Journal articles: 'Parliamentary administration'

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Buck, Trevor. "Recent cases of the parliamentary commissioner for administration." Journal of Social Welfare Law 12, no. 5 (September 1990): 361–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09649069008412545.

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Pilniok, Arne. "Das Zeitalter der Künstlichen Intelligenz als Herausforderung für die Parlamente." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 52, no. 1 (2021): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2021-1-159.

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The digital transformation is permanently changing the government, administration, and society . This process is being intensified by the much-discussed technologies of artificial intelligence, and poses a variety of challenges for parliaments and indirectly for parliamentary studies . Their different dimensions have not been discussed comprehensively so far, although the technological developments affect all parliamentary functions and their premises . This article systematizes and structures the various effects of the age of artificial intelligence on parliamentary democracy . Namely, the conditions of democratic representation change, the innovation-friendly regulation of digital technologies becomes a parliamentary task, parliamentary control has to be adjusted to the use of algorithms and artificial intelligence in government and administration, and possibly, the epistemological and organizational structures of parliamentary work might have to be adapted . This provides starting points for future detailed analyses to adequately capture these processes of change and to accompany them from different disciplinary perspectives .

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Bach, Tobias. "Siefken, Sven (2018). Parlamentarische Kontrolle im Wandel. Theorie und Praxis des Deutschen Bundestages. Baden-Baden: Nomos. 461 Seiten. ISBN: 978-3-8487-4966-9." der moderne staat – Zeitschrift für Public Policy, Recht und Management 12, no. 1-2019 (June 24, 2019): 232–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/dms.v12i1.17.

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This book addresses the practices of the German Bundestag in controlling the federal administration. Siefken elaborates on different notions of parliamentary control and provides a detailed mapping of the parliament’s use of formal control instruments from 1949 - 2017. Most interestingly for scholars of public administration, Siefken conducted eight case studies of parliamentary control of federal agencies – both “traditional” and “modern” agencies established according to the ideas of the New Public Management or the independent regulatory agency model. Those case studies are instrumental for answering the book’s overarching research question about the exercise of parliamentary control under the conditions of major changes in the organizational setup of the state. With the exception of regulatory agencies, Siefken finds no major differences in control practices according to those categories, but fleshes out middle-range explanations of parliamentary control behaviour. This is an empirically rich book providing unprecedented insights into the actual practice of parliamentary control.

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Duff, Andrew. "Building a Parliamentary Europe." Government and Opposition 29, no. 2 (April 1, 1994): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1994.tb01248.x.

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The European Parliament is The First Directly Elected international parliament in history. June 1994 marks the beginning of its fourth term of five years. The Treaty on European Union, which came into force on 1 November 1993, strengthens the powers of the Parliament in a number of significant ways. Now is a good time, therefore, to reflect on the development of the European Parliament, and to speculate on its potential.

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Levy, Gary, and Joseph Maingot. "Parliamentary Privilege in Canada." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 25, no. 3 (September 1999): 421. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551531.

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Aldons, M. E. "CLASSIFICATIONS OF PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEES." Australian Journal of Public Administration 44, no. 4 (December 1985): 333–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.1985.tb01025.x.

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Carstensen, Franziska. "Mehrebenenparlamentarismus? Das Beziehungsgeflecht deutscher Landesparlamente." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 3 (2020): 534–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-3-534.

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The term multi-level parliamentarism has been used to mark the position of German Land parliaments . To check the validity of this term, the relations between parliaments in regard to their parliamentary structure components, namely leadership, administration, committees, parliamentary party groups, and members of parliament within Germany are analyzed . The results show that Land parliaments generally engage in frequent exchanges with other Land parliaments, an exception being exchanges between committees . Exchanges and relationships with parliaments outside Germany are mainly found on the levels of parliamentary leadership and administration . In light of these findings, applying the term multi-level parliamentarism does not seem to adequately depict Land parliaments . The results also reveal that the relations are not only inter-parliamentary and that they do not only take place in the frame of the European Union . Hence, using the term institutional relations of parliaments, albeit less sparkling, seems to adequately describe the real relations, efforts, and contacts of German Land parliaments . Another advantage of the term institutional relations is that it can be assigned to Land parliaments’ self-organization function and can thus be integrated into a common catalogue of parliamentary functions .

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Cottrell, Robert. "Russia’s Parliamentary and Presidential Elections." Government and Opposition 31, no. 2 (April 1996): 160–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb00602.x.

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In December 1995 General Elections Took Place in Russia for the lower house of parliament, the Duma. In constitutional terms the Duma is a relatively weak body, comparable with the French National Assembly. It initiates and enacts legislation, but must find a two-thirds majority if it is to override a presidential veto. The December elections were, however, of a disproportionate significance. The fact that they were taking place was important in itself. The Duma elected in December 1995 was only the second Duma to be elected in post-Soviet Russia, and the first to be elected in relatively normal circumstances. (The preceding Duma had been elected in 1993 only after President Boris Yeltsin had used tanks against the old Supreme Soviet, created a new parliament almost literally out of its ashes, and legitimized his actions by means of a new constitution approved by a national referendum.)

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Buckley, Michael. "REMEDIES, REDRESS AND "CALLING TO ACCOUNT": SOME MYTHS ABOUT THE PARLIAMENTARY COMMISSIONER FOR ADMINISTRATION." Denning Law Journal 13, no. 1 (November 16, 2012): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v13i1.270.

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O'HARA, GLEN. "THE PARLIAMENTARY COMMISSIONER FOR ADMINISTRATION, THE FOREIGN OFFICE, AND THE SACHSENHAUSEN CASE, 1964–1968." Historical Journal 53, no. 3 (August 17, 2010): 771–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000294.

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ABSTRACTThis communication follows the evolution, reception, and implications of the parliamentary commissioner's critical 1968 report on Foreign Office ‘maladministration’ regarding compensation for British concentration camp inmates. It explores officials' and ministers' attitude to the investigative techniques associated with this new office, as well as their hostile reaction to the publicity and parliamentary controversy to which his work gave rise. It concludes by exploring the wider implications of the case, especially the inherent problems faced by governments seeking closer and more harmonious relationships with the governed.

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11

Bowyer, T. H. "Junius, Philip Francis and Parliamentary Reform." Albion 27, no. 3 (1995): 397–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051735.

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The immediate objective of the young Philip Francis in the series of pseudonymous letters signed Junius and Philo Junius, which were published at intervals in the Public Advertiser between 1769 and 1772 when the author was aged between twenty- nine and thirty-two, was to encompass the downfall of the Grafton administration and, subsequently, the North administration, in anticipation of their replacement by a ministry drawn from the opposition. Grafton went in 1770, but with the opposition falling into disarray, Junius failed to dislodge North and abandoned his campaign. No Junius letters appeared after January 1772. The letters were characterized by vituperative attacks on the personal conduct of ministers and the court. These attacks were accompanied by an acidulous commentary on political events as they unfolded. Ministers were accused of abusing the constitution, as often as not with the complicity of Parliament. Casting himself as a defender of the constitution Junius identified defects in the modus operandi of Parliament and the electoral system without himself bringing forward firm proposals for reform. It was not until he was drawn to comment on propositions advanced by the Society of the Supporters of the Bill of Rights in 1771 that Junius took up a position on parliamentary reform.

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Grassby, Richard, and M. J. Braddick. "Parliamentary Taxation in Seventeenth-Century England: Local Administration and Response." American Historical Review 101, no. 4 (October 1996): 1203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169693.

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Mulligan, Lotte, and M. J. Braddick. "Parliamentary Taxation in Seventeenth-Century England. Local Administration and Response." Sixteenth Century Journal 27, no. 2 (1996): 498. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544154.

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Roseveare, Henry, and M. J. Braddick. "Parliamentary Taxation in Seventeenth-Century England: Local Administration and Response." Economic History Review 49, no. 2 (May 1996): 392. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597935.

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15

Moncrieffe, J. "Problems of Parliamentary Accountability in Jamaica: Consequences for Health Administration." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 39, no. 2 (July 2001): 73–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713999548.

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Korac, Sanja, Birgit Moser, and Paolo Rondo-Brovetto. "Politicians as active and participating stakeholders – the case of gender budgeting in Austria." Zeitschrift für öffentliche und gemeinwirtschaftliche Unternehmen 42, no. 1-2 (2019): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0344-9777-2019-1-2-60.

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This article looks at politicians as external stakeholders of the administration. Using the case of gender budgeting at the central government level in Austria, it analyzes the perception of politicians on how (well) gender perspectives have been introduced in the budgetary process, and how these stakeholders have actively participated in the administrations’ work. The study builds on interviews with members of the parliamentary budget committee and a qualitative analysis of budget documents. The results show that politicians perceive the administration as rather non-responsive to their active participation in introducing gender perspectives in the budgetary process.

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Borońska-Hryniewiecka, Karolina. "Accountability Revisited: Parliamentary Perspectives on the Inter-Parliamentary Conference on Stability, Economic Coordination, and Governance." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (August 13, 2021): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4142.

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<p>This article aims to verify whether, and to what extent, the Inter-Parliamentary Conference on Stability, Economic Coordination and Governance (IPC SECG) has become an accountability enhancing arena through which domestic legislatures can better scrutinize the process of the European Semester. While there is a broad scholarship on the difficult institutionalization of the IPC SECG and controversies related to its operation, little has been said about its actual performance as an accountability enhancing platform, especially in the context of domestic interactions between parliaments and executives in the area of economic governance. Despite it being operational for several years, the scholarship lacks focus on the national parliaments’ perspective with regard to this Conference’s effectiveness. Against this background, drawing from comparative data obtained from questionnaires and interviews, this article addresses the above-mentioned aspects from an actor-oriented approach and delves deeper into parliamentary perceptions of the SECG Conference. Findings indicate that attendance at the SECG Conference by MPs has neither significantly affected their domestic parliamentary activity in the area of economic governance and budgetary policy, nor improved the existing domestic legislative-executive relationship in this context. The Conference’s procedural weaknesses are only one part of the problem, another being the marginalized domestic position of parliaments in the European Semester procedure.</p>

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Winzen, Thomas. "The European Semester and Parliamentary Oversight Institutions Inside and Outside of the Euro Area." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (August 13, 2021): 100–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4129.

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The European Semester is a challenge for national parliaments but also an opportunity to reform domestic oversight institutions. Drawing on data from all member states, this study examines the conditions under which national parliaments use this opportunity. Is Euro area membership a prerequisite for parliamentary adaptation to the European Semester and, if so, which further combinations of conditions account for variation among Euro area countries? The analysis suggests that membership in or close ties with the Euro area and institutional strength constitute <em>necessary conditions</em> for parliamentary adaptation. Combined with other factors—in particular, public debt exceeding the Maastricht criteria—these conditions explain reform in many cases. National parliamentary adaptation to the European Semester thus follows existing institutional divisions constituted by differentiated integration in the Euro area and uneven national parliamentary strength.

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Fasone, Cristina. "Do Independent Fiscal Institutions Enhance Parliamentary Accountability in the Eurozone?" Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (August 13, 2021): 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4244.

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Independent fiscal institutions (IFIs) have been established or reformed in all eurozone countries following the reform of economic governance. As they are expected to counter the deficit bias of the governments and the information asymmetry of the legislatures and the public over the management of the budget, IFIs may support or even strengthen parliamentary accountability. This hypothesis is tested with regard to three IFIs, the Irish Fiscal Advisory Council, the Italian Parliamentary Budget Office, and the Spanish Independent Authority for Fiscal Responsibility. Although the economic context in which the IFIs were created was similar in the three eurozone countries, as was their mandate, these institutions have a rather different institutional positioning, being within the Parliament, in Italy; within the Executive, in Spain; and a stand-alone body in Ireland. This is likely to influence the IFIs’ contribution to parliamentary accountability, we hypothesize that the closer the position of an IFI and its contacts to the parliament, the stronger is the scrutiny of the executive on budgetary policies. The analysis of parliamentary questions, hearings, and of the activation of the ‘comply or explain’ procedures shows that, overall, the IFIs’ potential role to enhance parliamentary accountability has remained underexploited by the three legislatures, with no significant differences as for the institutional positioning of the IFI.

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Bertelli, Anthony M., and Rachel M. Dolan. "The Demand and Supply of Parliamentary Policy Advocacy: Evidence from UK Health Policy, 1997–2005." Government and Opposition 44, no. 3 (2009): 219–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2009.01286.x.

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AbstractFundamental to democratic politics is the quality of representation of constituents' interests by elected officials. This article statistically examines a case of substantive policy advocacy in Great Britain: the issues of wait times and health rationing by the National Health Service (NHS), salient throughout the Blair years. An increase in constituent need for care implies an increase in demand for parliamentary representation, yet representation will not necessarily be supplied, because legislators juggle conflicting interests. We measure representative action using parliamentary questions from 1997–2005. Party and parliamentary status and a set of indicators of the health of British citizens provide measures of political supply and constituent demand. Employing count-regression techniques, we find increased parliamentary questions as the proportion of individuals with some high health risks rises, but opposite results for other health risks. Evidence of political supply is much more consistent, suggesting that political careerism goes a long way towards explaining whether MPs table any questions at all in this policy area.

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Evans, Harry. "Parliament and Extra-Parliamentary Accountability Institutions." Australian Journal of Public Administration 58, no. 1 (March 1999): 87–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8500.00076.

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Adams, Carolyn. "Freedom of Information and Parliamentary Departments." Australian Journal of Public Administration 73, no. 1 (March 2014): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8500.12052.

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Borghetto, Enrico, Julie Sevenans, and Emiliano Grossman. "(A falta de) Poder de definição de agenda do parlamento sobre a agenda de decisões executivas: evidências da Bélgica, França e Portugal." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 6 (December 2020): 1588–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220190352.

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Abstract One of the functions of parliamentary questions in modern legislatures is to pressure executives to pay attention to specific issues. But can these questions effectively influence executive decisions? There is surprisingly little empirical research in this area. Adopting an agenda-setting perspective, this article examines the extent to which issue attention in oral parliamentary questions influences the issues addressed in the weekly meetings of the Council of Ministers in three countries (Belgium, France and Portugal). Our findings suggest that the agenda-setting power of parliaments vis-à-vis the executive is usually weak in the contexts studied here. In Belgium, we find evidence that the executive does pick up on issues debated in parliament but that the media seems to play a crucial role in focusing attention. These conclusions testify to the dominance of the executive power in many Western democracies. The findings also demonstrate that agenda-setting patterns are more complex than single-country studies often suggest, and that comparative research is the way forward.

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Borghetto, Enrico, Julie Sevenans, and Emiliano Grossman. "Parliament’s (lack of) agenda-setting power over the executive decision agenda: evidence from Belgium, France and Portugal." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 6 (December 2020): 1588–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220190352x.

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Abstract One of the functions of parliamentary questions in modern legislatures is to pressure executives to pay attention to specific issues. But can these questions effectively influence executive decisions? There is surprisingly little empirical research in this area. Adopting an agenda-setting perspective, this article examines the extent to which issue attention in oral parliamentary questions influences the issues addressed in the weekly meetings of the Council of Ministers in three countries (Belgium, France and Portugal). Our findings suggest that the agenda-setting power of parliaments vis-à-vis the executive is usually weak in the contexts studied here. In Belgium, we find evidence that the executive does pick up on issues debated in parliament but that the media seems to play a crucial role in focusing attention. These conclusions testify to the dominance of the executive power in many Western democracies. The findings also demonstrate that agenda-setting patterns are more complex than single-country studies often suggest, and that comparative research is the way forward.

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Pelizza, Annalisa, and Rob Hoppe. "Birth of a Failure: Consequences of Framing ICT Projects for the Centralization of Inter-Departmental Relations." Administration & Society 50, no. 1 (August 7, 2015): 101–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399715598343.

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Government information system failures are filling not only newspapers but also parliamentary and administrative reports. This article deals with a case in which information and communication technologies (ICT)–related failure claimed by the media influenced the parliamentary agenda, and intra-governmental relations. Drawing on a narrative analysis of a Dutch parliamentary commission’s hearings, it argues that the way the issue was initially framed by the media and then adopted, un-problematized, by Parliament steered the direction of action toward specific administrative solutions, thus shaping the landscape of possible organizational alliances. The article recommends a proactive role of parliaments in framing ICT projects.

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Tabbara, Tarik, and Jelena von Achenbach. "Der Gemeinsame Parlamentarische Kontrollausschuss für Europol: Innovative Verwaltungskontrolle in der EU." Die Verwaltung 54, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 73–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/verw.54.1.73.

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2017 hat der Gemeinsame Parlamentarische Kontrollausschuss für Europol seine Tätigkeit aufgenommen. Mit der Einrichtung dieses Ausschusses aus Abgeordneten des Europäischen Parlaments und der mitgliedstaatlichen Parlamente übt erstmals ein interparlamentarisches Gremium formalisierte Verwaltungskontrolle aus. Dies bedeutet eine substantielle Fortentwicklung der interparlamentarischen Zusammenarbeit; und es wird ein neuartiger Mechanismus der Verwaltungskontrolle im europäischen Sicherheitsverwaltungsverbund etabliert. Vor dem Hintergrund bestehender Formen interparlamentarischer Zusammenarbeit beleuchtet der Beitrag, wie der Europol-Kontrollausschuss als innovatives Instrument der Verwaltungskontrolle funktioniert. Er untersucht die Leistungsfähigkeit aber auch die Barrieren der Verwaltungskontrolle in der Form interparlamentarischer Gremien. Der Beitrag argumentiert, dass solche Gremien grundsätzlich einen Beitrag zur demokratischen Kontrolle von Verwaltungsverbünden auf europäischer Ebene leisten können, gerade im Hinblick auf EU-Agenturen und sonstige verselbstständigte Behörden. Das Ergebnis der Analyse ist jedoch, dass der Europol-Kontrollausschuss in der Praxis erst noch beweisen muss, dass er effektive Kontrolle leistet und sich somit als Vorbild eignet. In 2017, the Joint Parliamentary Scrutiny Group for the oversight over the EU agency Europol took up its work. This committee, which consists of parliamentarians from both the European Parliament and the parliaments of the Member States, is the first of its kind. For the first time an interparliamentary institution is formally tasked with a mandate to scrutinize an administrative body. This amounts to a substantive evolution of parliamentary cooperation. At the same time, an innovative mechanism of administrative control regarding the cooperation of European security administrations was introduced. The paper examines how the Joint Parliamentary Scrutiny Group exercises its scrutiny powers. It analyses both the specific capacity of interparliamentary bodies to perform administrative control and the inherent limits thereof. It points out that interparliamentary bodies can contribute, in particular, to controlling independent EU agencies that take part in European administrative cooperation. Yet, it shows that the Joint Parliamentary Scrutiny Group in practice still has to prove that it is actually willing and able to exercise effective control over Europol.

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Skazlic, Ivana. "Routine or Rare Activity? A Quantitative Assessment of Parliamentary Scrutiny in the European Semester." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (August 13, 2021): 112–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4226.

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The European Semester is an EU procedure, designed to facilitate coordination between national and EU actors in planning and implementing economic and fiscal policies and contribute to sustained economic convergence and employment in the EU. Scholars have highlighted this procedure as a crucial area of EU politics for national parliaments since its introduction in 2011. However, national parliaments participate differently in the European Semester. This article investigates which factors (institutional, political, economic) are more likely to intensify parliamentary engagement at the national stage of the procedure, based on a comparative quantitative analysis of parliamentary scrutiny activities across 35 parliaments/chambers in the EU over the 2014–2017 period. The article offers new insights about prospects for greater parliamentary accountability in the European Semester in practice.

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Korać, Srđan. "Parliamentary control of public administration integrity: Post-industrial polyarchies and Serbia." Serbian Political Thought 14, no. 2 (2016): 141–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spt.1422016.9.

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Mohamad Khalil, Shafiyah, and Mohammad Shazie Zaini Mohd Shahril Firda. "Inter-Sentential and Intra-Sentential Code Switching in Parliamentary Debate." International Journal of Modern Languages And Applied Linguistics 2, no. 4 (December 3, 2018): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/ijmal.v2i4.7691.

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Malaysians generally use two languages which are Malay and English in professional discourse. Bahasa Melayu or the Malay language is the national language of Malaysia and is used in formal discourse in government administration, while English is the nation’s second language that is used in professional discourse in private organizations in Malaysia. Although the use of English in government administration has been a hotly debated topic, but in reality both languages are used interchangeably since many Malaysian professionals are bilinguals of Malay and English. This paper has looked into two types of code-switching and how it is used in a Malaysian parliamentary debate. The findings revealed that inter-sentential and intra-sentential code-switching were used during the parliamentary debate due to social factors as well as linguistic elements.

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Brezovšek, Marjan, and Lea Smerkolj. "2010 Local Elections- A Serious Warning to Parliamentary Political Parties." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 9, no. 2 (April 18, 2011): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/9.2.145-162(2011).

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The fundamental principle of the modern local self-government system is the transfer of decision-making on public matters to the lowest possible level, enabling citizens to identify themselves with the local political environment as much as possible. Local government is considered democratic if its performance is decisively and directly or indirectly influenced (through elected representatives that are entrusted with local-level tasks) by the citizens themselves. Local elections are frequently compared to national elections, even though data show that local elections have their own peculiarities that cannot be applied to the national level. This is especially true regarding the dominant role of non-partisan candidates, and the ever decreasing support for political parties. Without the latter, one cannot even imagine the national level of government because they represent the key actors in national democratic political systems. Regarding the degree of trust in political parties at the local level, one can identify a trend indicating that citizens have gained a greater awareness that local-level politics is not related to party adherence, and that individuals’ personalities and their alleged apolitical character is coming increasingly to the fore, which is reflected by a high number of eligible non-partisan candidates. Therefore, one can see in Slovenia that people have become frustrated over the politicisation of local-level politics by expressing an ever-greater desire to support non-partisan candidates for the leaders of their local communities. Thus, they seek the candidates whose performance is not politically marked so that they can more easily identify themselves with them. Keywords: • local democracy • local elections • parliamentary elections • political parties • non-partisan candidates • Slovenia

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Fraser-Arnott, Melissa. "The Marketing Mix in Parliamentary Library Websites." Journal of Library Administration 60, no. 8 (September 21, 2020): 875–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01930826.2020.1820279.

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GREGORY, ROY, and JANE PEARSON. "THE PARLIAMENTARY OMBUDSMAN AFTER TWENTY-FIVE YEARS." Public Administration 70, no. 4 (December 1992): 469–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.1992.tb00951.x.

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Lbffler, Elke. "Book Review: Cabinet Ministers and Parliamentary Government." International Review of Administrative Sciences 63, no. 1 (March 1997): 105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002085239706300111.

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Fewtrell, Terry. "A NEW PARLIAMENTARY ORDER? A PRELIMINARY REPORT." Australian Journal of Public Administration 50, no. 1 (March 1991): 84–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.1991.tb02458.x.

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Smith, Chris Selby, and David Corbett. "PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEES, PUBLIC SERVANTS AND DUE PROCESS." Australian Journal of Public Administration 54, no. 1 (March 1995): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.1995.tb01108.x.

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Camilleri, Gérard. "La participation des citoyens aux choix énergétiques généraux." Les Cahiers de droit 24, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 783–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042570ar.

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Many citizens have been alarmed by the development of nuclear facilities, especially when the proposed site for a nuclear plant is located in their neibourghood or region. Parliamentary democracy is not particularly appropriate as a means of channeling citizens' apprehensions and commrnyd. Legislative power is delegated every four years or so to elected members of Parliament. Meanwhile, citizens have no say in the business of the State. The administration is even more remote since administrations of government departments, boards and corporations are not elected and parliamentary control is often weak and sometimes non-existent. The frustration of citizens and groups is therefore exacerbated by the lack of access to the decision-making process. Exasperation sometimes leads to violent demonstrations and acts of terrorism. To counter this feeling ofpowerlessness, governments have developed some means of positive participation. Firstly, channels of information have been opened so that rumours can be replaced by facts and objective policy statements. This requires from the Administration that its proposals be fully justified and that preliminary work has been made. Secondly, the development of public inquiries gives interested persons and groups the feeling they are integrated in the decision making process instead of being left outside in the dark. Parliamentary control can be updated to allow for national debates on nuclear policy and its implementation. Finally, the use of the referendum technique at the national, regional or local level would give back to the people their freedom of expression on such issues. The examples set by Austria and Sweden are particularly interesting in this respect. However, the equilibrium between the requirements of democracy and political expediency still remains very hard to find.

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Best, Robin E. "How Party System Fragmentation has Altered Political Opposition in Established Democracies." Government and Opposition 48, no. 3 (June 5, 2013): 314–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.16.

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This article examines the consequences of increased party system fragmentation for oppositions, their respective governments and representation more generally, focusing on 18 established democracies. Two of the findings presented here suggest that there is reason to be concerned about the future of parliamentary representation in established democracies. Firstly, an increasing proportion of votes now go to parties that do not receive a proportionate share of legislative representation, implying that a growing degree of organized opposition is extra-parliamentary. Secondly, the findings show that parliamentary oppositions have generally become more fragmented than their respective governments. This suggests that the composition of governments may not be keeping up with current trends in electoral preferences and, in some cases, that governmental majorities have become smaller and more tenuous. Thus, the overall picture is one of a growing and increasingly fragmented opposition, against a smaller and relatively cohesive government.

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Varone, Frédéric, Pirmin Bundi, and Roy Gava. "Policy evaluation in parliament: interest groups as catalysts." International Review of Administrative Sciences 86, no. 1 (April 19, 2018): 98–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852317750461.

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Members of Parliament (MPs) request policy evaluations and use the resultant findings to inform law-making and hold the government to account. Since most elected representatives have developed strong ties to interest groups, one might wonder whether these privileged relationships influence MPs’ parliamentary behavior. This study investigates how MPs’ affiliations to groups affect their demand for policy evaluations. Empirical evidence shows that, regardless of respective party or individual characteristics, MPs are more likely to request evaluations in those policy domains where they have a group affiliation. This effect holds even when controlling for a classical measure of MP's policy specialization, such as legislative committee membership. These findings suggest that ties between MPs and specific types of interest group should be considered when explaining parliamentary behavior across different policy domains. Point for practitioners To influence the policymaking process, interest groups participate in consultation procedures and parliamentary hearings, they lobby elected officials and deliver policy expertise to decision-makers. These advocacy strategies are well studied. This article innovates by showing that, in addition, interest groups foster the development of policy evaluations. MPs affiliated to an interest group active on a specific issue are likely to request policy evaluations in that policy domain. Interest groups strengthen the parliamentary demand for evaluation studies and, thus, may potentially contribute to the accountability of government and public administration.

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Setälä, Maija, and Kimmo Grönlund. "Parliamentary websites: Theoretical and comparative perspectives." Information Polity 11, no. 2 (October 25, 2006): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ip-2006-0095.

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Buzogány, Aron, and Jens Häsing. "Spokes in the wheel. European affairs and the parliamentary administration of GermanLandtage." Journal of Legislative Studies 23, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2017.1329987.

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Woodhouse, Diana. "A code of good administration: A parliamentary response to judicial/executive tension." Journal of Legislative Studies 4, no. 2 (June 1998): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572339808420555.

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Aylott, Nicholas. "Paradoxes and Opportunism: The Danish Election of March 1998." Government and Opposition 34, no. 1 (January 1999): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1999.tb00471.x.

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THE RESULT OF THE DANISH PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION OF 11 MARCH 1998 could hardly have been closer. It came down to 89 voters in the Faroes: had this number voted for the local centre-right party, rather than the centre-left one, both of the islands' two seats in the Danish Folketing (parliament) would have gone to supporters of the opposition, thus tipping the parliamentary balance. However, because the sister party of the Danish Social Democrats won one of those seats, the incumbent prime minister, Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, managed to confound the predictions of the opinion polls and stay in power, continuing his Social Democrats' coalition with the Social Liberal Party. It remained a minority government; but this is the norm in Denmark's fragmented multi-party system. Moreover, with the presumed support of the parties to the left of the Social Democrats, and with other parties also professing their keenness to cooperate, the chances of a stable government enduring through the rest of the four-year parliamentary term looked bright.

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Jun, Uwe. "The Changing SPD in the Schröder Era." Journal of Policy History 15, no. 1 (January 2003): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2003.0006.

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Public opinion data gathered from the latest surveys on Germany's upcoming parliamentary elections have turned out to be disheartening for the Social Democratic Party (SPD). Without exception, the Social Democrats take second place and lag behind the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) by several percentage points (Fig. 1). Today, only a few months before the next parliamentary election, a repetition of the electoral victory to the extent of 1998 seems to be rather unlikely. We are therefore faced with the perplexing question of how the SPD could arrive at such a disadvantageous position given the historic electoral success of 1998, when the party achieved its second-best result at parliamentary elections since Word War II. Is the SPD powerless against a strong tendency of the German electorate to cast its ballot in favor of the CDU/CSU, which has pervaded almost the entire history of the Federal Republic of Germany and has been described as “a permanent discrimination of the SPD against the CDU/CSU in the competition of parties.” Or is this situation just a snapshot without deeper consequences for the party?

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Mújica, Alejandro, and Ignacio Sánchez-Cuenca. "Consensus and Parliamentary Opposition: The Case of Spain." Government and Opposition 41, no. 1 (2006): 86–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00172.x.

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AbstractIt is well known that in developed democracies the opposition tends to cooperate with the government. Spain is no exception: around 70 per cent of all ‘organic laws’ (constitutionally significant bills that require a parliamentary majority to be passed) are approved with the support of the main opposition party. We try to explain the variation in the level of consensus in the first seven legislative terms of the current Spanish democracy. We show that there are three key variables: the balance of power between government and opposition, the nature of the institutional actor that first proposes the bill, and the ideological significance of the bill.

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Aucoin, Peter, and Lori Turnbull. "The democratic deficit: Paul Martin and parliamentary reform." Canadian Public Administration/Administration publique du Canada 46, no. 4 (December 2003): 427–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-7121.2003.tb01586.x.

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D'Ombrain, Nicholas. "Parliamentary Democracy in CrisisEdited byPETER H. RUSSELLandLORNE SOSSIN." Canadian Public Administration 52, no. 3 (September 2009): 489–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-7121.2009.00094.x.

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Fewtrell, Terry. "A NEW PARLIAMENT HOUSE — A NEW PARLIAMENTARY ORDER." Australian Journal of Public Administration 44, no. 4 (December 1985): 323–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.1985.tb01024.x.

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Misbahuddin, Misbahuddin. "Memorandum di Masa Pemerintahan Abdurrahman Wahid dalam Perspektif Hukum Tata Negara Islam." Al-Qanun: Jurnal Pemikiran dan Pembaharuan Hukum Islam 22, no. 1 (March 29, 2020): 92–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/alqanun.2019.22.1.92-115.

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The tide of democratization in Indonesia has radically changed the structure of Indonesian politics since the overthrown of New Order government by the reform movement in 1998. One important change is the essential vitality of parliamentary politics in Indonesia. In the era of Abdurrahman Wahid's government, the DPR's role was more independent and had a loud voice constraining the executive's running. As a result, the Indonesian constitution which is based on the Presidential system seems to have deviated to being a Parliamentary System. An example of tension is the birth of a memorandum. This paper seeks to examine the "Memorandum during the Government of Abdurrahman Wahid" from the perspective of Islamic State Administration Law. This paper concludes based on the Islamic State Administration Law that the Abdurrahman Wahid's Government Memorandum is invalid because the warning or redressal requirements for a president must be preceded by evidence of deviation from religion.

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Wolfe, Eugene L. "Creating Democracy's Good Losers: The Rise, Fall and Return of Parliamentary Disorder in Post-war Japan." Government and Opposition 39, no. 1 (2004): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0017-257x.2004.00031.x.

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Abstract‘Good losers’, legislators willing to play by parliamentary rules, even at the cost of defeat, are a microfoundation of democracy. Yet how they are created has not been adequately explained. Theories focusing on institutions, evolving norms, electoral incentives and ideology do not account for the case of post-war Japan, where deliberate disorder was common in the 1950s and 1960s, absent in the 1970s and 1980s, and returned in the 1990s. This paper highlights the importance of the legislative majority's behaviour in encouraging procedural compliance through the provision of informal mechanisms of consultation and compromise. The lack of such mechanisms also explains periods of parliamentary disorder in other countries.

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Paul, Sebastian. "Clash of claims: Nationalizing and democratizing policies during the first parliamentary election in multiethnic Czechoslovak Ruthenia." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 5 (September 2018): 776–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2018.1473352.

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This paper examines the question of why the countrywide 1920 parliamentary election in Czechoslovakia was postponed in its eastern borderland, Podkarpatská Rus, by putting this event into a context of simultaneous processes of democratization and nationalization, described here as the “double transformation.” The territory in question was inhabited by a Ruthenian majority, who received the support of the government in Prague; a Jewish population without clear preferences regarding their loyalties and aims; a still-influential Hungarian minority; and finally, a Czech-dominated state administration. The aim of the state administration was to let the ethnically mixed population of Ruthenia vote for its parliamentary representatives in the most democratic way possible. However, this intention clashed with the realities in place: old loyalties of the local population toward the Hungarian elites, Hungarian revisionism, a lack of governance, and security issues. Complicating the situation, Romanian troops still occupied the eastern part of Ruthenia as a result of the war among Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Romania in 1919; Romanians claimed part of the territory for their own nation-state. Faced with these thorny issues, the Czechoslovak state administration felt constrained to postpone the elections until 1924.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Parliamentary administration'

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