Journal articles: 'Parliamentarians'

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Bari, Farzana. "Women Parliamentarians." Gender, Technology and Development 14, no. 3 (January 2010): 363–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097185241001400304.

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Md. Al-Amin. "Inactivity of Parliamentarians in National Parliament of Bangladesh: Impacts on Parliamentary Democracy." ISPEC International Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities 5, no. 1 (February 2, 2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ispecijsshvol5iss1pp1-17.

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There is a growing interest in the inactive role of parliamentarians in measuring the success of parliamentary democracy. In this research firstly, it explored the inactive role of the parliamentarians among the eighth, ninth and tenth parliament of Bangladesh national parliment, where it observed that the parliamentarians of both oppositions and the ruling party remained inactive in lawmaking to oversight functions. The main causes of this inactivity of the parliamentarians are apathy to discuss and debate in the parliament, seventy articles of the constitution, the dearth of knowledge of the parliamentary norms, and business politics nexus. The impacts of this inactivity of the parliamentarians are the declining of parliament, which is taking place by the executive and this inactivity serves as a barrier to the process of institutionalization of parliamentary democracy.

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Fedele, Alessandro, and Paolo Naticchioni. "Moonlighting Politicians: Motivation Matters!" German Economic Review 17, no. 2 (May 1, 2016): 127–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/geer.12072.

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Abstract We study self-selection into politics and effort once in office of citizens with different abilities and motivations in a framework where moonlighting is allowed. We find that high-ability motivated (public-fit) politicians exert higher effort in politics than high-ability non-motivated (market-fit) politicians, and that high-ability citizens, both public-fit and market-fit, may decide to enter politics. We test our predictions using a database of Italian parliamentarians for the period 1996-2006. We find evidence of advantageous selection of both market-fit and public-fit parliamentarians. We also show that public-fit parliamentarians have higher voting attendance and that only voting attendance of market-fit parliamentarians is negatively affected by income opportunities.

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Russell, Cherie, Mark Lawrence, Katherine Cullerton, and Phillip Baker. "The political construction of public health nutrition problems: a framing analysis of parliamentary debates on junk-food marketing to children in Australia." Public Health Nutrition 23, no. 11 (January 17, 2020): 2041–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980019003628.

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AbstractObjective:Junk-food marketing contributes significantly to childhood obesity, which in turn imposes major health and economic burdens. Despite this, political priority for addressing junk-food marketing has been weak in many countries. Competing interests, worldviews and beliefs of stakeholders involved with the issue contribute to this political inertia. An integral group of actors for driving policy change are parliamentarians, who champion policy and enact legislation. However, how parliamentarians interpret and portray (i.e. frame) the causes and solutions of public health nutrition problems is poorly understood. The present study aimed to understand how Australian parliamentarians from different political parties frame the problem of junk-food marketing.Design:Framing analysis of transcripts from the Australian Government’s Parliamentary Hansard, involving development of a theoretical framework, data collection, coding transcripts and thematic synthesis of results.Settings:Australia.Participants:None.Results:Parliamentarian framing generally reflected political party ideology. Liberal parliamentarians called for minimal government regulation and greater personal responsibility, reflecting the party’s core values of liberalism and neoliberalism. Greens parliamentarians framed the issue as systemic, highlighting the need for government intervention and reflecting the core party value of social justice. Labor parliamentarians used both frames at varying times.Conclusions:Parliamentarians’ framing was generally consistent with their party ideology, though subject to changes over time. This project provides insights into the role of framing and ideology in shaping public health policy responses and may inform communication strategies for nutrition advocates. Advocates might consider using frames that resonate with the ideologies of different political parties and adapting these over time.

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SALMOND, ROB. "Proportional Representation and Female Parliamentarians." Legislative Studies Quarterly 31, no. 2 (May 2006): 175–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298006x201779.

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Noury, Abdul G. "Ideology, Nationality and Euro-Parliamentarians." European Union Politics 3, no. 1 (March 2002): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116502003001003.

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BABU, SURESH C., and AYÇA ERGENEMAN. "Policy dialogue with Indian parliamentarians." Journal of International Communication 11, no. 1 (June 2005): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2005.9751982.

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Vicente-Merino, Ma Rosa. "Websites of Parliamentarians across Europe." Journal of Legislative Studies 13, no. 3 (September 2007): 441–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572330701500912.

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Stuart, Mark. "Eminent Parliamentarians. The Speaker's Lectures." Journal of Legislative Studies 19, no. 1 (March 2013): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2013.744216.

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Johnsson, Anders B. "OPINION Parliamentarians and Human Rights." International Journal of Refugee Law 6, no. 2 (1994): 271–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijrl/6.2.271.

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Cowley, Philip. "British Parliamentarians and European Integration." Party Politics 6, no. 4 (October 2000): 463–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068800006004004.

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Bundi, Pirmin. "Parliamentarians’ strategies for policy evaluations." Evaluation and Program Planning 69 (August 2018): 130–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.evalprogplan.2017.02.003.

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Aykaç, Erdoğan. "A Bridge with Multiple Faces: Competing Identities in Turkish Parliamentary Debates (1988-2016)." DIYÂR 2, no. 2 (2021): 279–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2625-9842-2021-2-279.

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This article examines how Turkish parliamentarians continuously (re)shape Turkey’s identity and geopolitical role by using the metaphor of a bridge in parliamentary debates from 1988 to 2016. First, the article argues that parliamentarians use this metaphor in identity-formation processes to mediate between competing identities, thereby constituting Turkey’s liminal identity. Second, it illustrates how the bridge metaphor remained a dominant discourse even though parliamentarians constantly challenged and refilled the meaning of it. This constantly (re)shapes Turkey’s geopolitical role to function as a bridge between the West and East.

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Hamida Bibi. "The Socio-Political Obstacles Behind the Scanty Political Participation of Women Parliamentarians." Journal of Business and Social Review in Emerging Economies 6, no. 4 (December 4, 2020): 1457–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/jbsee.v6i4.1475.

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Abstract The current study was conducted to indicate the numerous factors active behind the scanty political participation of women parliamentarians in parliamentary processions. For the collection of data for the current study, women parliamentarians and women’s rights activists were interviewed. Semi-structured in-depth interview was used as research tool for data collection. For the analysis of data, the tool of Thematic Analysis, developed by Braun and Clarke (2015), was used. The findings of the study highlight some socio-political obstacles such as the lack of educational adeptness and political shrewdness, representing minority or reserved quota, the patriarchal and male-dominant model of politics, party politics, etc. are impeding the effective participation of women parliamentarians. All this has upset to work freely and securely dissuading women’s political achievements. In the light of the findings of the study, the author recommends society changing its attitude towards women politics. Women participation in politics ought to be encouraged at the cost of the abolition of patriarchy in politics. The government should help women parliamentarians. In order to be adept and astute, special trainings and sessions shall be arranged for women parliamentarians. Political parties should clearly policy in this regard avoiding party politics and the supremacy of some political figures.

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Svensson, Jakob, and Anders Olof Larsson. "Interacting with Whom?" International Journal of E-Politics 7, no. 1 (January 2016): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijep.2016010101.

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This article explores Swedish Parliamentarians' Twitter practices during the 2014 general elections. For individual candidates, the political party is important for positions within the party and on the ballot, especially in a party-centered democracy. A previous qualitative (n)ethnographic research project during the previous elections in 2010, in which one campaigning politician was studied in-depth, found that her social media practices to a large extent were inward-facing, focusing on the own party network. But does this result resonate among all Swedish Parliamentarians? Specifically, the authors ask: is Twitter primarily used interactively, for intra-party communication, to interact with strategic voter groups or voters in general? By analyzing all Parliamentarians tweets two weeks up to the elections the authors conclude that retweeting was done within a party political network while @messaging was directed towards political opponents. Mass media journalists and editorial writers were important in Parliamentarians' Twitter practices, while so-called ordinary voters were more absent.

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Wonka, Arndt, and Sebastian Haunss. "Cooperation in networks: Political parties and interest groups in EU policy-making in Germany." European Union Politics 21, no. 1 (September 17, 2019): 130–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116519873431.

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Political actors cooperate with each other to share resources and to organize political support. In this article, we describe and explain such cooperative behavior in European Union policy-making by analyzing the information networks that parliamentarians of the Bundestag entertain with other party politicians and with interest groups. First, we describe whom parliamentarians cooperate with to receive policy information. Subsequently, we identify different types of cooperation networks. Differences in the structure of these networks point to a political division of labor inside political parties which is driven by the need to organize political support in policy-making. Finally, we test the explanatory power of individual attributes, institutional positions and (shared) political interests to account for the structure of parliamentarians’ cooperation networks. While formal positions and party ideology generally shape parliamentarians’ cooperation, their relative importance varies across different types of networks. The article contributes theoretically to informational theories of interest group politics and to the literature on national legislators’ behavior in EU policy-making.

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Golunov, S. V. "January 2022 Crisis in Kazakhstan as Viewed by Foreign Parliamentarians." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 3(125) (July 12, 2022): 34–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2022)3-05.

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The article is devoted to the ways in which the January 2022 crisis in Kazakhstan were discussed by parliamentarians from 11 states and the European Parliament, identified by searching the websites of 42 parliaments. The author considers such issues as the role of parliaments in foreign policy making, the character and stability of parliamentarians’ interest towards the crisis in Kazakhstan, the issues highlighted while discussing different aspects of this crisis, conclusions and recommendations made. The author argues that the relevant interest of foreign parliamentarians was relatively weak and instable. Some attention to these events was given by parliamentarians of several postSoviet states, including Russia, and of some Western states. Still, even in these cases this interest took the form of value judgements rather than systematic investigations. In Western parliamentary discourses, human rights issues were in the focus from the outset. When other issues were discussed, priority attention was paid to geopolitical and humanitarian issues. As the situation in Kazakhstan stabilized, the focus shifted to social and internal policy issues.

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ROMMETVEDT, HILMAR. "The institutionalization of a parliamentary dimension of an intergovernmental organization: the WTO." World Trade Review 10, no. 4 (August 16, 2011): 423–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745611000255.

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AbstractThe article analyses the development of a parliamentary dimension of the WTO from the first informal meetings of parliamentarians in 1996, via the adoption of Rules of Procedure for yearly Parliamentary Conferences on the WTO in 2004, to March 2011 when for the first time the Parliamentary Conference took place on the premises of the WTO. The author presents theoretical contributions that may explain why national parliamentarians engage in an intergovernmental organization such as the WTO. The development of the parliamentary dimension is related to the crumbling borderline between domestic and international affairs. Finally, the article raises a number of questions for further research, and for consideration among parliamentarians as well as in the WTO.

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Varma, Amiti, Latha Chilgod, and Upendra Bhojani. "Diverse and competing interests around tobacco: qualitative analysis of two decades of parliamentary questions in India." BMJ Global Health 6, no. 4 (April 2021): e004093. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2020-004093.

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IntroductionIndia continues to enhance tobacco control regulations protecting the public health while housing a widespread tobacco industry. This implies complexities in regulating tobacco. As part of a broader inquiry on the political economy of tobacco, we aimed to understand the concerns of Indian parliamentarians around tobacco.MethodsWe sourced transcripts of tobacco-related questions asked by parliamentarians between the years 1999 and 2019 from the electronic archives of both the houses of Indian parliament. We analysed the frequency of questions during different regimens, segregated by the states and the political parties that parliamentarians belonged to, as well as by the government ministries to which these questions were posed. We also conducted thematic content analysis of these questions, identifying specific themes defining parliamentarians’ concerns.Results729 unique parliamentarians asked 1315 questions about tobacco, conveying varied concerns related to health, commerce, labour and agriculture sectors. Over time, the focus of the questions shifted from majorly trade to majorly health-related concerns. We show how the tobacco regulations in India are multi-institutional and are a result of negotiations of several legitimate and competing, interests. We found important state-level differences in the number and nature of these questions.ConclusionParliamentary questions constitute a useful resource in studying tobacco politics. Tobacco regulations are a product of complex negotiation of varied and competing concerns. We identify core arguments in favour and against tobacco control that would help tobacco control advocates and agencies to better prepare and engage with diverse political voices around tobacco.

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Jóźwik, Katarzyna. "Collective emotional biography of selected Polish female parliamentarians of the interwar period." Polish Biographical Studies 1, no. 9 (December 31, 2021): 47–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2021.03.

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The main purpose of this article is to attempt to show the collective biography of Polish women parliamentarians of the interwar period through an insight into their emotions and feelings, to show the “emotional communities” presented by Barbara Rosenwein. In this text I will focus on the main problems of the political activity of Polish women parliamentarians in the interwar period. Source materials produced by women, mainly ego-documents and public documents created by them, will be used to develop this topic. The study will analyze the individual experiences of women parliamentarians. Their emotions, opinions and reflections on parliamentary work will be taken into account. The paper will also discuss selected biographical aspects of the women parliamentarians, such as their age, education and political views, which undoubtedly had an impact on their opinions and emotions. Polish women parliamentarians of that time had to struggle with many problems. Reluctance to place women on candidate lists was a common occurrence. Moreover, women had to meet numerous social expectations. First of all, they were required to be mothers and wives who were responsible for family life, that is, the private sphere. Furthermore, women were seen more as social activists than as politicians. At the same time, men considered women’s issues less important, which was evident in parliamentary discussions. The main research questions were: How did women perceive their own political activity? political activity? What problems did politically active women face?

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Heppell, Timothy, Andrew Crines, and David Jeffery. "The UK government and the 0.7% international aid target: Opinion among Conservative parliamentarians." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, no. 4 (September 6, 2017): 895–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117726247.

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This is the first article to use a detailed dataset of the 2010 - 2015 Parliamentary Conservative Party (PCP) to identify the drivers of MPs’ positions on legally enshrining a commitment to spend 0.7% of gross national income on foreign aid. We position every Conservative parliamentarian into three different categories on international aid - (1) aid critics, who openly opposed and/or voted the 0.7% target; (2) aid sceptics, who abstained in parliamentary divisions on the 0.7 target and (3) aid advocates, who voted for the 0.7% and spoke out for it. We then draw on a range of political and ideological variables to determine drivers of support or opposition to aid. By doing so we identify that Cameron achieved remarkable success in transforming opinion towards aid amongst Conservative parliamentarians. This article represents a quantitative challenge to the prevalent qualitative assumption in the academic literature, which claims Cameron’s modernistion project was a failure.

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SHAPOSHNIKOV, ALEXEY V. "Improving the professional level of parliamentarians." Public Administration 21, no. 1 (117) (2019): 55–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2070-8378-2019-21-1-55-57.

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Shephard, M., N. McGarvey, and M. Cavanagh. "New Scottish Parliament, New Scottish Parliamentarians?" Journal of Legislative Studies 7, no. 2 (June 2001): 79–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714003869.

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Eenmaa, Ivi. "Serving Parliamentarians by Serving the Nation." Resource Sharing & Information Networks 12, no. 2 (May 13, 1997): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j121v12n02_10.

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Dennison, Madelaine. "Working for Parliamentarians, Contributing to Parliament." Legal Information Management 11, no. 3 (September 2011): 176–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669611000582.

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AbstractMadelaine Dennison describes the work of the Oireachtas Library & Research Service (L&RS) and how it works for members of the Houses of the Oireachtas, the Irish parliament. The L&RS delivers a range of services to parliamentarians including a Legislative Analysis Service. Following a period of investment in the L&RS there is now a requirement to reduce costs while continuing to meet members' needs. A challenge for the L&RS is to become the research hub within parliament and the preferred information and research resource for members.

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Malang, Thomas. "Why national parliamentarians join international organizations." Review of International Organizations 14, no. 3 (May 30, 2018): 407–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-018-9314-7.

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Mulgan, Richard. "The Accountability Priorities of Australian Parliamentarians." Australian Journal of Public Administration 67, no. 4 (December 2008): 457–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.2008.00602.x.

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Wootten, George W., and Simon J. Kiss. "The Ambiguous Definition of Open Government: Parliamentarians, Journalists and Bloggers Define Open Government In Accordance With Their Interests." Canadian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 3 (November 14, 2018): 479–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918000446.

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AbstractWe present the results of a 2014 survey of Canadian parliamentarians, journalists and bloggers in which respondents were asked to rank competing definitions of open government. Overall, respondents preferred to define open government in terms of access to information and sources. However, controlling for age, ideology and language, we also found that respondents in the different positions ranked definitions of open government differently. Journalists are more likely than any other group to define open government in terms of access to information and sources. In contrast, parliamentarians who were members of a governing party were as likely to choose definitions of open government that emphasized public participation as they were to choose definitions that emphasized access to information. Opposition parliamentarians share more similarities with government parliamentarians than with journalists. These results suggest that key actors in the Canadian policy landscape define open government in ways that are consistent with their institutional interests. We suggest that these results reflect ways in which open government operates more like a buzzword, which helps explain the common pattern whereby opposition parties make promises to be more open and, after taking power, operate in less open ways. Moreover, these results raise questions about the extent to which open government can actually operate as an organizing principle.

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Eman, Kinz ul, Ghulam Nabi Kazi, Lucica Ditiu, Nausheen Hamid, Syed Karam Shah, and Syed Karam Shah. "Establishing a parliamentary caucus to provide oversight to tuberculosis control in Pakistan." Pakistan Journal of Public Health 12, no. 1 (June 28, 2022): 34–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32413/pjph.v12i1.956.

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Background: The National TB Control Program and its partners advocated for a caucus of parliamentarians to galvanize political support for tuberculosis control. The process urged political representatives from all parties to join the call to action for a TB-free Pakistan by supporting timely decisions and adequate resource allocation for TB prevention and cure. Methods: National TB Control Program Pakistan and Stop TB Partnership ensured an effective advocacy stream of activities leading to formulating a parliamentary caucus. The forum has held several meetings to support political decisions for TB control and cure in the country. Results: A total of 13 Parliamentarians initially agreed to be a caucus member, attended its launch and two follow-up meetings, and supported decisions. The parliamentarians signed a declaration to address the barriers in providing TB diagnostic and treatment care across the country, irrespective of any discrimination.

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Akram, Sidra, and Dr Mian Muhammad Azhar. "Legislations in Parliament of Canada and Pakistan: A Comparative Study of House of Commons and National Assembly." Journal of Law & Social Studies 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 58–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.02.02.5865.

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Parliament is an exclusive and unique representative institution and performs key functions such as law-making, representation of constituents, amending laws, highlighting and aspirations their issues and through resolutions prescribe solutions to such key challenges faced by the polity. Parliament established on the behalf of people to represent their voice and provide them opportunities for more participatory and open governance. This research focused upon the performance of both lower Houses of Canada and Pakistan in 21st Century. The performance of the parliamentarian will also examine in this study. This comparative study will extend the boundaries of comparative politics and system analysis theory. This research discussed the role of parliament and basically the legislation process in parliament. Legislation in parliaments of new democracies and comparative study is useful research topic in Political Science and will provide a guideline to parliamentarians to work better.

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Clayton, Amanda, Cecilia Josefsson, Robert Mattes, and Shaheen Mozaffar. "In Whose Interest? Gender and Mass–Elite Priority Congruence in Sub-Saharan Africa." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 1 (March 19, 2018): 69–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018758767.

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Do men and women representatives hold different legislative priorities? Do these priorities align with citizens who share their gender? Whereas substantive representation theorists suggest legislators’ priorities should align with their cogender constituents, Downsian-based theories suggest no role for gender. We test these differing expectations through a new originally collected survey data set of more than 800 parliamentarians and data from more than 19,000 citizens from 17 sub-Saharan African countries. We find that whereas parliamentarians prioritize similar issues as citizens in general, important gender differences also emerge. Women representatives and women citizens are significantly more likely to prioritize poverty reduction, health care, and women’s rights, whereas men representatives and men citizens tend to prioritize infrastructure projects. Examining variation in congruence between countries, we find that parliamentarians’ and cogender citizens’ priorities are most similar where democratic institutions are strongest. These results provide robust new evidence and insight into how and when legislator identity affects the representative process.

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Markwei, Ummu, Michael Kubi, Benedicta Quao, and Esther Julia Attiogbe. "Work-family balance of female parliamentarians in Ghana." Gender in Management: An International Journal 34, no. 1 (March 4, 2019): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/gm-02-2018-0016.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present the challenges female parliamentarians in Ghana face in their attempt to balance their professions and families. Design/methodology/approach This is a qualitative study which explores the nature of strain female MP’s in Ghana encounter in their struggle to achieve a work-life balance. Findings It is concluded that most female parliamentarians in Ghana go through tough times in trying to juggle career with family life. The study revealed that the MPs adopt strategies such as prioritizing roles, limiting official duties at home and using social support to help them cope with the pressures of their roles. The organizational policies put in place to aid female employees to achieve a healthy work-life balance did not yield much result for the participants in this study. Originality/value The originality of this paper lies in it being the first study that qualitatively explores the complex challenges female parliamentarians face in their political careers and family lives in Ghana.

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Hatch, Fiona. "Interacting with parliamentarians: parliamentary links day 2015." Physiology News, Autumn 2015 (September 1, 2015): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.36866/pn.100.13.

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Braddick, Michael J. "Radical Parliamentarians and the English Civil War." Seventeenth Century 34, no. 3 (February 8, 2019): 406–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2019.1575763.

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Armannsdottir, Guja, Stuart Carnell, and Christopher Pich. "Exploring Personal Political Brands of Iceland’s Parliamentarians." Journal of Political Marketing 19, no. 1-2 (November 4, 2019): 74–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2019.1680931.

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Putri, Rani Gesta. "FAKTOR-FAKTOR YANG MEMPENGARUHI KINERJA DPRK DALAM PENGAWASAN KEUANGAN DAERAH DENGAN KOMITMEN PROFESIONAL SEBAGAI VARIABEL MODERATING (STUDI EMPIRIS PADA DPRK KABUPATEN ACEH UTARA)." Jurnal Akuntansi dan Keuangan 8, no. 1 (May 10, 2020): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.29103/jak.v8i1.2276.

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The objective of this research was to find out: 1) the influence of the parliamentarians’ knowledge of budget, personal background, political background, public accountability, community participation, and public policy transparency on the performance of DPRK (Regency Parliament) in regional financial monitoring; 2) that professional commitment is able to become moderating variable to the relationship of the parliamentarians’ knowledge on budget, personal background, political background, public accountability, community participation, and public policy transparency with the performance of DPRK in the regional financial monitoring. This research applied quantitative method. It was carried out in October 2018 at the DPRK of North Aceh Regency with term of office from 2014 to 2019. The data were collected through questionnaires distributed to 45 respondents who are members of DPRK of North Aceh Regency by using census technique. The data analysis was performed using reliability and validity tests, classic assumption test, multiple linear regression methods and residual test by means of SPSS. The result of this research showed 1) that the parliamentarians’ knowledge on budget, personal background, political background, public accountability, community participation, and public policy transparency simultaneously influenced the performance of the DPRK in the regional financial monitoring, and 2) that professional commitment was not able to become the moderating variable to the relationship of the parliamentarians’ knowledge on budget, personal background, political background, public accountability, community participation, and public policy transparency with the performance of DPRK in the regional financial monitoring.

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Bibi, Hamida, and Fakhr-ul-Islam. "Causes of Meager Participation of Women Parliamentarians in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly; and way out." Central Asia 84, Summer (October 1, 2019): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-84.24.

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This paper aims to explore the causes of meager participation of women in Khyber Pakhtukhwa (KP) assembly. The study was conducted on the obstacle that was faced by these women parliamentarians in the KP assembly during the last three governments (2002-2008, 2008-2013, and 2013-2018) in the light of expert opinion of female political representatives, political activists and experts. Women as a constituent candidate, their role in the parliament and the problems they faced have been discussed. The paper is based on qualitative method. Total 20 MPAs, MNAs, and female rights activists were interviewed for qualitative analysis. The interviews were unstructured, allowing flexibility, liberty of conversation and flow of information. It was found that there are still many difficulties faced by these women parliamentarian in the KP assembly. The study concludes that ideological, economic and patriarchal mind-set are the main factors that hinders women participation in the assembly’s business. The findings of the study can be used effectively to increase women participation by bringing awareness at local level and making appropriate policies at national level.

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Gotowiecki, Paweł. "W kręgu badań nad dziejami emigracyjnego parlamentaryzmu Recenzja publikacji: Depozyt Niepodległości. Rada Narodowa Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej na uchodźstwie (1939–1991), red. Zbigniew Girzyński, Paweł Ziętara." Przegląd Sejmowy 5(160) (2020): 221–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2020.73.

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The reviewed publication contains post-conference materials, presented during the conference held in 2016 in Warsaw, entitled “The Deposit of Independence. National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile (1939–1991)”. The volume consists of 18 articles, published in chronological and topical order, devoted to the selected issues of the history of the Polish parliamentarianism in exile during World War II and in the post-war period. The authors of the articles discussed various aspects of the activities of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile, such as the participation of national minorities in the work of the quasi-parliament, biographies of the chosen parliamentarians, or the selected elements of “parliamentary practices”. This publication is not a synthesis but it supplements and develops the current state of research on the activities of the Polish quasi-parliamentary institutions in exile.

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Dogan, Mattei. "Parliamentarians as Errand Boys in France, Britain and the United States." Comparative Sociology 6, no. 4 (2007): 430–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913307x233791.

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AbstractComparison of three democracies that practice the single member constituency, the common denominator of which is the importance parliamentarians grant to the local issues in their electoral constituencies, often to the detriment of their roles as national legislators and holders of popular legitimacy. These "local servitudes" that entail frequent visits to the constituency and sustained contact with the electors, are examined in terms of tending to the local electoral garden. Emphasis is placed on the similarities between parliamentarians' local preoccupations, in spite of the differences that exist between these three political regimes.

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Timofeeva, O. V. "WOMEN's REPRESENTATION IN THE POLISH PARLIAMENT: HISTORY AND MODERNITY." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 6, no. 3 (September 16, 2022): 383–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-383-392.

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The article attempts to trace the history of women's representation in the Polish parliament, its evolution and role in contemporary Polish politics. The author draws attention to the socio-demographic characteristics of women parliamentarians at the beginning of the 20th century and in modern times, to the role of gender quotas in achieving gender equality in the political sphere of the country. The author uses a database of women politicians created as part of a scientific project to analyze Polish women parliamentarians, and also compiles a summary table of the representation of women parliamentarians in the Sejm and the Senate of the country from the moment Poland gained independence to the present day. The author comes to the conclusion that for more than a hundred years of the presence of Polish women in parliament, their composition has become much more consistent with the real social structure of Polish society; the introduction of gender quotas has contributed to the expansion of women's representation, but has not destroyed all existing barriers to Polish women in politics.

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Hix, Simon. "Electoral Institutions and Legislative Behavior: Explaining Voting Defection in the European Parliament." World Politics 56, no. 2 (January 2004): 194–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2004.0012.

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Despite a sophisticated understanding of the impact of electoral institutions on macrolevel political behavior, little is known about the relationship between these institutions and microlevel legislative behavior. This article reviews existing claims about this relationship and develops a model for predicting how electoral institutions affect the relationship between parliamentarians and their party principals in the context of the European Parliament. The European Parliament is an ideal laboratory for investigating these effects, because in each European Union member state, different institutions are used to elect Members of European Parliament (MEPs). The results of this model, tested on four hundred thousand individual MEP vote decisions, show that candidate-centered electoral systems (such as open-list proportional representation or single-transferable-vote systems) and decentralized candidate-selection rules produce parliamentarians independent from their party principals. By contrast, party-centered electoral systems (such as closed-list proportional representation systems) and centralized candidate-selection rules produce parliamentarians beholden to the parties that fight elections and choose candidates: in the case of the European Parliament, the national parties.

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Magnusdottir, Gunnhildur Lily. "Immigrant Representation in the Swedish Parliament: Towards Homogeneity or United Diversity?" Social Change Review 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scr-2016-0024.

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Abstract The current study explores how immigrants are represented within the two largest political parties in Sweden, the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party. Apart from exploring the descriptive representation of immigrants in the Swedish parliament, this article explores whether immigrant representation in the two parties in question results in visible diversity in views on immigration and in particular asylum politics. We are predominantly interested in exploring whether immigrant parliamentarians, who might have identities and experiences differing from the majority of the parliamentarians, represent views departing from the general party lines. The theoretical underpinnings of the article are based on an intersectionality approach and historical and feminist institutionalism, specifically the politics of presence, which explores the link between a critical mass in politics and critical acts or substantive representation. The first findings of the study, which have been reached primarily through a qualitative comparative analysis of survey material, are mixed. The number of Social Democratic and Moderate immigrant parliamentarians does not reach the level of foreign-born citizens in Sweden. Nevertheless, there appears to be room for diverse views on immigration and asylum politics that depart from the general party lines in both parties.

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MALINOWSKI, Krzysztof, and Michał NOWOSIELSKI. "EUROPEAN SECURITY ISSUES AS SEEN BY POLISH PARLIAMENTARIANS." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 11 (November 30, 2018): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2018.1.7.

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Preston, Noel. "Codifying Ethical Conduct for Australian Parliamentarians 1990–99." Australian Journal of Political Science 36, no. 1 (March 2001): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140020032188.

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Fleschenberg, Andrea. "Afghan Women Parliamentarians— Caucusing amidst Contestation and Insecurity." Gender, Technology and Development 14, no. 3 (January 2010): 339–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097185241001400303.

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Šabič, Zlatko. "Democracy Across Borders: Parliamentarians and International Public Spheres." Javnost - The Public 15, no. 3 (January 2008): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2008.11008977.

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Sater, James N. "Changing Politics from Below? Women Parliamentarians in Morocco." Democratization 14, no. 4 (July 24, 2007): 723–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340701398352.

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FARR, MARTIN. "Jewish Parliamentarians - By Greville Janner and Derek Taylor." Parliamentary History 31, no. 2 (June 2012): 258–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.2012.00323_16.x.

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Komalasari, Dewi. "The Interwoven of interests in Political Economy and Political Behavior of Women Members of Parliament." Jurnal Perempuan 24, no. 2 (May 7, 2019): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v24i2.322.

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<p>The representation of women’s interest through women Members of Parliament (MPs) is achieved if there is a connection between constituents and parliamentarians. In order to be able to establish cooperation, it requires a deep understanding of their behavior. This article reveals the variety of relationships and political economic affiliations that surround women MPs. The relationship has been built since the nomination period to become a member of parliament, which in turn raises various interests and pressures that women parliamentarians must respond to. By understanding the various interests and pressures faced by women MPs, civil society can design action plans that trigger positive responses so as to minimize the potential risks.</p>

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Onderco, Michal. "Parliamentarians in government delegations: An old question still not answered." Cooperation and Conflict 53, no. 3 (October 27, 2017): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836717737571.

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Why do governments include parliamentarians in the delegations to international negotiations? Conduct of the diplomatic negotiations is among the most tightly controlled prerogatives of the executive, and executives have been historically dominant in the conduct of foreign policy. This article draws on the participation of members of parliaments in national delegations to the Review Conferences of the Non-Proliferation Treaty over the past 40 years. The emerging patterns show that legitimation through oversight is unlikely to be the reason for participation. Drawing on literature on institutional variation in legislative–executive relations, the data indicate that executives are more interested in co-opting the parliamentarians, in order to make them less opposed to the government’s policy.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Parliamentarians'

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