Journal articles: 'Parliamentarians of the League of Polish Families'

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Płoski, Marcin. "Państwo narodowe czy zjednoczona Europa w dyskursie parlamentarzystów Ligi Polskich Rodzin." Przegląd Sejmowy 26, no. 1(144) (2018): 89–111. https://ps.sejm.gov.pl/journal.nsf/PS.xsp?documentId=C490D5C5C6FBAD78C12582420042EDD6&lang=PL.

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This article is an attempt to present national and European thought in the discourse of parliamentarians of the League of Polish Families in relation to two important processes of contemporary times, namely the Poland’s transformation and its integration with European structures. The data for the research are divided into the several spheres of social reality: politics, economy, culture, technology (production) and consumption. In particular spheres antinomies could be noticed, becoming the subject of the research study, because of the political controversy. Analytical material is cognitively interesting because of the contrary views in relation to other political opponents. The League of Polish Families used, in its rhetoric, Eurosceptic views as a weapon to fi ght its political adversaries.

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de Lange, Sarah L., and Simona Guerra. "The League of Polish Families between East and West, past and present." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 4 (October 27, 2009): 527–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.10.006.

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Historical legacies play an important role in the rise of radical right parties in Central and Eastern Europe. This article conducts an in-depth study of the trajectory of a particular radical right party, the League of Polish Families, in a particular Central and East European country, Poland. The central objective of the article is to highlight that, although there are important similarities between the League of Polish Families and other radical right parties in both Central and Eastern Europe and Western Europe, the League of Polish Families differs in some respects, such as the composition of electorate and ideology from these parties. The article shows that the observed differences have their roots in the Polish historical legacy, that on some accounts deviates from the historical legacies present in other Central and East European countries.

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Koziełło, Tomasz. "The Question of Local Self-Government in The Political Concepts of the Contemporary Polish National Camp." Reality of Politics 18, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop2021405.

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The aim of this article is to analyse the attitude of the contemporary Polish national camp towards local government in the political concepts of the two most influential political parties of this trend - League of Polish Families and National Movement. In the article are characterized the most important issues such as: the role of local government, the tasks of local government, the postulated reforms.

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Sanecka-Tyczyńska, Joanna. "Między mocarstwowością a peryferyjnością. Międzynarodowa pozycja Polski w XXI wieku w narodowej i konserwatywnej refleksji politycznej." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 19, no. 3 (2021): 110–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2021.3.8.

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The research objective of this paper is to analyse trends in contemporary nationalist and conservative political thought from the system and problem-based perspectives through the lens of Poland's international status in the 21st century. The subject of the analysis is the political thought of two parties − the League of Polish Families (representing the nationalist trend) and Law and Justice (the conservative trend) in two dimensions. First − in the ideological dimension, covering political views with the greatest degree of generalisation. Second − in the programme dimension, understood as a set of specific political proposals, creating concepts and defining the conditions for their fulfilment in the future. The research objective was contingent on the following research questions: How did the League of Polish Families and the Law and Justice Party define and describe international order? What values were assigned key roles in shaping Poland's international position? What international roles were assigned to Poland?

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Koziełło, Tomasz. "Koncepcje ustrojowe polskiego obozu narodowego w XXI wieku na przykładzie Ligi Polskich Rodzin i Ruchu Narodowego." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 20, no. 1 (2022): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2022.1.5.

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This article analyses the political concepts of the contemporary Polish national camp, represented by the League of Polish Families (2001–2011) and the National Movement (since 2012). Both parties strived to create a national state in which the Polish nation would have a dominant position and pursue its own interests. According to the leaders of both parties, only a nation-state can pursue a policy of comprehensive internal social, economic and military development, making Poland an important player in international politics and ensuring the security and prosperity of its citizens.

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Dubrouka, Alena. "Poland in International Relations in Europe: British Government Circles Assessments on the Еve of the Locarno Conference of 1925." Metamorphoses of history, no. 23 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/mh2022233.

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The article is devoted to the identification and analysis of assessments by representatives of British government circles of Poland place and role in international relations in Europe on the eve of the Locarno Conference. The sources for the work were the documents of the Foreign Office, the Cabinet, and the parliamentary debates materials for the period from November 1924 to October 1925. The emergence of Cabinet members and parliamentarians assessments of Poland's place and role in international relations was facilitated by the solution of current foreign policy tasks in Europe: discussion of the Geneva Protocol, adopted on October 2, 1924 at the Assembly of the League of Nations, signing. Аfter the UK's rejection of it, guarantee pact drafts discussion, which ended with the signing of agreements in Locarno. The assessments made at the time were directly or indirectly related to such aspects of international relations as Polish-German, Polish-French relations, Poland's relations with the Baltic countries, primarily Lithuania, and policy towards Soviet Russia. It is shown that the dominant influence on the assessment of Poland's place and role in European relations by the British government circles at that time was exerted by current economic interests, ideas about national security tasks and the tradition of focusing in European politics exclusively on the "great powers", which led to some disregard for the interests of Poland.

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Moroska, Aleksandra, and Krysztof Zuba. "Two Faces of Polish Populism. The Causes of the Success and Fall of Self Defence and the League of Polish Families." Totalitarianism and Democracy 7, no. 1 (July 1, 2010): 123–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/tode.2010.7.1.123.

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Keinz, Anika. "European Desires and National Bedrooms? Negotiating “Normalcy” in Postsocialist Poland." Central European History 44, no. 1 (March 2011): 92–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910001196.

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Only a few years ago rights of sexual minorities in Poland caused not only national controversies over what democracy means, but also gained international attention, visible in demonstrations in front of embassies in Berlin and London, wide media coverage, and protest letters to the Polish prime minister by the Helsinki Foundation of Human Rights as well as Amnesty International and the International Lesbian and Gay Association (ILGA). Several Polish politicians were repeatedly cautioned for their extreme conservative stance on homosexual issues and homophobic remarks as well as criticized for the prohibitions of the so-calledMarsz Równości(Equality March), the Polish version of the Christopher Street Day (usually known as Gay Pride Parade) as being against the standards of democracy and human rights. Finally, and in particular as a reaction to the various remarks of Polish politicians, a resolution against homophobia was submitted to the European Parliament in January 2006 and passed in June 2006. Despite the resolution, the then Polish minister of education, Roman Giertych (League of Polish Families, or LPR), caused another great stir at the European Union (EU) conference of ministers of education in Heidelberg, Germany, on March 1, 2007, when he stated that brochures on sexuality education published by the Council of Europe that contained information on homosexuality and homosexual relations were to be prohibited in Polish schools. In the same speech, he rebuked societies that allowed abortion on social grounds and called abortion a “legal crime” and a “new form of barbarism.”

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Shibata, Yasuko. "Discursive Politics against Ethnic “Others”: The Racist and Xenophobic Discourse of the League of Polish Families, 2001-2007." Japanese Slavic and East European Studies 31 (2010): 35–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5823/jsees.31.0_35.

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Koziełlo, Tomasz. "Changes in political relevance of The League of Polish Families in result of parliamentary, municipal and European elections." Studia Politologiczne 52 (May 15, 2019): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2019.52.16.

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Pospíchal, Matěj. "Polska A, B i C? Volební geografie vybraných polských vojvodství." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 19, no. 3-4 (December 1, 2017): 264–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2017.34.264.

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The study focuses on spatial analysis of the general election results in Lower Silesia, Lodz and Lesser Poland voivodeships in a period between 2001 and 2015. Primary subjects of the analysis are political parties Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Polish People´s Party and Democratic Left Alliance, but particularly works also with the results of another parties (Self-Defence, League of Polish families, Modern). Standard electoral geography methodological methods, such as cartographic display of election results, correlation analysis and concentration of the election results measurement have been used on the local level and along with Polish and Czech literature review are included in the study. Main goal of the study was to find out if there are structural differences in terms of electoral support for the parties on both regional and voivodeship level. The analysis proved deeper context of the election results in the eastern regions along with a changing spatial structure of the Law and Justice support in the first decade of the 21st century and related deepening differences between voter bases of the Law and Justice and the Civic Platform- strongest parties in Poland. Findings of the analysis might be useful for upcoming research of the analysis of the electoral support in terms of regional differences.

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Zuba, Krzysztof. "From fringe to fringe: the shift from the clericalist League of Polish Families to the anticlericalist Palikot Movement 2001–2015." Religion, State and Society 45, no. 2 (March 16, 2017): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2017.1290327.

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Znak, Marta. "Deputies of the General Sejmik Ruthenian Voivodeship at the Coronation Sejm of 1669." Kyiv Historical Studies 13, no. 2 (December 21, 2021): 95–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.212.

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Studies of Sejmiks or local parliaments and their influence on the political, military and socio-economic life of the early modern Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth are widely represented in modern European historiography. Pre-Sejm sejmiks were convened by the king who sent a writ to each sejmik, outlining the reasons the next Sejm would be held.In August 1669, the General Sejmik of the Ruthenian Voivodeship took place in Vyshnia, at which elect six representatives (traditionally two deputies, each from the Lands of Lwow, Przemysl, and Sanok) to the Coronation Sejm of Michael I. The main idea of the article is to show biographies of the six deputies of the Ruthenian Voivodeship. The paper is based on the source materials of the General Sejmik the second half of the 17th century demonstrates the place of their representation in their public and political activities. Sejmiks gave the opportunity for the career development of local nobility for politician’s beginners and experienced public figures. The role of the deputies was honourable and responsible, as the elected represented the interests of the whole voivodeship. Participation in the work of the Sejm provided an opportunity to join the discussion of important issues of the domestic and foreign policy of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. However, authority in the local noble society was not the only criterion for election to the embassy, no less important factor was the client-patron relationship. Lot of nobility belonged to family and political groups led by senators and magnates and defended their interests at the Sejmik and Sejm. Among the six ambassadors elected at the General Sejmik, there were representatives of magnate families and experienced parliamentarians who regularly participated in the Sejm.

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CHARNYSH, VOLHA, and EVGENY FINKEL. "The Death Camp Eldorado: Political and Economic Effects of Mass Violence." American Political Science Review 111, no. 4 (August 10, 2017): 801–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000296.

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Transfer and redistribution of wealth accompany most violent conflicts throughout the world, yet the local-level political and economic effects of this phenomenon remain unexplored. We address this omission by examining the long-term impact on the surrounding communities of the Nazi death camp Treblinka in Poland, where nearly a million Jews were murdered. The assets of murdered Jews sometimes ended up in the hands of the local population. We are able to identify the enduring impact of these property transfers on local economic and political outcomes because the exact location of Treblinka was exogenous to the characteristics of surrounding communities. We find that communities located closer to the camp experienced a real estate boom but do not exhibit higher levels of economic and social development. These communities also showed higher support for an anti-Semitic party, the League of Polish Families. Our findings speak to an important but overlooked challenge to post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation.

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Kołodziejczyk, Katarzyna. "Poland’s policy towards membership in the Economic and Monetary Union." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 2 (June 15, 2020): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2020.25.2.12.

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Poland’s accession to the European Union determines future membership in the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). The subject of the research is the analysis of Polish policy towards EMU membership during the first 15 years of Poland’s membership in the EU. The research is political nature and intentionally does not focus on the economic benefits and challenges associated with Poland’s membership in the EMU. The aim of research is to focus on changes taking place in the policy towards Poland’s membership in the EMU conducted by the ruling parties, successively by the coalition of the Civic Platform (PO) and the Polish People’s Party (PSL) – PO-PSL in years 2007–2015 and then by the Law and Justice (PiS) in years 2005–2007 in consultation with the Self-Defence (Samoobrona RP) and the League of Polish Families (LPR) as well as 2015–2019 in the coalition with the Jarosław Gowin’s Agreement (Porozumienie Jarosława Gowina) and Zbigniew Ziobro’s Solidary Poland (Solidarna Polska). The main research questions relate to how has Poland’s membership in the EMU been perceived by the ruling parties since 2004 and what are the reasons for the fact that joining the eurozone by Poland until recently had been the strategic goal of the ruling elite of the country, and nowadays the strategic goal has become non-entry into the EMU. The main research methods were the analysis of the content of documents and a comparative method. The first method allowed presenting the perspective of Poland’s entry into the euro area from the side of the ruling parties policy. That is why the text was mainly based on source materials, i.e. reports, government documents, political speeches, party election programs and press articles. The second research method allowed to compare the concept of Poland’s membership in the EMU presented in various programs of the ruling political parties. The result of the conducted research indicates the radicalisation of the views of the Polish political scene. It also proves that date of adoption of the single European currency depends not only on meeting the convergence criteria, but also on which political option will rule in Poland.

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Moroska-Bonkiewicz, Aleksandra. "Political Responses to the Extreme Right in Poland. Motivations and Constraints for Collaboration in the Executive Arena." Studia Polityczne 47, no. 4 (December 27, 2019): 65–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2019.47.4.03.

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The aim of the article is to indicate potential causes for formation of a government coalition with the extreme right-wing League of Polish Families (LPR) in Poland in 2006. The aim is to determine the motivation of the right-wing mainstream Law and Justice party to cooperate with LPR, but also to indicate potential reasons why the coalition was not concluded until nine months after the elections. The goal is therefore to highlight potential constraints in the formation of the coalition. The analysis uses theories of coalition formation based on the rational choice paradigm (office, policy and vote) combined with an empirical approach to coalition research, with particular emphasis on factors such as the structure of competition in the party system and the internal dynamics of parties. The starting point for this analysis is the result of research on the causes of cabinet collaboration with the extreme right in Western Europe. The aim is to indicate whether the motivations for forming a coalition with the extreme right in Poland are based on similar premises and mechanisms. The analysis combines the deductive approach resulting from the theory of coalition formation with the inductive analysis of facts and factors that accompanied the formation of the coalition. In order to achieve the assumed goals, the article uses quantitative and qualitative methods and systemic analysis.

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ANTSZEWSKI, Andrzej. "Prawo i Sprawiedliwość w polskim systemie partyjnym (przyczynek do dyskusji o systemotwórczej roli partii)." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 1 (November 2, 2018): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2011.16.1.6.

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Among the numerous functions of political parties, the role of creating the governance system is highly significant. It manifests itself in the ability of political parties to establish permanent relations with the other parties and in this way provides the essence of a party system. The purpose of the present paper is to demonstrate the role the Law and Justice party (PiS) plays in the creation of the governance system. Since 2005, PiS has been one of the two dominant political parties struggling to win the parliamentary and presidential elections. In order to determine the scope of this party’s influence on the shape of the party system, their achievements in elections, parliament and Cabinet activity need to be analyzed. Such a quantitative analysis allows us to grasp PiS’s development trends in political competition. The paper discusses the reasons for their electoral success in 2005 as well as their defeat in 2007 and the aftermath of both these elections for the party’s competition to the government. The achievements of PiS confirm that this party has won the status of a party that structures the political competition, a status that has not been lost irrespective of the five elections at different levels that the party has lost. PiS has successfully adopted the postulates of the Left in terms of the economy and social issues, whereas it has maintained the image of a right-wing party in terms of the shape of the state and its moral foundations. PiS has managed to form an electorate that differs from other parties’ electorates in terms of its social and demographic properties as well as its political attitudes, which reinforces the position of PiS in the electoral struggle. Yet PiS has failed to establish a permanent coalition government. The elimination of Self-Defence (Samoobrona) and the League of Polish Families (LPR) from the Sejm has practically deprived PiS of any coalition potential, or has at least significantly reduced this potential. This, coupled with a continuously growing negative electorate, may turn out to constitute the main obstacle to PiS regaining power.

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Wise, Andrew K. ""Civilizational" Boundaries in Christian-Jewish Relations." Studies in Christian-Jewish Relations 5, no. 1 (April 21, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/scjr.v5i1.1552.

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This article is a critical analysis of the work of Polish historian Feliks Koneczny (1862-1949), whose "science of civilizations" has experienced a renaissance in recent years. The primary focus is on his commentary about "Jewish civilization" and its relationship with "Latin civilization." In Koneczny’s view, these two civilizations are incompatible. Koneczny’s views on Christian-Jewish boundaries relate to the “Open Church-Closed Church” debate in Poland today. His worldview has been defended most vocally by Maciej Giertych, a key ideologue of the nationalist League of Polish Families (LPR). Radical groups, such as the NOP (National Rebirth of Poland), also use Koneczny as an authority to lend legitimacy to their statements of cultural racism.

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"Interview with Lech Walesa." International Review of the Red Cross 87, no. 857 (March 2005): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383100181160.

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As one of the leaders of the Polish workers, Lech Walesa was detained several times during the 1970s. He led the shipyard strike and later negotiated the Gdansk agreement of 31 August 1980. In December 1981, Walesa, along with several thousand others, was arrested when General Jaruzelski imposed martial law and “suspended” the labour movement “Solidarnosc” (Solidarity). Walesa was interned in a country house in a remote part of Poland, close to the then Soviet border, and was visited three times by ICRC delegates. During this period, the ICRC visited 4,850 other internees (79 visits to 24 different places of detention) and it provided assistance and helped to restore contact between internees and their families abroad. At the same time and in conjunction with the Polish Red Cross and the League of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (as it was then known), the ICRC carried out an extensive assistance programme for the benefit of the civilian population which was in dire need of basic goods.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Parliamentarians of the League of Polish Families'

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