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Journal articles on the topic 'Parliament'
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1
Afandi, Syed Agung, Rizki Erdayani, and Muslim Afandi. "Open Parliament: Study from Indonesia and Philippines." Journal of Governance and Social Policy 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2024): 126–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.24815/gaspol.v5i1.38003.
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This research aims to analyze the trend of open parliaments in Indonesia and the Philippines and the commitment of the parliaments of the two countries. This research uses a qualitative approach with bibliometric analysis and content analysis methods. The results of this research show that the Indonesian open parliament study has a higher number of publications, citations, h-index, and g-index, so that it has a greater impact and productivity. Even though Indonesian open parliament articles have higher total link strength and occurrences, the Philippine open parliament study is more focused on certain topics. There are more themes and clusters in the Indonesian open parliament study, and each cluster describes the relationship between certain themes and focuses. Network visualization, overlay visualization, and density visualization generate potential research themes regarding this study in the future. Even though the Indonesian and Philippine parliaments have stated their commitment to support open parliaments in both countries, the Indonesian parliament's commitment has a stronger influence through the formation of an open parliament institution.
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Hertzog, Esther. "Women's Parliament: The Israeli Experience." Advancing Women in Leadership Journal 33 (June 12, 2017): 166–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21423/awlj-v33.a101.
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The Women's Parliament in Israel is a platform for politics from a feminist perspective, established in November 1989. The article discusses the aims, activities and achievements of this framework on the background of political marginalization, economic discrimination, religious oppression, and cultural objectification of women. The Parliament strives to raise awareness of this reality; to change public discourse and policies; to support women competing over leadership positions. The article also addresses the financial and organizational barriers faced by the Women Parliament's endeavors to bring about fundamental change in the gendered power structure. Consequently, it examines the idea of establishing Women's Parliaments around the world, as a means for global gender change.
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Švoger, Vlasta. "Parliamentary Debates and Freedom of Speech of MPs as Defined in the Rules of Procedure of the 19th Century Croatian Parliament and Other Parliaments." Review of Croatian history 19, no. 1 (December 20, 2023): 15–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/rch.v19i1.28474.
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This paper presents different aspects of regulating parliamentary debate in the second half of the 19th century in the Croatian Parliament (Sabor) and other parliaments in a comparative discourse. This includes parliament's constituent session, preparation and course of parliamentary debate, MPs’ motions and interpellations, MPs’ freedom of speech, voting and adoption of conclusions. The analysis will be based on a comparison of the rules of procedure of the Croatian Parliament (1861-1918), the 1848 Frankfurt National Assembly (Frankfurter Nationalversammlung), the 1848 Imperial Diet in Vienna (Reichstag), the Imperial Council (Reichsrat), the Hungarian Parliament and parliaments of some German lands in the second half of the 19th century as well as a collection of precedents serving as a basis for the operation of the British Parliament (the so-called Westminster procedure) and the rules of the United States Congress. Moreover, acceptance and modification of individual aspects of the Westminster procedure or provisions in the procedural rules of other countries will be presented as examples suggesting that the transfer of ideas and practices in parliamentarianism in Croatia and other European countries in the 19th century should be viewed through the prism of multidirectional influence and creative receptions.
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Childs, Sarah, and Chloe Challender. "Re-gendering the UK House of Commons: The Academic Critical Actor and Her ‘Feminist in Residence’." Political Studies Review 17, no. 4 (August 1, 2019): 428–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929919866388.
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Parliaments are everywhere highly masculinized institutions, created by and for men. Yet they are not unchanging institutions. The UK has just undergone an Inter-Parliamentary Union’s Gender Sensitive Parliament’s audit. This was one of the recommendations of the 2016 The Good Parliament Report. With its 43 recommendations, The Good Parliament Report was a blueprint for a diversity sensitive House of Commons. Since then, and through the newly established Commons Reference Group on Representation and Inclusion, Westminster has addressed some of its diversity insensitivities. This article reflects back on the author’s secondment to Parliament and how her relationship with a feminist official was critical to the success of Report and indeed the day-to-day practice of seeking to be an impactful academic change actor.
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Grigoreva, Oksana V., and Nikita O. Plyusnin. "The danish parliament as an actor of Denmark’s foreign policy towards the EU and Russia: a comparative analysis, 2005—2019." Baltic Region 12, no. 1 (2020): 68–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2020-1-5.
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The growing number of participants in foreign policy decision-making calls for a study of the forces affecting the behaviour of states in the international arena. In contemporary states, parliaments are increasingly challenging the exclusive prerogatives of executive power in foreign and defence policy. Many experts stress that the powers of the Danish Parliament in these fields are among the most considerable in the world. The question is, however, whether these powers are exercised in the same manner towards different states and regions. This article aims to find out how the Danish Parliament contributes to the country’s foreign policy towards the EU and Russia. The concentric circles model is employed to assess the level of the Danish Parliament’s participation in the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Denmark in different regions of the world. The study conducts a comparative analysis of the evidence of the Parliament’s influence on Denmark’s relations with the EU, the EFTA, and Russia. The findings lead one to conclude that the Danish Parliament’s participation in the country’s foreign policy towards EU bodies is highly institutionalised and coherent, which can be explained by close integration of Danish political elites into European ones as well as by European processes being clear and predictable for Danish parliamentarians. The participation of the Parliament in Danish—Russian relations is less systematic and structured since the Danish Parliament sometimes lacks diplomatic experience and resources to influence more complex and ambiguous relations with the Russian Federation.
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Ott, Andrea. "The European Parliament's Role in EU Treaty-Making." Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 23, no. 6 (December 2016): 1009–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x1602300606.
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The European Parliament's role in EU external relations and treaty-making has increased over the years through constitutional practice and Treaty amendments. Finally, with the Treaty of Lisbon, the European Parliament's constitutional rights in treaty-making establish – in the words of the European Court of Justice (CJEU) – ‘symmetry between legislation-making and treaty-making in compliance with institutional balance provided for by the Treaties’. In a comparative overview, the European Parliament has ascertained more extensive powers over treaty-making compared to the majority of national parliaments which are only involved in politically important international treaties. This contribution addresses the consequences of this symmetry or parallelism and asks whether it leads to structural symmetry or even procedural symmetry which synchronizes the acts of legislating and treaty-making with each other. This contribution analyses the role of the European Parliament in the different phases of international treaty-making against the backdrop of this constitutional practice. This constitutional practice is shaped by intergovernmental agreements, bilateral arrangements and European Parliament resolutions and is influenced by the mounting case law of the CJEU. It also assesses the European Parliament's role in concluding international administrative agreements concluded by the Commission and Europol and how far the constitutional practice is in line with EU primary law.
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Esentürk, N. Nevra. "Turkish Foreign Policy and the Role of the TGNA: Cases of Syria (and Iraq) Motions." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 44, no. 1 (February 2019): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0304375419844634.
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The study aims to explore the role of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) in Turkish foreign policy with respect to the cases of the Syria (and Iraq) motions. In the academic literature, there is considerable research arguing that parliaments do not influence parliamentary democracies’ foreign policies. However, the existing literature does not provide examples or case studies that go beyond the limited role of legislatures in the foreign policies of parliamentary democracies. Parliaments, as the primary institutions for representative and participatory democracy, have limited but complementary role(s) in foreign policy, even under the circumstances where it is least likely for the parliaments to have influence on foreign policy affairs. Turkey’s decisions on the Syria (and Iraq) motions illustrate how parliament can play complementary roles in foreign affairs, which is significant in the effective functioning of the foreign policy decision. What are the specific effects of the complementary role of the parliament? What is the position of the political opposition, intraparty dynamics, and public opinion in the parliament’s playing that role? To elaborate on these questions, primary data are gathered from the proceedings of the TGNA during plenary sessions (covering the 24th, 25th, and 26th parliaments) to examine the deliberations and positions of political parties voting on the motions. In addition, the domestic context in the related terms is examined, elaborating on the state of political parties in the TGNA, single party, and intraparty dynamics. The primary data are supported by interviews. The findings of the study give significant insights that go beyond the limited role of parliaments in foreign policy and explore the complementary role of the legislature in foreign policy in terms of parliamentary legitimacy and the parliament as a venue for the opposition.
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Zon, Fadli, and Muhammad Tri Andika. "INDONESIAN LEADERSHIP IN THE GLOBAL ORGANIZATION OF PARLIAMENTARIANS AGAINST CORRUPTION (GOPAC) AND ITS IMPACT ON THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF OPEN PARLIAMENT IN INDONESIA." Journal of International Studies 17 (December 30, 2021): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jis2021.17.4.
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The Open Parliament Indonesia (OPI) declaration in 2018 was a pivotal moment in the democratization of the Indonesian parliament. The OPI declaration marked a strategic achievement of Indonesia’s parliamentary diplomacy. At a time when the public trust towards the Indonesian parliament was low, the OPI declaration opened a new chapter for the Indonesian parliament to revitalize its commitment toward increasing public trust. It is worth noting that the decision of the Indonesian parliament to join the open parliament initiative began with its leadership in the Global Organization of Parliamentarians Against Corruption (GOPAC). This article has addressed the key question of how the Indonesian parliament’s leadership in GOPAC contributed tothe establishment of Open Parliament Indonesia and further argued that Indonesia’s leadership in international organizations such as GOPAC has influenced Indonesian parliamentary behaviour. This has been achieved by creating room and access for the parliament to intensely engage with issues of open parliament in the international fora. It marked the compliance of the Indonesian parliament with international norms, demonstrating its commitment to adhere to the global democratic principles of transparency, openness andaccountability. International norms prompted by GOPAC’s open parliament advocacy has affected Indonesia’s parliament’s policy choice as regards the open parliament agenda. Indonesia’s leadership in GOPAC, represented by the Deputy Speaker in Politics, Law and Security as GOPAC president, accelerated the institutionalization of the OPI.
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Hölscheidt, Sven. "Die Zusammenarbeit zwischen nationalen Parlamenten und dem Europäischen Parlament. Die Perspektive eines nationalen Parlaments am Beispiel des Deutschen Bundestags." Zeitschrift für öffentliches Recht 68, no. 2 (2013): 353–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.33196/zoer201302035301.
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Croft, Pauline. "Annual Parliaments and the Long Parliament." Historical Research 59, no. 140 (November 1, 1986): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1986.tb01189.x.
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KYLE, CHRIS R. "PRINCE CHARLES IN THE PARLIAMENTS OF 1621 AND 1624." Historical Journal 41, no. 3 (September 1998): 603–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98007936.
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This article explores the actions of Prince Charles in the parliaments of 1621 and 1624. It discusses his role in the electoral process, his activities in parliaments, and the legislation which affected his interests. It begins by exploring the precedents for the heir to the throne being summoned to parliament, before examining his political apprenticeship in 1621, and how his actions in 1624 reveal the difficulties in controlling the reversionary interest. Throughout the two parliaments, Charles was an active participant, taking part in debates in the House of Lords, committee meetings, joint conferences, and in liaising between the king and parliament. The article concludes by suggesting that Charles, although successful in achieving some of his aims, believed that he had been able to manipulate parliament for his own ends when in fact the tide of events ran with him and deluded him. This led to a false assumption that he could control parliament – a notion which had disastrous consequences when he summoned his own parliaments after he had succeeded to the throne in 1625.
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McFadden, Jean. "The Lawmaking Process in The Scottish Parliament." Legal Information Management 1, no. 1 (2001): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669600000256.
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The Scotland Act 1998 which established the Scottish Parliament confers on that Parliament the power to make laws which are known as Acts of the Scottish Parliament. However, the legislative competence of the Parliament is restricted. The main restriction relates to reserved matters, that is those matters which the UK Parliament has not devolved to the Scottish Parliament. These are listed in sch 5 to the Act and cover such matters as defence, taxation, social security and macro-economics. Other significant restrictions on the Parliament's legislative competence are that an Act of the Scottish Parliament cannot make any provision which is incompatible with the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) or with European Community law, nor can an Act of the Scottish Parliament modify certain “protected enactments” - including most provisions of the Scotland Act 1998 itself and the Human Rights Act I 998. Finally, an Act of the Scottish Parliament cannot have effect outside Scotland, nor can it remove the Lord Advocate from his position as head of the systems of criminal prosecutions and investigation of deaths in Scotland. An Act of the Scottish Parliament is not law so far as any provision of it is outside the Parliament's legislative competence
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Chemutai, Doreen, and Tabitha Mulyampiti. "Motives and Political Representation: The Case of Women Members of Parliament in Uganda." East African Journal of Arts and Social Sciences 6, no. 2 (November 10, 2023): 279–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajass.6.2.1565.
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Women’s political representation in Uganda is a contentious issue. On the one hand, there are doubting public narratives of Women Members of Parliaments’ (WMP) performance. The doubts about WMPs’ performance inspired growing interest in their parliamentary performance. On the other hand, there are concerns about the gender gap in parliamentary representation. The underrepresentation of women in the political scene raises a puzzle about those who dare to compete. However, at the same time, there has been neglect of what drives women in the first place to parliamentary representation and their relationship to performance. This intriguing question calls for an objective analysis to unravel what influences women’s interest in parliamentary office. This paper answers two analytical questions: How do women Members of Parliament construe their interests in joining parliamentary politics? And whether WMPs’ motives influence their performance. These questions were answered by analysing conversations and interviews of five purposively selected WMPs representing five districts of Northern Uganda in the tenth Parliament between 2020 and 2021. Field data was triangulated with performance data from the same Parliament’s Hansard. Findings reveal that personal and social-cultural factors drive WMPs to Parliament. Motives are consequential to performance, although personal motives were more potent than social-cultural motives to performance. Personal, compared to social-cultural motives, are more susceptible to social-political factors in constituencies, institutions of Parliament, and the broad government, affecting motives’ fulfilment
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Verminck, Mieke. "Le Parlement européen de 1979 à 1984 : La perte en potentiel de pouvoir d'une institution faible." Res Publica 27, no. 2-3 (September 30, 1985): 287–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v27i2-3.19211.
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Research concerning the Belgian delegates to the European Parliament from 1979 tot 1984, confirms the «law of weak parliaments» earlier put foward in a study by W . Dewachter and L. De Winter concerning the European Parliament from 1952 to 1979. Besides the importance as an institutional platform for the European integration, this parliament attracts weak candidates. The elections of 1984 have apparently not stimulated the efforts towards the European integration.
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Reutter, Werner. "Zur Größe von Landesparlamenten. Kriterien für eine sachliche Diskussion." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 50, no. 2 (2019): 263–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2019-2-263.
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Decisions on the size of a parliament are genuinely political . Insofar it seems only logical that the few studies dealing with this topic from a political science perspective fail to provide unequivocal criteria that would allow politicians to pick just the “optimal” size of a parliament . Nevertheless, political science can provide some yardsticks that should enable informed decisions . According to studies on the size of parliaments and some empirical findings, the number of seats of North Rhine-Westphalia’s parliament is not to be reduced as demanded by the right-wing populist AfD . To downsize this state parliament would result in further deficits of democratic representation . In this respect, the AfD’s demand to reduce the size of state parliaments is not just a “standard issue of symbolic politics” (Werner J. Patzelt) . Rather, this claim reflects the party’s skeptical, if not even outright negative stance towards basic principles of representative democracy .
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Dauster, Manferd. "Parliaments versus Raising Extremist Member of Parliament." Bratislava Law Review 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 27–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.46282/blr.2021.5.1.213.
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(Right-wing) extremism is on the rise across the continent. Propaganda and other activities affect European societies and parliaments. Extremists do not stop their activities in front of parliaments’ buildings. As far as extremist performance within parliaments is concerned, parliaments may react to them using measures of order, as provided for by their Rule Books but cannot apply them to harmful activities outside the parliament in the ordinary (political) arena. Parliamentarian means of defence appear inadequate and at the end not efficient to defend our representative democracies. By comparing the present German constitutions in perspective of the German constitutional history, the article seeks to find „sharper armoury“ for parliamentary defence. In conclusion, some consideration is given to constitutional amendment providing parliaments with the authority to expel the unruly Members of Parliament.
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Jancic, Davor. "The French Parliament: A European Scrutineer or National Actor?" European Public Law 19, Issue 1 (March 1, 2013): 129–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2013007.
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With the Treaty of Lisbon in force, the expectation for national parliaments to democratize EU decision making has risen tangibly. This raises the question of the relationship between them and the European Parliament, as two channels of EU legitimation. The main argument of this article is that, in circumstances of high political salience of EU initiatives, national parliaments can be deemed to be European actors, performing their constitutional functions within a broader EU legal order as direct counterparts of EU institutions. To demonstrate this, we delve into the French Parliament's scrutiny of the Services Directive and the European External Action Service Decision, both of which have sparked strong reactions in many parliamentary corners of Europe. We focus on the role perceptions of the French MPs and senators in their ex ante monitoring of these two dossiers. The analysis reveals that political control is not always directed only at the Government, but that EU institutions can be addressees of national parliamentary scrutiny.
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Czermińska, Małgorzata. "Democratic legitimacy in common commercial policy of European Union – evolution of European Parliament’s role." Horyzonty Polityki 13, no. 44 (September 29, 2022): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/hp.2279.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: This article aims to present the principles of decision-making, distribution of competences regarding the common commercial policy (CCP), with attention given to the evolution of European Parliament’s (EP) role and to identify actions taken by the EP in relation to the CCP.
THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: Due to the Member States’ delegation of powers to the supranational level and decision-making procedures, allegations that there is no democratic legitimacy in the European Union are of particular relevance to the CCP. In this context, special importance is given to the role of the European Parliament and powers vested in it, especially over the past years. The article employs an analytical and descriptive method.
THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The first part presented decision-making principles for the EU’s common commercial policy. Next, the evolution of the European Parliament’s role in the shaping of the CCP was discussed. Finally, the last part gives attention to the EP’s actions in practice and attempts to assess what was a decisive factor behind the Parliament’s specific position.
RESEARCH RESULTS: The Treaty of Lisbon increased the formal powers of the European Parliament with regard to the CCP, but at the same time, diminished the role of Member States’ national parliaments (which was due to the fact that the CCP coverage was extended and the scope of the EU’s exclusive competences was broadened). The research conducted has revealed that the EP is more and more often taking advantage of its position in the shaping of the EU commercial policy.
CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Due to the fact that the role of the European Parliament in the decision-making process has increased, the issue of a democracy deficit in the shaping of the CCP, which was raised in the pre-Lisbon Treaty period, is currently becoming less formally legitimate.
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Babynska (Virna), Nadiia. "Open legislative data: From Ukrainian perspective." Central and Eastern European eDem and eGov Days 325 (February 14, 2018): 275–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/ocg.v325.23.
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Structured, open by default, accessible, timely data are important source for understanding the parliament, engaging citizens to legislation processes, political analysis and prognosis. Data about voting, MPs, finance and legislation-flow in the parliament are vital and having access to the whole bulk of data – is the main source of information for researchers, journalists, think tanks, parliament itself.
Parliaments all around the world produce terabytes of information each year. These are voting records, drafts of laws, legislation, amendments, information about plenary session meetings, speeches, videos, photos, financial information etc. Is this information used by parliament, think tanks, other stakeholders? Or is it hidden in the shelf in offices of parliamentarian clerks?
In this article author tries to explain the importance of open legislative data, how they can be used by and for society. Nadiia Babynska describes her path on opening parliament data in Ukraine, failures and successes in this process. Nadiia Babynska shows the initial need of open legislative data for good governance, engagement citizens, transparency and anti-corruption in parliament. She proposes the main steps to make parliament data open.
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Adiputri, Ratih. "The Role of Parliament in Sustainable Development Goals: A Case Study of Southeast Asia in International Parliamentary Forums." Jurnal Perencanaan Pembangunan: The Indonesian Journal of Development Planning 5, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 127–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.36574/jpp.v5i1.173.
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Parliament has its role in supporting Sustainable Development Goals (SDG). SDG number 16 on peace, justice, and strong institution states one indicator of a legislative institution (for “responsive, inclusive, participatory and representative”, that the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) commits to achieve. However, parliament must support the government in achieving all SDG programs as stated in Agenda 2030. What is the role of parliament in this and how to achieve it? This paper aims to show that the role of parliament in SDG is beyond the traditional legislative role of legislating, budgeting and overseeing the government, but more on representing people, meaning channeling people’s voice at the global forums, notably the parliamentary forums discussing sustainable development issues. The cases used in this paper are Southeast Asian parliaments, notably Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. The paper uses four cases of parliamentary gatherings: the World Parliamentary Forum on Sustainable Development Goals in 2017-2019 (3 meetings) that Indonesian parliament organized and the 10th Asia-Europe Parliamentary Meeting (ASEP) in 2018 that the European Parliament organized, where parliaments of Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore were attended. The study shows that the parliaments still focus much on secondary sources for gathering information, that is from the government, senior policymakers, and international agency personnel to support SDG, rather than bringing the constituents’ voices on these forums. The case also shows that personalized politics still exist from the Indonesian parliamentary side –and not so obvious from the Malaysian and Singaporean sides. This may serve as a base for further study of whether the parliamentary system works better than the presidential system. The parliamentary system emphasizes more on the constituent background, while the presidential one states the members’ political party affiliation.
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Jäckle, Sebastian, and Thomas Metz. "Oral Questions in the European Parliament: A Network Analysis." Statistics, Politics and Policy 10, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 87–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/spp-2019-0004.
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Abstract Internal working structures within parliaments are notoriously hard to capture. While analyses based on bill co-sponsorship work for the US Congress, this approach is not feasible in many parliamentary systems. Drawing on data from the European Parliament’s legislative term of 2009–2014 this article shows that parliamentary questions can be another option. Members of the European Parliament may demand information from the Council or the Commission through oral questions. We take advantage of the fact that these questions are signed by their authors and construct a social network of members of the Parliament that support each other’s oral questions. This allows investigating how members and their groups and committees cooperate to control both Council and Commission. Our approach helps to map out the internal structure of the party groups and explore which forces shape the global network. We find that cooperation is mostly driven by party group membership with ALDE, Green/EFA, and GUENGL turning out as the most cohesive groups while SD is internally rather loosely connected. The second strongest clustering characteristic is a legislators’ native country.
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Marelja, Miran, and Valentino Kuzelj. "Evolucija fiskalnoga suvereniteta u Engleskoj." Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Rijeci 41, no. 2 (2020): 509–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.30925/zpfsr.41.2.4.
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History of parliamentary development is narrowly tied to the development of fiscal prerogatives of the legislature. This is especially pronounced in the origins and development of the English Parliament. Moreover, we can ascertain that the fight of “medieval taxpayers”, i.e. those partaking in the distribution of power in medieval feudal structures, foreshadows the very foundation of the English Parliament and its precursors – the “assemblies of King’s servants”. In that sense, medieval England’s earliest constitutional documents espouse mechanisms limiting Crown’s autocracy. Later on, the invocation of Parliament’s fiscal prerogatives represented the most efficient form of subverting such absolutism, especially regarding the absolutist tendencies of the Stuarts. Upon establishment of Parliament’s supremacy over the Crown, the Victorian era was marked by the struggle between two houses of Parliament, culminating in early 20th century anent the issue of the Lords’ rejection of the budget bill. Parliament Act of 1911 marks the end of a centuries-long development of Parliament’s fiscal sovereignty, affirming the prerogatives of the House of Commons as the holders of democratic electoral legitimacy.
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Munyoro, Isaiah. "Assessing Parliament of Zimbabwe’s informatics database as a tool for providing evidence-based information for decision making." Journal of Librarianship and Information Science 51, no. 1 (August 23, 2017): 218–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961000617726122.
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The application of information and communication technologies to parliamentary activities is growing. Informatics databases represent a growing trend used for gathering, collation, processing, storage and dissemination of parliamentary information to Members of Parliament, parliamentary staff and the general public. Many parliaments are moving forward, assisted by development partners to implement informatics projects from constituency level where the public can access information manually or electronically through parliament itself. The purpose of this article was to assess Parliament of Zimbabwe’s informatics database in providing evidence-based information for decision making. This is achieved by sampling 25 Members of Parliament and 25 Office Assistants from constituencies, and Parliament staff as important respondents. The instruments of data collection were questionnaires, interview schedules and analysis of documents. Findings revealed that constituents were the largest beneficiaries, followed by the education sector, and Members of Parliament. Data also showed that Members of Parliament improved their knowledge and participation in parliamentary activities based on real facts from the informatics data base. The study identified challenges affecting the informatics database. Results recommend that resources be provided for information and communication technology equipment, staff should be trained and an online informatics database be implemented.
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Delputte, Sarah, Cristina Fasone, and Fabio Longo. "The Diplomatic Role of the European Parliament’s Standing Committees, Delegations and Assemblies: Insights from acp–eu Inter-Parliamentary Cooperation." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (March 11, 2016): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341338.
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This article focuses on the contribution that the European Parliament’s standing committees, delegations and inter-parliamentary assemblies make as diplomatic actors in the post-Lisbon Treaty period. These three types of bodies and institutions are grouped together, because in practice they work in complementary ways. The committees play a coordinating role, the delegations act as ‘embassies on the move’ and the participation of the European Parliament in inter-parliamentary assemblies represents the clearest institutional sign of the European Parliament’s external action. The article focuses on a case study: the involvement of the European Parliament in the eu’s partnership with the African, Caribbean and Pacific group of countries (acp) through the Development Committee (deve), the competent European Parliament delegation, and the activities within the Joint Parliamentary Assembly. The article aims to analyse whether and how the European Parliament is able to play a distinctive diplomatic role through its standing committees, delegations and inter-parliamentary assemblies.
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Grochalski, Stefan Marek. "Obywatele Unii Europejskiej – wyborcy Parlamentu Europejskiego – parlamentu ponadnarodowego." Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne 14, no. 3 (May 31, 2016): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/osap.1480.
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Parliament – an institution of a democratic state – a member of the Union – is not only an authority but also, as in the case of the European Union, the only directly and universally elected representative body of the European Union. The article presents questions related to the essence of parliament and that of a supranational parliament which are vital while dealing with the subject matter. It proves that the growth of the European Parliament’s powers was the direct reason for departing from the system of delegating representatives to the Parliament for the benefit of direct elections. It presents direct and universal elections to the European Parliament in the context of presenting legal regulations applicable in this respect. It describes a new legal category – citizenship of the European Union – primarily in terms of active and passive suffrage to the European Parliament, as a political entitlement of a citizen of the European Union.
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Siti Fahlizah Padlee and Norlizawaty Abdu Samad. "Pengukuhan Perkhidmatan Penyelidikan Bagi Keberkesanan Parlimen." Journal of the Malaysian Parliament 3 (June 13, 2023): 34–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.54313/journalmp.v3i.84.
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The Malaysian Parliamentary Research and Library Division is a division of the Parliament Malaysia that offers research services and informational resources to parliamentary members across political parties. Strengthening the service of this research division by ensuring that accessing the research service with non-partisan, timely and facilitating quality information in providing more effectiveness of parliament as a legislative body in this country. This study explores the functions and research products introduced by this division to further strengthen its function and role in the parliamentary institution. Exploration of the similarities and differences in functions and products was also conducted involving the research section in three foreign parliaments, namely the UK Parliament, Parliament House of Australia, and New Zealand Parliament. The selection of these three countries is the main reference of Parliament Malaysia since its establishment in 1959. Data collection was done through the official websites of the House of Commons Library, Parliamentary Library-Parliament of Australia, and Parliamentary Library-New Zealand Parliament as well as written responses sent via emails by officials from the House of Commons Library, UK Parliament, Parliamentary Library, Parliament House of Australia, and Parliamentary Information Service, New Zealand Parliament. The findings showed that the Research and Library Division of the Parliament of Malaysia has improved its service and competency with the addition of new products such as opinions and editorial writings in local newspaper and article journal. Furthermore, strengthening this research division also involves external participation, particularly by the academicians and civil society, in various academic activities organised by this division. The findings further suggest the need to increase the number of research officers working at the Research and Library Division of the Parliament of Malaysia to meet the high workload and product output.
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Auel, Katrin, Olga Eisele, and Lucy Kinski. "What Happens in Parliament Stays in Parliament? Newspaper Coverage of National Parliaments in EU Affairs." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 56, no. 3 (November 26, 2017): 628–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12685.
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Dominioni, Goran, Alberto Quintavalla, and Alessandro Romano. "Trust spillovers among national and European institutions." European Union Politics 21, no. 2 (January 17, 2020): 276–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116519897835.
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In this article, we study spillovers in political trust between the national parliaments of 15 Member States and the European Commission, the European Parliament and the European Central Bank in the period 2000–2015. We show that in most instances spillovers between the national parliaments and the European Commission and the European Parliament are bidirectional, asymmetric, and change over time and place. A corollary of these findings is that simultaneously achieving high level of trust in institutions at different levels of governance may require a deeper understanding of the complex inter-institutional relationships that exist in the EU multilevel governance setting.
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Goodare, Julian. "The Scottish Parliamentary Records, 1560–1603." Historical Research 72, no. 179 (October 1, 1999): 244–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00083.
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Abstract The records of parliament are basic sources for Scottish historians. The statutes themselves illuminate politics and government policy; the attendance lists too are useful for political history. However, the records for much of this period are incomplete, even fragmentary. This article analyses the editorial approach of the published Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, and identifies further material not found in it. Not only are there additional statutes and attendance lists, but also additional parliaments. In particular, a contemporary list of the acts of the Reformation Parliament (1560) is fully discussed and evaluated for the first time.
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Papaloi, Aspasia, and Dimitris Gouscos. "E-Parliaments and Novel Parliament-to-Citizen services." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 3, no. 1 (March 21, 2011): 80–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v3i1.53.
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In an era of citizens’ discontentment on democratic institutions, parliaments as a democratic cornerstone, are constantly striving to create alluring services taking, at the same time, into account the difficulty of achieving accessibility and transparency in citizens’ e-participation. At the same time, the evolution of ICT tools presents opportunities to revamp the traditional character, functions and services of parliaments worldwide, giving rise to new capabilities and opportunities that can transform their political and social role. An e-enabled parliament can not only offer flexibility in parliamentary proceedings and facilitate the work of its members, but also strive for the inclusion of citizens, without annulling the representative character of the institution. In this paper, we present an initial overview of the characteristics of modern parliaments, recording existing service offerings and proposing a stakeholder-based categorization, with specific categories that can best accommodate explicit and active citizen participation within parliamentary functions. A number of existing citizen deliberation applications and research projects are highlighted as potential candidates for deploying novel extrovert parliament-to-citizen services, focused directly on citizen involvement. Moreover, the focus area based on the procedure from inclusion to feedback will give good evidence for all those factors that are necessary for a successful adoption of novel e-parliament services.
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MOLEPO, MATJATJI, and MOHAMMED JAHED. "Enhancing the Role of Parliament in the Budget-Making Processes." African Journal of Governance and Development (AJGD) 12, no. 2 (December 6, 2023): 75–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.36369/2616-9045/2023/v12i2a6.
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A budget is an important financial plan that provides a framework for the effective allocation of resources and is thus vital for ensuring effective public financial management. Parliaments play a critical role in ensuring that budgets deliver their intended outcomes. It is the responsibility of Parliaments to exercise oversight roles over the executives’ budget proposals, scrutinise budget information, and depending on the government system in place, approve, amend, or draft a new budget. The aim of this paper is to explore mechanisms that can be used to enhance the role of Parliament in budget-making processes by focusing on gender budgeting, budget reforms, and capacity building through the establishment of Independent Financial Institutions (IFIs) such as Parliamentary Budget Offices (PBOs) as mechanisms of enhancement. Based on the aim of this paper, the researcher chose to use a descriptive research design and employed a desktop research approach through a literature review. The relevant data was collected from various sources such as books, journals, and the internet. The online sources included in the academic database and government portals containing information relating to Parliaments, budgeting processes, and budget management. The findings suggest that Parliament plays an important role in ensuring that a budget is transparent, accountable, and responsive to the needs and demands of the public, including women and marginalised groups. It is also evident that some of the main challenges faced by Parliament to ensure an effective budgeting process include limited resources, political interference, and inadequate public participation. The study concludes that parliamentary involvement during the budget-making process is critical and therefore recommends strengthening the institutional capacity of Parliament, promoting public participation in the budget process, and ensuring gender-responsive budgeting in all stages of the budget cycle. Keywords: Parliament; Budget; Budget-making processes
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Bezuglya, Anna A., Radmila E. Arutyunyan, Elena E. Kolpakova, Saidakhmed I. Mutsalov, and Pavel A. C. Ngatheyo. "Functional interaction between public bodies." Linguistics and Culture Review 5, S3 (November 4, 2021): 918–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/lingcure.v5ns3.1666.
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This paper examines the constitutional approaches accepted in the Central African countries regarding the formalization of interaction between the chambers of parliaments. The study found that all constitutional texts of the considered group of countries as a universal (typical) form of interaction between the chambers of parliament consolidate the adoption of legislative acts; joint meetings (on the taking of their oath by the heads of states or members of the Constitutional Court, making a decision on the introduction of a state of emergency or siege in the country, dismissing the head of state, appointing officials, etc.); the formation of joint commissions and supreme bodies of state power, and the appointment of officials. It was noted that despite the "constitutional equality" of the chambers in terms of introducing bills, financial bills are submitted exclusively to the lower chamber of parliament. The ratification of international treaties by the chambers of parliament (Gabon, Congo) is classified as an atypical (specific) form of interaction between the chambers of parliaments.
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Anger, Tim-Niklas, and Martin Klausch. "Planspielangebote der Landesparlamente. Eine Bestandsaufnahme." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 55, no. 1 (2024): 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2024-1-76.
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The majority of German state parliaments offer simulation games for adolescents . These events are designed to teach young people about the processes of intra-parliamentary will formation and decision-making . This article presents a survey of the simulation games cur- rently offered by state parliaments . The analysis is structured by content and organizational criteria . All simulation games focus on the legislative function of parliament . Other parlia- mentary functions are only addressed on the side or not at all . Furthermore, two thirds of the simulation games are designed for school classes . They usually last a maximum of one day and are offered several times a year up to several times a week . In contrast, four parlia- ments offer simulation games for individuals, which take several days and are carried out much less frequently than the programs for school classes . In addition to the general over- view, detailed insights are provided into the event “Youth in Parliament”, which is organ- ized by the parliament of the Hamburg city-state .
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Gusakova, M. A. "Forming of the Electoral System to the European Parliament (1957–1979)." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 11, no. 2(1) (2011): 95–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2011-11-2-1-95-99.
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The article discusses the process of the electoral system’s evolution to the European Parliament. The result of this process was the introducing of direct universal suffrage to the European Parliament. This new mechanism became the guarantee of the Parliament’s making into the real democratic institution that favoured the consolidation of European integration’s tendencies.
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Umar, Muhammad Zakaria, and La Ode Abdul Rachmad Sabdin Andisiri. "Identifikasi Koeksistensi Arsitektural pada Rumah Tradisional Walaka dan Bangunan DPRD di Kota Baubau." EMARA: Indonesian Journal of Architecture 4, no. 1 (August 9, 2018): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.29080/emara.v4i1.221.
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Coexistence in architecture was considered as the process of cooperation between two or more different architectural styles and synergized each others. The Old Buton society consists of Kaomu, Walaka, Maradika, and Batua. The social stratification system in Buton society was reflected in its dwelling. In the architectural context, various attempts to rediscover the identity in each of his work were very pronounced, with varying results. The study was aimed to identified coexistence between Walaka’s house and parliament building using a comparative causal approach. The results concluded that the coexistence between the Walaka’s houses and parliament building could be found in the form of philosophical, meanings, symbols, function on the modified floor plan, view, and sections.The coexistence between the house of Walaka’s with govermental position and parliament building could not be found between under the Walaka’s house and the parliament building foundation, tangkebala sasambiri and overstek console at parliament building and the Walaka’s box-shaped pabate and the overstek console from parliament building. The philosophical coexistence was also not founded between wide large and latticed windows at Walaka’s house with ones at parliament building, the Walaka’s bosu bosu and the overstek console without ornament at parliament building, as well as the Walaka’s double-decker roof and the parliament’s double-decker roof.
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Brian, Rob. "Informing Parliament." Library Management 25, no. 1/2 (January 1, 2004): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01435120410510229.
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One significant feature of both old and new democracies is that their Parliaments all have parliamentary library and research services in one form or another. In a totalitarian State, parliamentary libraries appear to be an unnecessary luxury. In the developed and many developing countries the parliamentary library and research service is a vital element. Describes the workings of the library and research service of The Parliament of New South Wales and how the Members’ needs for information are met and measured.
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Akram, Sidra, and Dr Mian Muhammad Azhar. "Legislations in Parliament of Canada and Pakistan: A Comparative Study of House of Commons and National Assembly." Journal of Law & Social Studies 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 58–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.02.02.5865.
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Parliament is an exclusive and unique representative institution and performs key functions such as law-making, representation of constituents, amending laws, highlighting and aspirations their issues and through resolutions prescribe solutions to such key challenges faced by the polity. Parliament established on the behalf of people to represent their voice and provide them opportunities for more participatory and open governance. This research focused upon the performance of both lower Houses of Canada and Pakistan in 21st Century. The performance of the parliamentarian will also examine in this study. This comparative study will extend the boundaries of comparative politics and system analysis theory. This research discussed the role of parliament and basically the legislation process in parliament. Legislation in parliaments of new democracies and comparative study is useful research topic in Political Science and will provide a guideline to parliamentarians to work better.
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Bezuglya, Anna A., Ekaterina A. Kulishenko, Olga V. Lepeshkina, Ludmila I. Nikonova, and Karina V. Shamaeva. "Constitutional experience in formalizing the spheres of interaction between the chambers of parliaments of the countries of the South African Region." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-A (April 28, 2021): 198–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-a793p.198-203.
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This article presents the results of a comparative legal analysis of the constitutions of the countries of South Africa regarding the consolidation of the constitutional spheres of interaction of the chambers of parliaments in them. The study showed that the typical (universal) areas of interaction between the chambers of parliament include: the legislative sphere; the security sphere and the control sphere. The international sphere, which involves the interaction of the chamber of parliament on the ratification of international treaties (Eswatini, South Africa), is atypical for the states of the studied group of countries. We concluded during the study that the typical and atypical areas of interaction between the chambers of parliament in the South Africa reflect both the established practice and the independent approaches of states to the constitutional formalization of the joint powers of the chambers of parliament.
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Hossain, Awal. "Role of Parliament and Governance in Bangladesh: Problems and Prospects." Journal of Public Policy and Administration 8, no. 1 (February 28, 2023): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/jppa.1791.
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Purpose: This paper aims to critically evaluate the role of parliament in ensuring democratic governance as well as good governance in Bangladesh. The basic three functions of a parliament are a) law-making; b) representation; and c) oversight. Thus, parliament plays a crucial role in the development, people participation, rule of law, ensuring accountability and transparency, making laws and policies that promote good governance. Though Bangladesh has started its journey as a parliamentary form of government and past 48 years of its independence amid some(16) years of military intervention, however, the parliament of Bangladesh is not still effective to ensure the core elements of democratic or good governance by its three basic functions. Besides, the parliament of Bangladesh has been facing several problems and challenges to ensure its viability and effectiveness. The paper is a case-oriented qualitative study and based on secondary sources of materials.
Methodology: The study adopted desktop literature Method
Findings: The finding of this study is that a democratically elected parliament is the true voice of the people and responsible to the people which serves as the main platform of democratic governance. Besides, the quality of elections is crucial for a truly democratic parliament because parliaments can hardly fulfill their roles, specifically the role of representation, if elections are defective and controversial.
Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: The study concluded that parliament is should establish its functions through modernization by use of the latest technologies including ICT.
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Yuliawati, Elly, and Ispawati Asri. "Modern Parliament Image: Managing Transparency, Information Technology and Representation." Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia 8, no. 2 (December 25, 2023): 324–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.25008/jkiski.v8i2.787.
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The People's Legislative Council of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI), like parliaments in other countries, is developing its institutional governance towards a modern parliament. The idea of a modern parliament is a strategy to increase public trust in the DPR RI. This study aims to generate public views about the image of a modern parliament as the embodiment of good government governance. Using the case study method to find the actual image representation. Conducting interviews with various sources of information both internal and external stakeholders and also reviewing documents for the validity of the data. The study found that the achievement of modern parliamentary indicators, namely transparency, technology, and representation, was still experiencing obstacles in the form of not fulfilling these three indicators. Of the three, only technology indicators have shown their best achievements in the form of easy public access to official information on the parliament website. Transparency and representation have not been fully open and in accordance with public expectations. Seen by the large number of public participation in the form of criticism, suggestions, proposals that oversee the performance of the parliament. This study concludes that the modern parliament as an embodiment of good governance in the Indonesian Parliament is carried out through strengthening the aspects of transparency, technology and representation. Efforts towards a modern parliament in realizing good governance still need time and follow the dynamics of society and the changing times.
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Jones, Norman L. "Parliament and the Governance of Elizabethan England: A Review." Albion 19, no. 3 (1987): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050464.
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For thirty years J. E. Neale’s portrait of the Elizabethan parliaments was the stuff of textbooks. Highly political and bedeviled by puritanical protobolsheviks, the Virgin Queen’s parliaments were painted as the nursery in which the modern parliamentary system, characterized by an organized Opposition, was born. In the last decade, however, Neale’s interpretations have been challenged and overturned, making obsolete most of the histories of Elizabethan England available to students. The purpose of this article is to assess the new research on Elizabethan Parliaments, to summarize what we now know about the role Parliament played in governing England, and to suggest what remains to be done.In order to make sense of the newly emerging history of Elizabeth’s parliaments it is important to recap the working assumptions that dominated the first great era of Elizabethan parliamentary history, the Neale/Notestein age. Much of the recent work on Parliament has been in reaction to these mens’ work.
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Tomkins, Adam. "A right to mislead Parliament?" Legal Studies 16, no. 1 (March 1996): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.1996.tb00400.x.
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The assertion was recently made in the House of Commons that ministers have the right, in certain circumstances, to mislead Parliament, either by telling an outright lie, or by keeping quiet. This astonishing statement concerns a central aspect of the British constitution: namely the essential ability of Parliament to acquire accurate information about government, even (or perhaps especially) when the government does not want to give it. Despite popular cynicism as to the ability of politicians ever to tell the truth, not lying to Parliament has long been regarded as being of the utmost importance. The very survival of politicians in office has often been made dependent on whether it can be shown that they have misled Parliament: ‘John Profumo lost office not because of his sexual misbehaviour but because he lied to Parliament. When Mrs Thatcher narrowly survived the Westland affair the debate was on whether Parliament had been deceived’. The ability to ensure the effective acquisition of relevant information is essential to Parliament's key tasks of engaging in meaningful and effective debate, and of scrutinising the work of the executive:
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Kennedy, Mark E. "Legislation, Foreign Policy, and the “Proper Business” of the Parliament of 1624." Albion 23, no. 1 (1991): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050541.
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A dozen years ago Conrad Russell initiated a major historiographical debate when he rejected the traditional interpretation of seventeenth-century parliamentary history expounded in the classic studies of S. R. Gardiner and Wallace Notestein, whose work on early Stuart parliaments dominated the field for three quarters of a century. According to Russell, Gardiner's and Notestein's conviction that Jacobean and Caroline parliaments were the scene of escalating constitutional conflicts between the Crown and the House of Commons was the result of the two historians' failure to understand either the nature of early Stuart politics or seventeenth-century notions of Parliament's proper functions. Politics in general and parliamentary politics in particular were devoid of ideological content, and the provincial gentry who filled the benches of the House of Commons were as certain as the rest of their countrymen that the “proper business” of Parliament was the passing of bills, not the debating of issues of national or constitutional significance. Russell, of course, did not suggest that the conflicts so crucial to the traditional interpretation were made out of whole cloth, but he did deny that disagreements between Crown and Parliament were due to the emergence of a constitutional opposition. Instead, such disagreements were the inevitable product of the pervasive tension that marked the relationship between the royal government in London and the local communities in the provinces. During the reigns of James I and Charles I, the Crown's incompetent parliamentary management made it more difficult than usual for local gentlemen to reconcile their obligations to their king with their loyalties to their communities. The result was some remarkably unhappy parliaments, but since no important issue of principle divided parliamentary leaders from privy councilors or officers of state, there could be no organized, ideologically based opposition, no constitutional crisis leading inexorably to civil war.
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Schleiter, Petra, and Sukriti Issar. "Constitutional Rules and Patterns of Government Termination: The Case of the UK Fixed-term Parliaments Act." Government and Opposition 51, no. 4 (March 16, 2015): 605–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.45.
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This paper examines the impact of constitutional rules on parliamentary dissolution, government termination and duration with a particular focus on the likely effects of UK’s Fixed-term Parliament’s Act (2011). In the UK debate, expectations about the Act diverge. This article evaluates the plausibility of these contrasting views by combining evidence from a comparative analysis of European cabinets with a counterfactual analysis of the Act’s effect on the strategies of UK politicians. The evidence from both analyses indicates that fixing the term of parliament is likely to render parliaments more stable, but may also have the unanticipated effect of making governments more vulnerable to failure and replacement.
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Gabel, Matthew. "Parliamentary Representation in Europe: Past, Present, and Future." Contemporary European History 11, no. 4 (October 28, 2002): 665–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302004095.
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Richard Katz and Bernhard Wessels, eds., The European Parliament, the National Parliaments, and European Integration (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 280pp., £35, h.b., ISBN 0-19-829660-6.Heinrich Best and Maurizio Cotta, eds., Parliamentary Representatives in Europe, 1848–2000 (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press 2000), 530pp., £55, h.b., ISBN 0-19-829793-9.Jean Blondel, Richard Sinnott and Palle Svensson, People and Parliament in the European Union. Participation, Democracy, and Legitimacy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 287pp., £45, h.b., ISBN 0-19-829308-9.Amie Kreppel, The European Parliament and Supranational Party System. A Study in Institutional Development (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 288pp., £40, h.b., ISBN 0-521-80625-9.
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Bauer, Gretchen, and Akosua K. Darkwah. "We would rather be leaders than parliamentarians: women and political office in Ghana." European Journal of Politics and Gender 3, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 101–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510819x15698351185989.
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Ghana, an emerging democracy, lags far behind in women’s representation in Parliament. This article, based on interviews with delegates, aspirants, candidates, Members of Parliament and potential female presidential candidates, suggests that women are dissuaded from standing for Parliament by the exorbitant ‘cost of politics’, humiliating ‘politics of insult’ and keen appreciation of Parliament’s limitations. Still, women may be eager to hold appointive office. Until new democracies are established with electoral systems devoid of costly and insulting electoral politics, and with elected offices in which women may accomplish important goals, women will not exhibit the political ambition to participate in those spaces.
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Shephard, Mark, and Paul Cairney. "The Impact of the Scottish Parliament in Amending Executive Legislation." Political Studies 53, no. 2 (June 2005): 303–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00530.x.
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This paper provides the first systematic attempt to investigate the legislative impact of the Scottish Parliament on Executive legislation, by analysing the fate of all amendments to Executive bills from the Parliament's first session (1999–2003). Initial findings on the success of bill amendments show that the balance of power inclines strongly in favour of ministers. However, when we account for the type of amendment and initial authorship we find evidence that the Parliament (both coalition and opposition MSPs) actually makes more of an impact, particularly in terms of the level of success of substantive amendments to Executive bills. Our findings have implications for much of the current literature that is sceptical of the existence of power sharing between the Executive and the Parliament and within the Parliament.
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Olechno, Artur. "Frakcje parlamentarne Rady Najwyższej Ukrainy." Przegląd europejski 2 (November 19, 2019): 115–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5826.
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The article is dedicated to the subject of the parliamentary faction in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. The author describes the form of organization of members of the Ukrainian parliament, the history of the regulation, the political goals of the amendments and the parliamentary practice. The article tries to point a regulation which mark the Ukraine out in the other states: such as constitutional level of the provisions alongside parliaments’ internal rules of procedure, criterion for formation of associations of members of parliaments, the principle of autonomy, the essence of party discipline and a specific solution intended to reduce the problem of members of fractions leaving them during the term of the parliament.
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Zaslavskaya, Natalia. "Appointment of the European Commission as an indicator of European integration development." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 14, no. 2 (2021): 182–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.204.
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The article examines the evolution of the European Commission appointment procedure in the context of the institutional balance between the Council of the EU, the European Parliament and the European Commission. The growing influence of the European Parliament on the appointment of the Commission and the nomination of its President is described as an indicator of the development of integration because it demonstrates how the EU supranational institutional system moves closer to the institutional systems of nation states. The European Parliament has gained power similar to national parliaments. The European elections’ results are taken into account during appointment of the European Commission. Despite remaining existing differences between the EU institutional system and national institutions, the author attempts to apply the Sartori concept in order to examine the dynamics of the EU institutional balance. As Sartori described, interaction between parties in national parliaments and governments and gradual transformation towards party government, similar tendencies could be found on the European level. The analysis of the theoretical interpretations, legal basis and practical experience of the European Commission’s appointment enables the author to determine the increased role of the European Parliament vis-à-vis other institutions and the growing importance of the European parties. The current procedure demonstrates a shift from the technocratic functional approach to an ideological approach leading to a growing importance of European politics.
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Muhammad, Bashir, Mussawar Shah, Asadullah, and Naushad Khan. "THE ROLE OF PARLIAMENT IN CURBING CORRUPTION: AN ILLUSTRATIVE APPROACH REGARDING PESHAWAR, PAKISTAN." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 9, no. 3 (June 19, 2021): 1000–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.9398.
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Purpose of the study: This study aimed to explore the association between the role of parliament and perception of the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) paradigm for curbing corruption in Peshawar.
Methodology: A stratified random sampling technique was used to gather information from 320 sample respondents through an interview schedule. The gamma and chi-square test was applied to determine the association between dependent and independent variables.
Main Findings: Parliament’s role was termed as of paramount importance in curbing corruption. There was a significant association between the vital function of parliament in curbing corruption (P=0.000), introduce new anti-corruption laws (P=0.016), parliament assure the accountability of executives (P=0.003), parliament should work with other institution (P=0.034), Public Account Committee’s role is admirable in parliament (P=0.815), non-accountability of powerful (P=0.022), parliament should introduce a strict law (P=0.017) and perception of the NAB paradigm for reducing corruption.
Applications of this study: The results of this research work can be applied to all watchdogs’ institutions for its policymaking.
The originality of this study: The study is unique because the information was aggregated directly from the people in the research area.