women activists and civil society the political parties of the country have failed to keep the level of women's presence in the CA to a level of 33% as like in the previous CA. In this paper, the researcher has examined the issues and challenges related to women’s access to the legislatives in the country in general based on the comparative overview of the last two CA elections from the perspective of women's participation.
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Guseletov, Boris. "Russian-Bulgarian relations after the Bulgarian parliamentary elections: outcomes and forecasts." Science. Culture. Society 27, no. 3 (October 4, 2021): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2021.27.3.2.
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The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in Bulgaria held on 4 April and 11 July 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the 2017 and 2021 elections, and describes all leading Bulgarian political parties represented in parliament from 2017 to 2021. The results of the government led by GERB party leader Boyko Borisov, formed as a result of the 2017 elections, are analyzed. The reasons for this government's falling rating and its impact on the election campaign are identified. How the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to deal with its consequences have affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activities of the country's main opposition parties, the centre-left Bulgarian Socialist Party and the Social Liberal Movement for Rights and Freedoms, are assessed. The course of the election campaign and its main topics are examined, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament: the left-populist coalition "Rise Up! Mafia Get Out!", the right-populist party "There's Such a People!", and the liberal coalition "Democratic Bulgaria". The positions of the leading political parties of the country regarding their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Bulgarian relations is analyzed and forecasts of how the results of the elections will affect the formation of the new government of that country and the relations between Russia and Bulgaria are given.
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Guseletov, Boris. "Russian-Bulgarian relations after the Bulgarian parliamentary elections: outcomes and forecasts." Science. Culture. Society 27, no. 3 (October 4, 2021): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2021.27.3.2.
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The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in Bulgaria held on 4 April and 11 July 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the 2017 and 2021 elections, and describes all leading Bulgarian political parties represented in parliament from 2017 to 2021. The results of the government led by GERB party leader Boyko Borisov, formed as a result of the 2017 elections, are analyzed. The reasons for this government's falling rating and its impact on the election campaign are identified. How the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to deal with its consequences have affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activities of the country's main opposition parties, the centre-left Bulgarian Socialist Party and the Social Liberal Movement for Rights and Freedoms, are assessed. The course of the election campaign and its main topics are examined, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament: the left-populist coalition "Rise Up! Mafia Get Out!", the right-populist party "There's Such a People!", and the liberal coalition "Democratic Bulgaria". The positions of the leading political parties of the country regarding their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Bulgarian relations is analyzed and forecasts of how the results of the elections will affect the formation of the new government of that country and the relations between Russia and Bulgaria are given.
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Guseletov, Boris. "Results of the parliamentary elections in Portugal and their impact on Russian-Portuguese relations." Science. Culture. Society 28, no. 1 (March 25, 2022): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2022.28.1.3.
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The article examines the results of the Portuguese parliamentary elections held on January 30, 2022. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2015, 2019 and 2022, and characterizes all the leading Portuguese political parties represented in parliament from 2015 to 2021. The results of the government led by the leader of the Socialist Party, A. Costa, are presented. The results of the government headed by the leader of the Socialist Party, A. Costa, formed by the results of the 2015 elections are presented. The reasons for maintaining the rating of this government and its impact on the election campaign are revealed. The article examines how the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to overcome its consequences influenced the course and results of the election campaign. The activities of the main opposition parties in this country are assessed: the liberal-conservative Social Democratic Party, the right-wing radical populist Chega Party and the Liberal Initiative Party. The course of the election campaign and its main topics are examined, as well as other political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections: the Liberal Initiative, the Left Bloc and the Unionist Democratic Coalition. The positions of the leading political parties of the country regarding their attitude to the new government coalition are presented. The state of Russian-Portuguese relations is analyzed. It forecasts how the results of the elections will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the relations between Russia and Portugal.
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Woźniak, Joanna. "Parliamentary Elections in Italy 2013 Struggle Between Demagogy and Pragmatism." Reality of Politics 4, no. 1 (January 31, 2013): 336–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201320.
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Parliamentary elections in Italy, which took place on 24 – 25 February 2013 in a very specific political circumstances caused by economical crisis and the internal situation of the Italian State.The fall of the Silvio Berlusconi’s government and replacement it with a technical government did not improve the internal situation of the country, and indeed it has deepened. The withdrawal of support by the Popolo della Libertàto the government of Prime Minister Mario Monti has caused the need for early parliamentary elections. On the political scene appeared new political parties, including Movimento Cinque Stelle (Five Stars Movement), which stood out from the traditionally corrupt politics and proposed a new form of campaign, using such means as the Internet, blogs, and tour around the country. The new group has also set up outgoing Prime Minister Mario Monti called Scelta Civica (Civic Choice) aided by the smaller parties which were in the Parliament and supported of the European Union austerity policies. In addition, in the election participated the Democratic Party, the Northern League and the Popolo della Libertà (People of Freedom). In total, their participation in the elections reported 215 political parties. Elections minimally won leftist Democratic Party with a score of 29.54% (Chamber of Deputies). Surprisingly Popolo dellaLibertà of Silvio Berlusconi received 29.13% (Chamber of Deputies). But the biggest winner was the Five Star Movement, which won 25.55% of the seats, while the biggest loser was the group of Mario Monti, because he received only 10.54% of votes. The result above shows that the creation of the coalition will be very difficult. Political class will have to regain the trust of the society to be able to make the necessary reforms to cure the economical situation of Italy and they should focus on the problems of the country and not the Silvio Berlusconi’s excesses.
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Astafieva, E. M. "Singapore: general election campaign 2020." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 1(46) (2020): 407–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-1-1-46-407-412.
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The article analyzes the alignment of political forces on the eve of the general parliamentary elections in Singapore. The author dwells on main political parties of the country, cites data on the results of the last parliamentary elections held in Singapore in 2015. Particular attention is paid to changing the procedure for conducting both the election campaign and the elections themselves in the context of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic. In conclusion, the author makes a forecast about the results of the elections, which will be held on 10 July 2020.
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Guseletov, Boris. "Results of the Parliamentary Elections in Netherland and their Impact on Russian-Netherlands Relations." Nauka Kultura Obshestvo 27, no. 2 (June 21, 2021): 22–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2021.27.2.2.
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The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, held on March 15-17, 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2021, and describes all the leading Dutch political parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2021. The results of the activities of the government headed by the leader of the “People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy” M. Rutte, formed following the results of the 2017 elections, are presented. The reasons for the resignation of this government, which took place on the eve of the elections, and its impact on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It was noted how the coronavirus pandemic and the government’s actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activity of the main opposition parties in this country is evaluated: the right-wing Eurosceptic Freedom Party of Wilders, the center-left Labor Party and others. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections, are considered. The positions of the country’s leading political parties on their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Dutch relations is analyzed. A forecast is given of how the election results will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the political, trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands.
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Østergaard-Nielsen, Eva, and Irina Ciornei. "Making the absent present: Political parties and emigrant issues in country of origin parliaments." Party Politics 25, no. 2 (March 23, 2017): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817697629.
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A growing number of countries have granted their emigrant citizens the right to vote in homeland elections from afar. Yet, there is little understanding of the extent to which emigration issues are visible in the subsequent legislative processes of policymaking and representation. Based on an original data set of parliamentary activities in Spain, Italy, France and Romania, this article analyses why political parties pay attention to emigrants. To that end, we propose a conceptual framework which draws on both theories of issue salience and substantive representation. Bridging these two frameworks allows us bring in both parties (salience) and constituencies (representation) in the analysis of the linkage between electorates and parliaments at a transnational level. We test a series of hypotheses and find that parties are more likely to focus on emigration issues the stronger their electoral incentives and in the context of electoral systems allowing the emigrants to elect special emigrant representatives.
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Tenscher, Jens, Juri Mykkänen, and Tom Moring. "Modes of Professional Campaigning." International Journal of Press/Politics 17, no. 2 (February 6, 2012): 145–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161211433839.
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In recent years, political parties have reacted to far-reaching transformations in their media and sociocultural environments. These changes and adaptations, often assembled under the catchword “professionalization,” become most apparent during electoral campaigns. However, the campaign professionalism of political parties has not yet been systematically “measured,” having been examined mostly in single case studies. Against this background, we present an empirical test of the party-centered theory of professionalization. Ours is a four-country comparison of the campaign structures and strategies of political parties during the most recent European parliamentary elections. Our analyses demonstrate a wide variety in professional electoral campaigning. There are differences in campaign structures that not only point to country specifics but also to the impact of the size of the parties. We also ask whether there are differences between parties owing to their position on a right–left scale. Our findings point to some general trends in electoral campaigning that seem to be typical of societies with democratic corporatist media systems. Those similarities and country-specifics should be taken into account in future empirical analyses, which might benefit from our methodological approach.
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Semenko, Vitalіy. "The Success of Sebastian Kurz in 2017 Austrian Parliamentary Elections." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 43 (June 15, 2021): 194–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.43.194-202.
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The article deals with the peculiarities of the extraordinary elections in the Republic of Austria in 2017, as well as the main reasons for the success of the renewed Austrian People's Party (ANP) and its leader, Sebastian Kurz, the former youngest foreign minister and chairman of the OSCE. The main results of the elections to the lower house of parliament, the National Council are in details analyzed, whrere the political parties have overcome the 4 percent barrier. The main conclusions of well-known domestic and foreign political scientists and experts are in details characterized, who evaluated the reasons for supporting of right and far- right political parties in the European countries, in particular in Austria, which have received considerable support in the elections, which was caused by public dissatisfaction with the ineffective policy of the European Union, which after the international financial crisis, terrorist threats, problems with migrants, refugees, and in recent years a rather aggressive foreign policy of Russia, is forced to face new challenges, giving an adequate response, which plays an important role for Ukraine, because our country sees its future in close multi-vector cooperation with the EU. It is important for Ukraine support of the European Union and European countries, in particular with Austria, because our country is interested in further fruitful development of bilateral relations between Ukraine and Austria and cooperation in various sectors of the economy, as well as support for European and Euro-Atlantic course. Ukraine is able to give an adequate response only in close cooperation with European countries. Ukraine is affected by domestic political changes both within the European Union and domestic political changes within European countries, namely which political parties win and which political coalitions are formed, as well as the influence of pro-Russian political forces in the party landscape.
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Zinin, Y. "Libya: Prospects for Solution." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2018): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2018-0-2-79-87.
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The article describes the situation which Libya has been facing in the period since October 2011, when Libyan leader M. Qaddafi was killed and his regime was toppled. The author analyses the ongoing conflict between the two opposing parties – one in Tripoli (in the west of the country) and the other in Tobruk (in the east of the country) – each of which has its own parliament, government and military forces. The balance of power is patchy and changing which makes further confrontation very unpredictable. The author also studies the UN mediation efforts to reconcile the opposing parties and to restore the unity of the country. It refers to parliamentary and presidential elections in Libya which are expected to take place in 2018. However, in the foreseeable future the normalization of the present situation in Libya is unlikely.
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Rogozhina, N. G. "What awaits the democratic opposition in Thailand?" South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 1(46) (2020): 336–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-1-1-46-336-344.
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The article analyzes the prospects for the development of the democratic movement in Thailand under the conditions of the regime of "authoritarian democracy" that has been formed after the parliamentary elections in 2019. Authoritarianism of power is manifested in counteracting the growing influence of democratic parties, primarily, Future Forward. The decision of the Constitutional Court to dissolve it, although weakened the parliamentary opposition, but did not lead to a decrease in the activity of supporters of democratic changes in Thailand. Their struggle with the regime of "authoritarian democracy" is being implemented as part of the development of the social movement for democratic transformation in the country.
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Зульфикаров, Шерзод. "МАМЛАКАТИМИЗДА ДЕПУТАТЛАР БИРЛАШМАСИ СИФАТИДА ПАРТИЯ ФРАКЦИЯЛАРИ ФАОЛИЯТИНИ ЯНАДА ТАКОМИЛЛАШТИРИШ МАСАЛАЛАРИ ВОПРОСЫ ДАЛЬНЕЙШЕГО СОВЕРШЕНСТВОВАНИЯ ДЕЯТЕЛЬНОСТИ ПАРТИЙНЫХ ФРАКЦИЙ КАК СОЮЗА ДЕПУТАТОВ В НАШЕЙ СТРАНЕ QUESTIONS OF FURTHER IMPROVING THE ACTIVITIES OF PARTY FACTIONS AS A UNION OF DEPUTIES IN OUR COUNTRY." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 3, no. 1 (February 8, 2021): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.47390/10.47390/a1342132021n5.
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Аннотация: мазкур мақолада сиёсий партиялар фракциялари, уларни шакллантириш тартиби, илмий – назарий қарашлар, фракциялар фаолиятининг ҳуқуқий асослари, парламентдаги мухолифат фракциялар, уларнинг парламент назоратини амалга оширишдаги функцияларини кенгайтириш, хорижий мамлакатлар тажрибалари, ҳукуматни шакллантиришда фракцияларнинг иштирокини кучайтириш, қонунлар ижроси назоратини амалга оширишдаги ролини оширишга доир таклиф ва тавсиялар ёритиб берилган. Калит сўзлар: сиёсий партиялар, сиёсий партия фракциялари, депутатлар, қонун лойиҳалари, депутатлар бирлашмалари, парламентдаги мухолифат, демократик кучлар блоки, парламентдаги кўпчилик. Аннотация: В этой статье фракции политических партий, порядок их формирования, научные и теоретические взгляды, правовые основы деятельности фракций, оппозиционных фракций в парламенте и их функции при осуществлении парламентского контроля, опыт зарубежных стран, предложения и рекомендации по усилению участия фракций в формировании правительства, повышение их роли в реализации законодательства Ключевые слова: политические партии, фракции политических партий, депутаты, законопроекты, депутатские коалиции, оппозиция в парламенте, блок демократических сил, парламентское большинство. Annotation: In this article, factions of political parties, the order of their formation, scientific and theoretical views, the legal foundations of the activities of factions, opposition factions in parliament and their functions in the exercise of parliamentary control, experience of foreign countries, suggestions and recommendations on strengthening the participation of factions in the formation of the government, increasing their role in the implementation of legislation. Keywords: political parties, factions of political parties, deputies, bills, parliamentary coalitions, opposition in parliament, democratic forces bloc, parliamentary majority.
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Wolf, Oleksandr. "DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH AND PALLIATIVE CARE DURING THE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC (2020)." Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkov National University. Issues of Political Science, no. 40 (December 29, 2021): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-10.
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It has been established that 25 parties took part in the parliamentary elections in the Slovak Republic (held in February 2020). The Parliament of the Slovak Republic entered the following parties: Obyčajní Ľudia a nezávislé osobnosti (OĽANO), NOVA, Kresťanská únia (KÚ), Zmena Zdola, Smer, Kotlebovci, Sme Rodina, SaS, Platform Za ludi, Progresivní Slovensko a SPOLU – občianska demokracia. The election documents (parties programs) addressed the most actual issues for the country. In this article, the attitude of political forces to the development of health and palliative care for the elderly and people with severe, incurable diseases is done by the method of content analysis of program documents of parties that participated in the parliamentary elections. A study of the party's election programs shows that the issues of assistance to the elderly and the development of palliative and hospice care are quite acute for the society in the Slovak Republic. Therefore, a significant part of the country's political forces, which took part in the elections, developed proposals for the improvement, development of the health care system and palliative care. The most common solutions proposed by the parties are the development of multidisciplinary cooperation (in particular, between health care and social services), raising the status of health workers, especially nurses, increasing the salaries of medical staff, opening new institutions specializing in support elderly people and those who provide services to people with serious, incurable diseases, the introduction of digital services, etc. In times of economic crisis, one of the most effective forms of service delivery are home-provided services. It is claimed that the experience of the political forces of the Slovak Republic in the context of the development of health and palliative care can be useful for Ukraine as well. Medical reform is being implemented in our country, and due to the fact that palliative care is included in the list of medical services guaranteed by the state, the number of health care facilities providing care to the seriously ill increased rapidly in 2020-2021. The study of political approaches to improving the systems of medical and social support to citizens contributes to the implementation of medical reform in our country. Given the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic, this is especially important.
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MERSHON, CAROL. "Legislative Party Switching and Executive Coalitions." Japanese Journal of Political Science 9, no. 3 (December 2008): 391–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109908003198.
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AbstractIn parliamentary systems, legislative parties are the building blocks for executive coalitions. A standard assumption in the large literature on coalition politics is that legislative parties form fixed units from one election to the next. Under some conditions, however, this assumption falls flat. For instance, about one-fourth of legislators in the Italian lower house switched parties between 1996 and 2001. How is legislative party switching linked to the politics of executive coalitions? This paper examines how government composition affects the direction of party switching, and how party switching affects the reallocation of cabinet office. I devote in-depth scrutiny to Italy. Subsidiary country cases, chosen to maximize institutional variation, are Australia, Britain, Canada, France, and Spain.
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Hix, Simon, and Abdul Noury. "Government-Opposition or Left-Right? The Institutional Determinants of Voting in Legislatures." Political Science Research and Methods 4, no. 2 (June 17, 2015): 249–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.9.
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This study uses roll-call voting data from 16 legislatures to investigate how the institutional context of politics—such as whether a country is a parliamentary or presidential regime, or has a single-party, coalition or minority government—shapes coalition formation and voting behavior in parliaments. It uses a geometric scaling metric to estimate the “revealed space” in each of these legislatures and a vote-by-vote statistical analysis to identify how much of this space can be explained by government-opposition dynamics as opposed to parties’ (left-right) policy positions. Government-opposition interests, rather than parties’ policy positions, are found to be the main drivers of voting behavior in most institutional contexts. In contrast, issue-by-issue coalition building along a single policy dimension is only found under certain restrictive institutional constraints: presidential regimes with coalition governments or parliamentary systems with minority governments. Put another way, voting in most legislatures is more like Westminster than Washington.
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Romanyuk, Anatoliy, and Vitaliy Lytvyn. "Electoral Performance of New Political Parties in Ukraine: The Context of Electoral Volatility at the Parliamentary Level (1998–2019)." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 28, no. 3 (October 2021): 274–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2021-3-274.
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This article is devoted to study and comparative analysis of the features and levels of support for new political parties during parliamentary elections in Ukraine, in particular the period 1998–2019. With this in mind, mainly based on the calculations of the indices of overall electoral volatility, intra-system electoral volatility and extra-system electoral volatility, we analyze the parameters of changes in electoral support (by voters) for political parties, in particular new ones, during the 1998–2019 parliamentary elections in Ukraine. In addition, we correlate overall, intra-system and extra-system electoral volatility, and present the correlation of overall electoral volatility in the sample of all political parties as the subjects of electoral processes in Ukraine and political parties elected to the national parliament (the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine). As a result, the study outlines two clusters of extra-system electoral volatility, which show the highest level of similarity, and calculates the dependence of the level of electoral volatility and stability of the party system in Ukraine. With this background, we conclude that electoral volatility in Ukraine is largely determined by the effect of party affiliation or desire to belong to the government or opposition, and is regulated by the special context of identity politics in this country.
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Sohal, Seerat, and Harsandaldeep Kaur. "A Content Analysis of YouTube Political Advertisements: Evidence from Indian Parliamentary Elections." Journal of Creative Communications 13, no. 2 (April 11, 2018): 133–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973258618761408.
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YouTube, a popular video-sharing platform, is being used by political parties to influence voter behavior. The present exploratory study analyses the use of YouTube as a promotional tool during the Indian Parliamentary Elections 2014—the first social media based elections in India. This study examines 92 advertisements of Indian National Congress (INC) and 55 advertisements of Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) on YouTube for the following parameters: general characteristics of each video, types of message appeal used and the dominant content of the advertisements. The findings revealed that INC emphasized more on the identity of their party while BJP stressed on their candidate. Furthermore, the YouTube advertisements were dominated by positive campaigning. The parties appealed to the voters through logic and strongly addressed various national and developmental issues. Both the parties strategically expressed the optimistic future of the country under the dynamic leadership of their respective prime ministerial candidates. The findings of the study have important implications for political parties, political marketers and lawmakers as social media has occupied a significant place among young and educated voters and acts as a stimulant to voter engagement. The article adds value to the existing studies of political advertising and communication literature by theoretically adhering to Kaid and Johnston’s (2001) concept of ‘videostyle’, integrating the functional theory of political discourse, and appending the visual culture concept to political domain.
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Maier, Michaela, Patrick Bacherle, Silke Adam, and Melanie Leidecker-Sandmann. "The interplay between parties and media in putting EU issues on the agenda: A temporal pattern analysis of the 2014 European Parliamentary election campaigns in Austria, Germany and the United Kingdom." Party Politics 25, no. 2 (April 20, 2017): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817700532.
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We investigate the interplay between party communication and media coverage in putting EU issues on the agenda during the 2014 European Parliamentary election campaigns in Austria, Germany and the United Kingdom. A temporal pattern analysis focuses on the dynamic perspective of media–parties’ interactions based on a quantitative content analysis of (a) the press releases published by parties and (b) the coverage of two leading newspapers per country 12 weeks prior to the elections. We find that most public discourses are started by the media; however, political parties especially in Austria are also quite successful in initiating discussions about EU issues. Interestingly, once an issue has been placed on the agenda, only a few parties take the opportunity of exploiting their issue-ownership in response to the media agenda. On the other side, media react to publications of all party types, even radical parties.
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Koc-Michalska, Karolina, and Darren G. Lilleker. "Evolving In Step or Poles Apart?" International Journal of E-Politics 5, no. 1 (January 2014): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijep.2014010103.
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Comparative studies are rare in the study of online communication campaigning. The authors chose two cases, Poland and France, to describe the two campaigns for the Parliamentary elections. Content analysis allowed the authors to detect online communication strategies and parties' attempt to reach different audiences. Web-cartography illustrates the parties' network connections. The authors find strong cross-country and resource-based differences for the more interactive and engaging features (Web 2.0), which are not that powerful for explaining audience-targeting strategies. Overall a sales strategy and a focus on marketing dominated over e-representation (exhibiting the parties' political record). In both countries social media platforms are well incorporated into online strategies. Facebook dominates in Poland, Twitter in France. Web cartography gives a counterintuitive picture of the Polish parties' network being much more personalized but also of more ghettoing within the supporting environment.
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Smulders, Jef, and Bart Maddens. "Spending Levels of Political Parties: An Explanation Based on a Multilevel Analysis." Government and Opposition 54, no. 2 (July 13, 2017): 254–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.19.
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This article examines the determinants of the annual overall spending levels of political parties from a comparative perspective. On the basis of a dataset with 1,317 observations from 99 parties in nine European parliamentary democracies, we illustrate that the spending levels of parties – calculated on the basis of Nassmacher’s index of political spending – have not systematically increased over the past decade. A multilevel analysis shows that, at the country level, spending levels are higher in countries with a longer tradition of public funding, a higher effective number of parties and a shorter democratic tradition. They are also higher in election years, but this effect is moderated when campaign spending limits apply. At the party level, spending levels increase with party strength and party age. Party ideology and government participation, on the other hand, do not have an effect.
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Gudžinskas, Liutauras. "The Sunset of Social Democracy in East-Central Europe: Case Study of Hungary." Politologija 97, no. 1 (May 29, 2020): 95–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2020.97.4.
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The article analyzes the reasons of the long-term decay of the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) since 2010. The party ruled the country between 1994–1998 and 2002–2010 and was one of the strongest and most institutionalized political forces not only in Hungary but in the whole East-Central Europe. However, during the parliamentary elections in 2010, it suffered a crushing defeat by their main political opponents – “Fidesz,” led by V. Orbán. The organizational development of these two parties is compared. Collected evidence reveal the significance of centralized party rule and efforts to organize civil society in shaping the intra-competition of the main Hungarian political parties.
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Llanos-Antczak, Anna. "Wyniki wyborów do parlamentu regionalnego i Kortezów Generalnych w Kraju Basków jako odzwierciedlenie panujących tam tendencji nacjonalistycznych." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 73, no. 1 (2022): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2022.73.01.
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Basque nationalism is a multifaceted and complex issue in which many aspects overlap, but much can be deduced from the political sympathies expressed by the inhabitants of the Basque Country during the elections to both the regional parliament and the Cortes Generales. The political parties’ programs are also a good source of knowledge. The aim of the article is to outline the programs of the Basque main political parties and the results of parliamentary elections as two important determinants for the analysis of nationalist tendencies in this autonomous community. The article provides an analysis of the political origins of Basque nationalism and also focuses on the PNV party as the leading political force for moderate nationalism. The last part concerns the socio-political moods at the end of the second decade of the 21st century in the Basque Country.
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Guseletov, Boris. "Results of the Parliamentary Elections in France and their impact on Russian-French Relations." Science. Culture. Society 28, no. 3 (September 29, 2022): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2022.28.3.1.
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The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in France held on June 12 and 19, 2022. The results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2022 are compared, and all these parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2022 are characterized. The results of the activities of the French government, formed by President and Leader of party Republic on the March! E. Macron following the results of the 2018 elections. The reasons for maintaining the rating of this government and its influence on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It is considered how the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The assessment of the activities of the main opposition parties of this country is given. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the positions of political parties and coalitions that were elected to parliament following these elections are considered: the coalition Together (For a President Majority), led by the Chairman of the National Assembly R.Ferrand, uniting the Renaissance, Democratic Movement and Horizon parties, the New People's Ecological and Social Union coalition (NPESU) led by the leader of the Unconquered France party J.-L.Melenchon, which also united the socialist and communist parties, and the Europe, Ecology, Greens party, the National Unification Party of Marine Le Pen, which was headed on the eve of the elections by MEP J.Bordella, and the coalition of the Union of the Right and Centrists led by the leader of the Republicans Party, C.Jacob, which also included the Union of Democrats and Independents party. The positions of these parties are presented. The state of Russian-French relations is analyzed and a forecast is given of how the election results will affect relations between RF and France.
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Sharapov, Aleksey V. "Social and political activity of Kemerovo region youth in 2000–2010." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Sociology. Politology 22, no. 2 (May 23, 2022): 215–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2022-22-2-215-220.
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Kemerovo region significantly differs from the neighboring regions in the political sphere. For nearly two decades, the region has demonstrated a high degree of support for the United Russia party. Other political parties, both parliamentary and non-parliamentary, enjoy less support than in the rest of the country. The purpose of this article is to study the dynamics of youth activity as candidates for deputies of the Council of People’s Deputies of Kemerovo Region. The data were obtained from the official website of the Election Commission of Kemerovo region – Kuzbass by monitoring the election results of 2008, 2013 and 2018 campaigns. During the three electoral cycles, there has been an increase in the number of young deputies in the regional parliament.
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Pesic, Miroslav. "Parliamentary elections in the Kingdom of Serbia in 1888." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 157-158 (2016): 619–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1658619p.
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In late November 1888, King Milan Obrenovic issued a proclamation declaring a necessity to change the Constitution of Serbia with the purpose of eliminating any perils that threatened the country, as well as terminating political disagreements. Parliamentary elections were scheduled for November 20, while the Parliament was to be in session on March 1. Regardless of the promise given by King Milan that ensured the free elections, the Radical Party members complained of a flagrant abuse by the local Progressive Party government that favored the Progressive Party candidates. This dissatisfaction led to a general state of unrest which threatened to turn into an open rebellion. Considering numerous complaints coming from the provincial parts of the country, King Milan decided to annul the elections conducted in certain parts and ordered the new ones to be held under the supervision of the committee composed of the members of all three political parties. The Radical Party candidates won the majority in these new elections held on December 16. The National Assembly session was held in the National Theatre building on January 2, 1889. The majority of the elected deputies adopted the new Constitution upon being presented with its outline.
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Rahman, Ishaq, and Elyta Elyta. "The Role of Political Parties in SBY's Era of Leadership Period 2004-2014." JPASDEV : Journal of Public Administration and Sociology of Development 1, no. 2 (December 25, 2020): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.26418/jpasdev.v1i2.43478.
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ABSTRACT A country that implements the system as mentioned earlier is more towards an authoritarian system of government which aims to dominate and dominate the power of the state towards the people. Democracy cannot survive from such a closed state. In a basic concept of democracy, there is a fundamental principle, namely the principle of sovereignty of the people who run the government.Political communication is one of the many roles played by political parties in various available arrangements. The political party is required to communicate knowledge, issues and political thoughts.Constitutionally, the Government adopts a Presidential System in which the ministers in the cabinet are responsible to the president. But in practice the SBY-JK administration is more of a Parliamentary System. Keywords: political parties, democracy, SBY government
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Mukhamedjanov, Amanulla. "Парламентские выборы в контексте развития избирательного законодательства в Республике Узбекистан." Studia Politologiczne, no. 62/2021 (December 18, 2021): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2021.62.7.
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This article is devoted to the analysis of the evolution and current state of electoral legislation in Uzbekistan. The author examines the process of the electoral legislation’s formation and development after Uzbekistan gained independence, gives a description of its features, as well as the dynamics of the electoral policy’s development in the country. Much attention is paid to the reasons, development process of and adoption of the Electoral Code, as well as innovations included in it after testing at the last parliamentary elections. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the political parties’ role in the electoral process in the context of the multi-party system formation.
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Eman, Kinz ul, Ghulam Nabi Kazi, Lucica Ditiu, Nausheen Hamid, Syed Karam Shah, and Syed Karam Shah. "Establishing a parliamentary caucus to provide oversight to tuberculosis control in Pakistan." Pakistan Journal of Public Health 12, no. 1 (June 28, 2022): 34–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32413/pjph.v12i1.956.
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Background: The National TB Control Program and its partners advocated for a caucus of parliamentarians to galvanize political support for tuberculosis control. The process urged political representatives from all parties to join the call to action for a TB-free Pakistan by supporting timely decisions and adequate resource allocation for TB prevention and cure.
Methods: National TB Control Program Pakistan and Stop TB Partnership ensured an effective advocacy stream of activities leading to formulating a parliamentary caucus. The forum has held several meetings to support political decisions for TB control and cure in the country.
Results: A total of 13 Parliamentarians initially agreed to be a caucus member, attended its launch and two follow-up meetings, and supported decisions. The parliamentarians signed a declaration to address the barriers in providing TB diagnostic and treatment care across the country, irrespective of any discrimination.
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Yusriadi, Yusriadi, Armin Anwar, and Enni Enni. "Political Reform in the General Election." JPPUMA Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik Universitas Medan Area 8, no. 1 (May 12, 2020): 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/jppuma.v8i1.2733.
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A country can be called upholding the values of democracy if, in that country, there is a guarantee in freedom of thought and opinion. And, of all of that, one of them was realized by the existence of elections. As a country that adheres to the principle of democracy, it is important for Indonesians to have a process for selecting people to fill certain political positions. 2019 Election becomes a new chapter for Indonesia in holding general elections, more than 187 million voters both domestically and abroad for the first time will elect simultaneously legislative and vice-presidential candidates. This study illustrates political reform in elections in Indonesia, In the 2019 Election, the competition of political parties to qualify for the House of Representatives was increasingly difficult. The parliamentary threshold that must be achieved by political parties to place their cadres in the House of Representatives rose to 4 percent in the 2019 Election. That number rose 0.5 percent compared to the 2014 legislative elections of 3.5 percent.
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Gachechiladze, Revaz, and Giorgi Gogsadze. "2020 parliamentary elections in Georgia: Results and geographical peculiarities." European Spatial Research and Policy 28, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1231-1952.28.2.12.
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The article aims to show the main political-geographic trends of the 2020 parliamentary elections in Georgia. The political systems of the post-Soviet counties are still imperfect and fragile. Although international observers recognised the vote results in Georgia as legitimate, many opposition parties boycotted the parliament for almost six months. It took several western officials to engage in regulating the post-election crisis. The work focuses on analysing turnout and voting patterns pointing to the changes that occurred in the last decade. A geographical study of elections enables one to identify the merits and drawbacks of the electoral process from the regional standpoint. The findings of the work underline the complexity of the election outcomes. While certain legal and political changes bring Georgia closer to European democracies, the country still lags in terms of several electoral/geographical features.
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Sulardi, Sulardi, and Wafda Vivid Izziyana. "Cabinet Formation Elections: Among Opposition, Coalition, or Collegiality of The Party’s Chairperson." Aloha International Journal of Multidisciplinary Advancement (AIJMU) 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.33846/aijmu20101.
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Constitutional change is always tinged with a tense and lasting political constellation in both national and international contexts. the existence of transactional politics to gain seats constantly influences political dynamics in the election period. The method used in this research is the doctrinal method. Indonesia applies a presidential government system but does not fully follow the existing doctrine. several coalitions in the government coalition were made. As a result when the President and Vice President are nominated. political parties that support the nomination feel they have the right to join the government, as in the parliamentary system of government. The cabinet filling model is also influenced by supporting parties. It shows that political parties can collaborate to form a joint government, however, the President has the prerogative in determining who will be his minister. It should be carefully noted down that our country is a country adopting a presidential government system. As a result, the formation and the ministers elections of the government is not at the hand of the chairperson of the political parties coalition, but fully at the hand of the president as the President’s prerogative rights. This cannot be proceeded. Chairperson of the Political parties in a coalition may expect to get some seats of powers (minister) from the President
Keywords: cabinet; election; political; party; chairperson
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Tahirović, Emir, and Ermin Kuka. "The Dayton controversies – public decision-making between parliamentary democracy and partitocracy." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 283–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.283.
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In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the pluralization of society and the state began during 1990. This is the time when political parties are formed and the first multi-party parliamentary elections are held. Due to the strong influence and domination of the ethnic principle, political parties were formed in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1990 in two basic forms: as ethnic or people's (national) parties, and as civic (multiethnic) parties. In almost all election cycles from the beginning of the pluralization of Bosnian society until today, ethnic political parties have won the elections. Ethnic political parties have appropriated a monopoly in the promotion of national interests since the 1990 election campaign, guided by the idea of protecting the national interests of “their“ peoples. The continued rule of ethnic parties without a coalition political agenda and agreement has strengthened ethnic pluralism in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thus, instead of democratic decision-making and competition between the majority and the opposition, the representative bodies in Bosnia and Herzegovina have become an arena and a place of mutual competition and confrontation between the parties that make up the parliamentary majority. The lack of the necessary democratic consensus between the ruling ethnic political parties at the state level was compensated and compensated by the High Representative of the International Community (OHR), who, on the basis of the Bonn powers, promulgated certain laws. Hundreds of laws in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been promulgated by high representatives. This prevented blockages in the work of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the absence of the necessary consensus of the ruling ethnic parties, it is not possible to develop or strengthen the power of parliaments as the highest representative body of the people and citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Instead of parliamentary democracy, classical partitocracy is at work. The situation is similar at the entity level, and at the cantonal level in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina entity. All this, along with heterogeneous and complicated decision-making procedures and processes, ultimately reflects on the adoption of laws and decisions of importance to society and the state. Complicated forms of decision-making and the existence of a famous mechanism for the protection of vital national interests are some of the obstacles to the development of the state and society. All of these are some of the essential problems, but also the controversies that follow the decision-making processes in the representative bodies in the country. This is especially true of the adoption of important and significant public policies aimed at solving socio-political problems. Only decision-making at the level of local self-government units (municipalities and cities) can serve as a positive example. In general, the local level of government has so far proved to be the most efficient level of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The basis for strengthening the democratic decision-making capacities of the representative bodies of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina is contained in the application of the democratic principle on which parliamentary democracy is established and functions. Applying almost all basic and general scientific research methods, as well as the method of analysis (content) of relevant documentation as a method of data acquisition, will identify key problems and controversies of public decision-making and policy making in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the period after the Dayton Peace Agreement. today. A conclusion will be drawn on the need to establish a parliamentary majority based on the coalition agreement and the political program of that coalition, which significantly affects the public decision-making processes and the adoption of the necessary state public policy. Bosnia and Herzegovina is required to reconstruct public decisions in the direction of strengthening state public decisions and policies and building European standards, in order to more efficiently compose them with the requirements and directives of the European Union.
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Fedorchak, Tetiana. "Increasing the Popularity of Antisystem (Non-Traditional) Parties in the Czech Republic." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 9 (December 28, 2021): 50–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2021.9.50-63.
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The article examines the course of the elections to the lower house of the Parliament of the Czech Republic, their role and place in the political process of the country. The author argues that pluralism of opinion and multiparty system in the Czech Republic practically confirm their real strength, as evidenced by the participation of many parties in parliamentary elections and the fact, that that nine of them managed to overcome the 5% barrier and to obtain a certain number of deputy mandates. The programs of parliamentary parties are analyzed, their main election slogans and the results they achieved in the elections. Much attention in the article is paid to the winner of this election – the centrist political force – movement "Action of dissatisfied citizens", whose leader was appointed Prime Minister of the Czech Republic. Emphasis is placed on new trends in the political process, which were confirmed during the will of the people. Among them, the author highlights the growing popularity of anti-system (non-traditional) parties. In their election statements, these parties set out to protest the change in the political system of society. Along with this process, the crisis of traditional parties deepened, who were previously members of the governing bodies of the state, but they failed to demonstrate their compliance with voter inquiries, who sought solutions to pressing issues. This is confirmed by the results of traditional Czech parties – Communist Party of the Czech Republic and Moravia, which managed to get only 7.76% of the vote of the voters and the leader of the previous elections – the Czech Social Democratic Party, which won the support of only 7.27% of voters, having lost almost 13% of the vote in four years.
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Żelichowski, Ryszard. "Polityka w cieniu koronawirusa." Politeja 18, no. 6(75) (December 16, 2021): 119–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.75.06.
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Politics in the Shadow of COVID-19: Parliamentary Election in the Kingdom of the Netherlands On March 15-17, 2021, the first parliamentary elections in the European Union during the pandemic took place in the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The political authorities of the Kingdom of the Netherlands decided to hold the elections despite severe sanitary restrictions and curfew. On January 15, 2021, the outgoing Prime Minister Mark Rutte, chairman of the People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), handed over the resignation of the entire government to the King. The immediate cause was the report of the parliamentary investigative commission announced in December 2020 on the extremely restrictive operation of local tax offices in connection with government child benefits. Mark Rutte has been running the country efficiently since 2010 and was also a favorite in the upcoming parliamentary elections. The elections were conducted without any disturbances. 37 parties were admitted to elections, the largest number in the post-war history of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The election winners were ruling party VVD party and progressive liberals from D’66. The discussion on the formation of the new government has already started and is accompanied by great emotions. It is going to be a long period of negotiations and their results are difficult to be predicted. The article presents the main actors of this parliamentary game.
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Verge, Tània, and Sílvia Claveria. "Gendered political resources." Party Politics 24, no. 5 (August 16, 2016): 536–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816663040.
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Party office is a crucial political resource for those seeking a political career. It provides advantageous access to the distribution of the patronage parties are entitled to in party government democracies. This article aims at measuring this comparative advantage while simultaneously investigating whether it benefits women and men equally in political recruitment processes. We concentrate on viable candidacy for parliamentary office, ministerial appointments, as well as post-ministerial offices in public and semi-public life that are also in the hands of political parties to distribute. Our cross-national analysis of advanced industrial democracies shows that men are much more likely than women to benefit from holding party office in their ascendant political careers, even when controlling for other political resources, sociodemographic factors and country-level variables. This suggests that party office is a gendered political resource and that gender power dynamics are deeply entrenched in political parties.
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MASLOVA, ELENA. "ITALIAN WOMEN IN FRONT OF THE BALLOT BOX (ON THE POLITICAL PREFERENCES OF THE FEMALE ELECTORATE)." History and modern perspectives 2, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 81–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-4-81-85.
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The paper focuses on the political preferences of the female electorate in the Italian Republic. In particular, the main factors that affect the electoral behavior of women are considered, data on gender preference are given in the last parliamentary elections of 2018 and European 2019. The author concludes that the main trend - the low involvement of women in the political life of the country has remained since the First Republic. Given this, the female electorate represents an unrealized resource that can be used by political forces and Italian parties in the struggle for voter votes.
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Grishin, I. "Sweden’s Parliamentary Deadlock: a Solution is Found?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2015): 65–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-5-65-70.
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This publication is a kind of afterword to the previous article by the same author, printed in MEMO Journal, 2015, no. 2. The article was received by the editorial board in October 2014.The afterword was caused by extraordinary events in the Swedish politics in December 2014. In the Riksdag in early December, the government lost a vote on the budget, due to the Swedish Democrats voting in favour of the centre-right opposition proposal. In return, the government announced snap elections for March 22nd, 2015, which officially were supposed to be confirmed on 29th December. The most likely outcome of these elections would have been a recurrence of the main result of the September elections, that is, the position of the Swedish Democrats as kingmaker. To avoid dependence on the Swedish Democrats, on December 27th, the government parties and the centre-right opposition signed an agreement that made it possible for a minority government to get its own budget approved. Thus, the agreement brought the country out of parliamentary deadlock and enabled her to regain control, but deprived the Swedish Democrats of the effectiveness of voting and by that ignored the will of their electorate. In Sweden, the agreement was given the opposite evaluations. Despite being tactically effective, the agreement has not solved the problem of the Swedish Democrats and especially anti-immigration sentiments in the society that the party reflects. The deal of the government and the centre-right opposition is a political-technological solution to this problem, whereas there needs to be found a political one. A dialogue between the parties of the establishment with the Swedish Democrats is needed, leading to some compromise. Probably, for the first time since the 1930's, the Swedish establishment has begun to lose its appreciation of the necessity for political compromise. However, some signs of understanding the necessity of reforming immigration policy are already visible; this is evidenced by the statements of a number of establishment politicians.
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Guseletov, Boris. "ON THE INTERACTION OF EURO PARTIES WITH PARTIES FROM THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES. PART 1." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, no. 6 (December 31, 2021): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620213240.
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The article analyzes the results of cooperation between two leading pan-European political organizations – the European People’s Party (EPP) and the Party of European Socialists (PES) with their counterparts in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine), except Azerbaijan. It is considered with which political forces and why the EPP and the PES have established interaction and even accepted them into their membership. The profiles of these political organizations were studied, including the results of their participation in the national parliamentary and presidential elections and interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of ruling coalitions. Information is provided on when these parties joined, respectively, the EPP and the PES, and what status they have today in these European structures. The main provisions of the resolutions of the governing bodies of the EPN and the PES concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program and the support of their partner parties in these countries are presented. It shows how the foreign policy course of the Eastern Partnership member countries changed after political organizations that closely cooperate with their European counterparts came to power. It is noted that in almost all of these countries there has recently been a steady desire to strengthen political and economic partnership with the European Union and Western countries in general. And only one country. Georgia is still trying to maintain a balance in relations with Western countries and Russia. Key words: European parties, party system, Eastern Partnership program, elections.
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Guseletov, Boris. "Republic of Cyprus: «Old» Parties Lose Popularity." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 22, no. 4 (August 31, 2021): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran420213745.
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This article presents an analysis of the results of the parliamentary elections held in Cyprus on May 30, 2021. These elections were held in the context of the aggravation of the issue of the division of the island into Cypriot and Turkish parts and an increase in illegal migration to the island, an increase in the negative impact of the Covid‐19 pandemic, as well as a number of corruption scandals related to the issuance of so-called golden passports. It is shown that the leading Cypriot parties, the ruling Democratic Union and the opposition Progressive Workers Party of Cyprus, continue to lose their supporters who are dissatisfied with the existing party-political system and the inability of these parties for many years to resolve the issue of dividing the country into two states. The center-left Democratic Party (DP) and the Movement for Social Democracy, which took third and fifth places, respectively, retained their modest positions. Against this background, the influence of the nationalist «National Popular Front», which supports the federalization of the Republic of Cyprus, has grown, which came in fourth place. And for the first time, a new liberal party, the Democratic Front, was elected to parliament, also advocating an early solution to the issue of dividing the island by involving international mediators.
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Balabanov, Kostyantyn, and Viktoriiа Lysak. "Language policy in the context of formation of state identity in Ukraine." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 11, no. 31-32 (2021): 74–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2021-11-31-32-74-82.
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The issue of language status and development at the state level, in academic and broad socio-political discourse, traditionally occupies an important place among the criteria of national identity. Being the object of special attention of the state as an object of normative management, maintenance and use, it also becomes a means of constructing state identity. Such an identity of citizens is very important for modern Ukraine, its formation is recognized as an urgent, vital need for the country, especially in times of armed conflict. The article reveals the peculiarities of the relationship between language policy and the creation of state identity in Ukraine. An attempt is made to explore the preconditions for the formation of the current state of language policy, in the context of national, the peculiarities of its representation at different levels of social and political discourse. The history of normative consolidation of the status of language in the legislative acts of the country and attempts of various parliamentary parties to stick to this status is traced. The position of parliamentary forces as political authors is compared with the opinion of the society represented by the results of polls.
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Kokashvili, Nino, and Irakli Barbakadze. "Does Polarized Political Environment Hamper Foreign Investors? The Evidence from Parliamentary Democracies." Scientific Annals of Economics and Business 67, no. 1 (March 2020): 45–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/saeb-2020-0004.
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The socio-political characteristics of the host environment influence investment decisions. The complexity of the political setup strengthens the need for advanced research in the field. The main contribution of this article is to identify the party polarization as a separate dimension of the political system. This paper examines the relationship between the foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows and the host country political factors: the party polarization and the political stability. Besides constructing the political polarization index in a traditional way, authors also formulate a novel measure, which explicitly shows the divergence of political parties on economic actions. By using the manifesto data of 50 parliamentary democracies based on fixed effects model, authors conclude that political polarization is an important socio-political factor which has been previously neglected in literature while addressing the determinants of foreign investments. The paper shows that the effect of political polarization on FDI inflows changes for country groups of different institutional and development indicators. Authors underline the importance of political instability in tackling the polarization impact on capital flows. Accounting together the two variables, the authors find a negative significant effect on FDI.
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Shishelina, Lyubov. "2022 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN HUNGARY." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 26, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220227179.
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The Hungarian parliamentary elections of 2022 for the fifth time in the recent history of the country brought victory to the FIDESZ party, including the fourth with a constitutional majority of 2 /3 of parliamentary mandates. At the same time, during the current election campaign in Hungary, the system of preliminary election of a single candidate (by the type of primaries) among opposition parties and movements was tested for the first time. However, this did not save the multi-party coalition from another failure. Nevertheless, the recent elections have further strengthened the trend towards the formation in Hungary, as in a number of other Central European countries, of a two-party political system with a small layer of a «third force». The surprise of the elections was the passage to Parliament of the extreme nationalist party «Our Fatherland», which partially broke away from the Jobbik party after the 2018 elections. Now, within the walls of parliament, former right-wing radical party members will meet with the renewed Jobbik party, which performed in the last elections in a coalition with left-liberal forces. This campaign took place against a very unfavorable international background – the war in Ukraine and increased pressure on Hungary from Brussels and from neighboring states that do not agree with the aspirations of the Orban cabinet to prevent the use of Hungarian territory for military purposes. This circumstance made the task extremely difficult for Viktor Orban, the permanent leader of the FIDESZ party since its foundation, and at the same time played in favor of the opposition, as another reason for criticism of the foreign policy pursued by the Prime Minister, a significant element of which since 2011 has been the strengthening of pragmatic relations with Russia.
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Magnusson, Lars. "Trade unions in a changing political context." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 24, no. 2 (March 23, 2018): 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918762697.
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A common feature in almost all Western countries over the last 40 years has been the steady decline in trade union membership and subsequently a decline in the power and influence of unions. Moreover, in many countries trade union strength has relied upon longlasting relationships with social democratic parties or, in a minority of cases, communist parties. The trend over the last decades has been a weakening of traditional ‘working-class’ coalitions. The aim of this article is to discuss to what extent such features also exist in Sweden, a country long regarded as a stronghold of powerful social partners, the so-called Swedish Model. We will show that Sweden is also affected by the wider European trends but that there are important countervailing forces. At the moment, much hinges on the parliamentary election in 2018.
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Guseletov, Boris P. "PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN KYRGYZSTAN 2021 AND THEIR IMPACT ON THE COUNTRY’S FURTHER INTEGRATION INTO THE EAEU." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian studies. History. Political science. International relations, no. 3 (2022): 50–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2022-3-50-64.
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The article deals with the analysis of the results of the early parliamentary elections in Kyrgyzstan held at the end of November 2021. It investigates the reasons that prompted the leadership of that country to hold new elections almost a year after the regular elections, the results of which were annulled. The author tries to study out how the amendments to the Constitution of Kyrgyzstan adopted at the referendum held in April 2020 affected the change in the powers of the representative and executive authorities of the country.He characterizes the party system that has developed in the country in recent years and presents the leading political parties that took part in the last elections. The article especially analyzes the influence that the president of the country Sadyr Zhaparov and his inner circle made on the results of the last elections. In addition, the author focuses on describing and evaluating the socio-economic consequences of the election, as well as studying current attitudes in Kyrgyz society. A forecast is made of how the elections of 2021 may affect Kyrgyzstan’s relationship with its leading economic and political partners and, first of all, with the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union.
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Marattha, Purushotam. "Quest for Political Stability: Party Leadership Role in CA." Tribhuvan University Journal 29, no. 1 (March 31, 2016): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v29i1.25967.
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The political parties of Nepal have never been able to move as an engine of social transformation process, much like their inability to give a stable government. After replacing the Party-less regimes, with them multiparty system the country has mainly witnessed drawbacks of parliamentary system. The political parties have failed to promote democracy and they have hammered on the root of constitution. However, a new constitution was demanded through a Constituent Assembly (CA) and after nearly a decade long exercise, the constitution of Nepal, 2015, was promulgated on September20, 2015. Since that period Nepal has formally entered into a Federal Republican Nation. The new constitution has covered all the achievements of Second People's Movement (SPM).Since then the federal republican constitution has been completely setup in Nepal. This constitution has institutionalized the federal democratic republican setup and it has opened the rooms for amendment, where as the constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1990 was not amended even a single article for the last many years. Writing the constitution through the CA was a great achievement of Nepal. During the constitution declaration period major political forces like Big-3 NC, CPNUML and UCPNM showed their highest degree of Unity. The new constitution was passed by more than two thirds majority in the CA. But the Conflict about the number of States (Pradesh) is hampering the stability of the present new constitution. The dissolved CA-2 has not been able to settle all the political conflicts. The on going Madhes agitation deepen into the another constitutional crisis. Tarai based parties like Samyukta LoktantrikMadhesi Morcha (SLMM), an alliance of four parties has joined the parliamentary process. Earlier SLMM has obstructed and paralyzed border area with an unseen support of southern neighbor. Daily general strike of SLMM and closure of industries at border points has led to soft state syndrome in Nepal.