Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Parliament'
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1
Foreman, Chad. "Canada’s 41st Parliament: Hansard, Members of Parliament, Public Servants, and Cost Savings." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/42778.
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In acknowledging that the Hansard Oral Question Period records did not focus on the increasing personnel expenditures, this thesis will seek to identify and analyze how political party members convey their support or opposition for these austerity measures, during the first session of the 41st Parliament Oral Question Period exchanges; in particular, how these exchanges are structured within the setting of parliamentary debate and for what purposes. Furthermore this thesis examines, how parliamentary exchanges relate to the five (5) debate purposes identified in the literature: (1) position claiming; (2) persuading; (3) negotiating; (4) agenda-setting; and, (5) opinion-building (Ilie, 2017), within the four (4) categories identified in the review of the Hansard records; that is: safety and security concerns, Canada’s official language policies, regional cuts, and public service reductions in areas directly related to the Canadian Forces and Canadian Veterans.
2
Cavill, Paul. "Henry VII and parliament." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422073.
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Monstad, Torill. "The new South African Parliament : an evaluation of parliament's oversight function of the executive." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/9878.
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Bibliography: leaves 66-68.The aim of this study is to evaluate how the new and democratically elected South African Parliament as an institution has been able to hold the executive accountable for their activities. Accountability of the rulers has been identified as a central element In democratic government. In representative democracies there are two major models of government: presidential and parliamentary government. These two models have different methods for dealing with the issue of legislative oversight. Literature shows that this function is more effective in presidential systems than in parliamentary systems, since the presidential model provides a stronger constitutional framework for legislative oversight. The model that can be used to analyse South Africa is closely linked to the parliamentary model. However, the role of the President, the sovereign Constitution, and the anti-defection clause makes South Africa more of a hybrid-parliamentary model. As South Africa can be linked to the parliamentary model, this implies that Parliament will not be able to hold the executive effectively accountable. There are other non-constitutional factors that have an impact on Parliament's oversight function. In South Africa, the non-constitutional factors that have been in place in these five first years of democracy enhance the consequences of the parliamentary model. This means that these factors add to the existing provisions for ineffective accountability of the executive by Parliament. These are the large majority of the ANC, the strict internal discipline of the ANC, the weak opposition in Parliament, the lack of resources and staff in Parliament, and the lack of capacity, experience and expertise by the MP's. As the example of Sarafina 2 shows, these factors, and especially the large majority of the ANC in Parliament, add to the inability of the new South African Parliament to effectively hold the executive accountable.
4
Benedetto, Giacomo Giorgio Edward. "Institutionalised consensus in Europe's parliament." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/848/.
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Embedded consensus has characterised the behaviour of the European Parliament since its foundation in the 1950s. This research tests the path dependence of consensus during the period of 1994 to 2002, in the light of the changing institutional powers of the Parliament. It challenges existing theory and empirical evidence drawn mainly from roll call votes that has concluded that the European Parliament has become more competitive internally in response to increased institutional powers. There are three causal factors that reinforce consensus: the need to reconcile national and ideological divisions within a multinational political system; the pull of external institutional factors such as institutional change or the separation of powers; and internal incentives for collusion between political actors influenced by the need to accommodate the interests of the national elites present at the level of the European Union. Switzerland, a multiple cleavage system of decentralised federalism that includes consociational characteristics and a separation of powers, provides a comparative reference point for institutionalised consensus. The hypotheses of institutionalised consensus are tested empirically in four ways: 1) by roll call votes between 1994 and 2001, focusing on procedure, policy area, and the cut-off point of the 1999 elections; 2) competition and consensus in the distribution of policy-related office in the Parliament; 3) by Parliament’s use of its powers of appointment and censure over other institutions; and 4) by the internal consensus on the preparation of Parliament’s bids for greater powers when the European Union Treaties are reformed. In adapting the theory of path dependence to a multinational legislature, the methodology presented in this thesis can be applied in furthering the understanding of other comparable institutions.
5
Crawford, Mary Catherine. "Gender and the Australian parliament." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2008. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/26409/1/Mary_Crawford_Thesis.pdf.
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This dissertation by publication which focuses on gender and the Australian federal parliament has resulted in the submission of three refereed journal articles. Data for the study were obtained from 30 semi-structured interviews undertaken in 2006 with fifteen (15) male and fifteen (15) female members of the Australian parliament. The first of the articles is methodological and has been accepted for publication in the Australian Journal of Political Science. The paper argues that feminist political science is guided by five important principles. These are placing gender at the centre of the research, giving emphasis to women’s voice, challenging the public/private divide, using research to transform society and taking a reflexive approach to positionality. It is the latter principle, that of the importance of taking a reflexive approach to research which I explore in the paper. Through drawing on my own experiences as a member of the House of Representatives (Forde 1987-1996) I reflexively investigate the intersections between my background and my identity as a researcher. The second of the articles views the data through the lens of Acker’s (1990) notion of the ‘gendered organization’ which posits that there are four dimensions by which organizations are gendered. These are via the division of labour, through symbols, images and ideologies, by workplace interactions and through the gendered components of individual identity. In this paper which has been submitted to the British Journal of Political Science, each of Acker’s (1990) dimensions is examined in terms of the data from interviews with male and female politicians. The central question investigated is thus to what extent does the Australian parliament conform to Acker’s (1990) concept of the ‘gendered organization’? The third of the papers focuses specifically on data from interviews with the 15 male politicians and investigates how they view gender equality and the Australian parliament. The article, which has been submitted to the European Journal of Political Science asks to what extent contemporary male politicians view the Australian parliament as gendered? Discourse analysis that is ‘ways of viewing’ (Bacchi, 1999, p. 40) is used as an approach to analyse the data. Three discursive frameworks by which male politicians view gender in the Australian parliament are identified. These are: that the parliament is gendered as masculine but this is unavoidable; that the parliament is gendered as feminine and women are actually advantaged; and that the parliament is gender neutral and gender is irrelevant. It is argued that collectively these framing devices operate to mask the many constraints which exist to marginalise women from political participation and undermine attempts to address women’s political disadvantage as political participants. The article concludes by highlighting the significance of the paper beyond the Australian context and calling for further research which names and critiques political men and their discourses on gender and parliamentary practices and processes.
6
Crawford, Mary Catherine. "Gender and the Australian parliament." Queensland University of Technology, 2008. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/26409/.
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This dissertation by publication which focuses on gender and the Australian federal parliament has resulted in the submission of three refereed journal articles. Data for the study were obtained from 30 semi-structured interviews undertaken in 2006 with fifteen (15) male and fifteen (15) female members of the Australian parliament. The first of the articles is methodological and has been accepted for publication in the Australian Journal of Political Science. The paper argues that feminist political science is guided by five important principles. These are placing gender at the centre of the research, giving emphasis to women’s voice, challenging the public/private divide, using research to transform society and taking a reflexive approach to positionality. It is the latter principle, that of the importance of taking a reflexive approach to research which I explore in the paper. Through drawing on my own experiences as a member of the House of Representatives (Forde 1987-1996) I reflexively investigate the intersections between my background and my identity as a researcher. The second of the articles views the data through the lens of Acker’s (1990) notion of the ‘gendered organization’ which posits that there are four dimensions by which organizations are gendered. These are via the division of labour, through symbols, images and ideologies, by workplace interactions and through the gendered components of individual identity. In this paper which has been submitted to the British Journal of Political Science, each of Acker’s (1990) dimensions is examined in terms of the data from interviews with male and female politicians. The central question investigated is thus to what extent does the Australian parliament conform to Acker’s (1990) concept of the ‘gendered organization’? The third of the papers focuses specifically on data from interviews with the 15 male politicians and investigates how they view gender equality and the Australian parliament. The article, which has been submitted to the European Journal of Political Science asks to what extent contemporary male politicians view the Australian parliament as gendered? Discourse analysis that is ‘ways of viewing’ (Bacchi, 1999, p. 40) is used as an approach to analyse the data. Three discursive frameworks by which male politicians view gender in the Australian parliament are identified. These are: that the parliament is gendered as masculine but this is unavoidable; that the parliament is gendered as feminine and women are actually advantaged; and that the parliament is gender neutral and gender is irrelevant. It is argued that collectively these framing devices operate to mask the many constraints which exist to marginalise women from political participation and undermine attempts to address women’s political disadvantage as political participants. The article concludes by highlighting the significance of the paper beyond the Australian context and calling for further research which names and critiques political men and their discourses on gender and parliamentary practices and processes.
7
Longwe, Jessica M. "Gender equity in parliament: a study of the institutional constraints that women members of parliament experience in the South Africa parliament that hamper their effective participation." University of Western Cape, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7380.
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Masters in Public Administration - MPASouth Africa has undergone a process of dramatic change since the first democratic elections of 1994, notably so in the area of gender equity in public life. The struggles and demands of women during the constitutional process have resulted in an unprecedented 31,5 % representation of women in Parliament, the highest in Africa.
8
Yördem, Özer. "Cosmopolitan Reflections in the European Parliament." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-8278.
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The problem of world poverty is appalling in human terms. Almost half of all the humankind lives below the poverty line of $2 per day, whereas affluent parts of the world continue to enjoy enormous technological and economical progress. In the light of such discrepancy, the debate in political philosophy regarding “global justice” has renewed significance. The current debate between those who agree global justice is important, is those who think that positive duties towards poor is enough, and those who think that morality requires a re-designation of the ground rules operating at the global level.
The Cosmopolitan view grounds its theoretical framework in this second view. This study aims to analyse if, and how, the normative debate in the European Parliament reflects the assumptions, arguments and considerations of the Cosmopolitan approach. This study identifies central concepts of the Cosmopolitan approach, and then analyses how these concepts are discussed in the European Parliamentary debates. In addition, I identify who discusses what in the parliamentary debates. The analysis reveals how Cosmopolitan ideas are reflected in the discourse within the debates, and the second dimension identifies which party groups discuss and hold which key concepts of Cosmopolitanism.
9
Atanga, Lem Lilian. "Gendered discourses in the Cameroonian parliament." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.444853.
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Takayanagi, Mari. "Parliament and women, c.1900-1945." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2012. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/parliament-and-women-c19001945(34708cef-2efd-4389-9382-5e847fd50189).html.
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This thesis examines the relationship between Parliament and women in the early twentieth century. It does so with particular reference to legislation affecting women’s lives and gender equality, the contribution of women to Parliamentary standing committees and select committees, and women staff in the House of Commons and House of Lords. Four pieces of legislation are studied in detail: the Parliament (Qualification of Women) Act 1918 that allowed women to become Members of Parliament; the Sex Disqualification (Removal) Act 1919 that widened employment opportunities for women; the Guardianship of Infants Act 1925 that enabled guardianship of children to be granted equally for men and women; and finally the Representation of the People (Equal Franchise Act) 1928 that gave women the vote on the same terms as men. Together these Acts encompass an important and diverse range of issues. This thesis contends that a full comprehension of its Parliamentary passage enables each Act to be better understood and evaluated in its contemporary context. The contribution of women MPs to standing committees, which scrutinise legislation, and the participation of women as members, witnesses and staff to select committees of inquiry, is studied here for the first time, filling a significant gap in the historiography. Finally this thesis provides an analysis of the work and lives of women working in Parliament, letting us view Parliament as an environment for women and enabling the House of Commons and House of Lords to be brought into the broader literature of women workers. This thesis, by considering Parliament in the context of its relationship with women, enables a new understanding of the nature of Parliament in this period, which more accurately reflects its diverse nature. In this way this thesis gives new insights into how Parliament viewed and interacted with women in the early twentieth century.
11
Юринець, Ю. Л., and S. A. Loetska. "Parliament opens space to private companies." Thesis, Vector, 2020. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/44764.
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The development of space technology has a positive effect on the growth of the world economy, but many countries are falling out of this process due to the high cost of space launches, which they cannot afford. We are used to Ukraine having the status of a space state. But it is more a memory of the past than a plan for the future, and even more so for the present.
12
Coleman, Lauri Bauer. "Parliament and the Tudor Succession Crisis." W&M ScholarWorks, 1999. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626228.
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Anderson, Kevin. "The Cultural Processes of Parliament : A comparative case study of traditional governance structures and the institution of parliament." Thesis, Karlstad University, Karlstad University, Karlstad University, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-2928.
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Saeid, Pedram. "The role of parliaments in the resilience of non-democratic regimes : a case study of the Iranian parliament (Majles)." Thesis, University of Hull, 2010. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3437.
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The new prominence of authoritarianism ushered in a series of new studies that seek to explain the reasons behind the longevity of these regimes. An integral part of these studies is that the institutional arrangements contributed to the survival of autocrats and the maintenance of authoritarian regimes. In particular, they recently began considering the dark side of nominally democratic institutions under authoritarian regimes such as legislatures arguing that they predominantly serve as the means of regime survival. Given these facts, the overall goal of this study is to produce an understanding of the role of parliaments in the survival of authoritarian regimes by focusing on their institutional capacity and related performance. Using the Iranian parliament, Majles, as a case study, the major point of contention in this study are the conditions under which Majles contributed to the resilience of post-revolutionary Iranian regimes. Inspired by the legislative institutionalization approach, three main characteristics are identified to explain the authoritarian legislatures: subordination as opposed to autonomy, exclusiveness as opposed to representativeness and secrecy as opposed to deliberativeness. With respect to these criteria, it is demonstrated that Majles is marked as a subordinated institution, caught between powerful and influential formal and informal institutions. Majles also fell short of meeting the representativeness and deliberativeness identified as decisive criteria in distinguishing authoritarian from democratic legislatures. With respect to the Majles performance, it is shown that Majles has been at the centre of the regime co-optation strategies since the beginning of the Islamic Revolution to encapsulate the loyal oppositions and to exclude those were regarded as outsiders. Majles also acted as the main agent of manipulation of political institutions through its law making function and by this contributed to the stability of the Islamic Republic.
15
Goodare, Julian Mark. "Parliament and society in Scotland, 1560-1603." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.329917.
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Høyland, Bjørn Kåre. "Government - opposition dynamics in the European Parliament." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.415900.
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Marshall, David J. "Organised interest representation and the European Parliament." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/372/.
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This thesis is comprised of three papers, each making a distinctive theoretical and empirical contribution to our understanding of interest representation within the European Parliament (EP). The papers are unified by two assumptions: first, the strategic behaviour of organised interests is significantly determined by the distribution of legislative influence, and second, the opportunity to become influential is a function of the EP’s decision-making rules. Each paper addresses a different aspect of this opportunity structure, which together provides a coherent explanation of the link between lobbying and the EP’s decision-making process. In so doing, insights are provided into the distribution of legislative influence within the EP and the legitimacy of the European Union’s policy process. The first paper explains how organised interests’ strategic behaviour is considerably altered in response to changes in the political opportunity structure afforded by each phase of the committee process. The second paper presents and tests a theory of indirect lobbying of the rapporteur. Here the institutional context is shown to be such that rapporteurs come to rely upon officials from their committee’s secretariat for relatively independent policy advice. But the policy expertise required by officials to carry out this role turns out to be endogenously derived from amongst the same lobbyists whose informational submissions the rapporteur seeks to verify. The final paper draws on longitudinal survey data to assess the impact of institutional rules and European party group membership, in the context of uncertainty amongst lobbyists as to whether their most closely aligned large party group will form part of a given legislative majority. This uncertainty provides an incentive for organised interests to lobby MEPs from opposing party groups in addition to more natural allies. But crucially, in performing this action lobbyists defer to their hard-wired principle and lobby the most closely aligned members from the otherwise unfriendly party.
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Connors, Richard Travanion. "Pelham, parliament and public policy, 1746-1754." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273131.
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Patrick, Derek John. "People and parliament in Scotland, 1689-1702." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11061.
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In Scotland the Revolution of 1688 - 1689 has received little academic attention - considered little more than an adjunct of events in England. Traditionally, the political elite have been seen as reluctant to rebel, the resulting Convention Parliament containing few committed protagonists - the reaction of most determined by inherent conservatism and the overwhelming desire to preserve their own interest and status. Motivated essentially by self-interest and personal gain, the predominance of noble faction crippled Parliament - a constitutionally underdeveloped institution - which became nothing more than a platform for the rivalry and ambition of the landed elite. However, this interpretation is based on the dated notion that Scottish history can be considered as simply a protracted power struggle between a dominant territorial nobility and a weak monarch, intent on centralising authority. Nonetheless, the aim of the thesis is not to rewrite the political history of the Revolution or to chart the constitutional development of Parliament - although both aspects form part of the general analysis. Instead, this is principally a thematic study of the membership of the Convention Parliament and what they achieved, in terms of legislation and procedure. Taking into account the European context, including a thorough membership analysis, and revising the practical aspects of the Revolution settlement, it is possible to offer a fresh account of contemporary politics. Introducing the extensive contest that characterised the general election of 1689, and the emergence and progress of court and country politics through 1698 - 1702, study reveals the continuing development of an inclusive party political system similar to that evident in England. In this respect, the objective of the thesis is to address the main themes associated with the Revolution and Convention Parliament, providing an alternative, more accurate interpretation of the Scottish Revolution experience.
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DE, VITIS MICHELE GIULIO. "Party patronage in parliament: the Italian experience." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201106.
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Party patronage is a recent notion in the literature. Often confused with clientelism, corruption and other distributive practices, it has to do with the cartel party (ideal) type and the party-state relationships, providing new and alternative resource for the parties. Defined as the power of party to appoint people in public and semi-public life, patronage also occurs in parliamentary arena, far from the governmental sphere within the bureaucracy and the public administration. This dissertation aims at investigating parliamentary patronage as a job distributive process, individuating the factors that shape this exchange relationship between collective and individual patrons and clients. The empirical research focused on the Italian experience finds that parliamentary patronage works both as an organizational and post-electoral resource. From the qualitative survey addressed through conversational interviews to more than sixty parliamentary patrons and organizers in the last two terms, three main trends emerge: when patrons are represented by collective bodies as the parliamentary group, party networks and allegiance matter -though not excessively- in the distribution of patronage resources, but combined with professional criteria, especially at top level; when individual patrons hold internal institutional offices and distribute jobs related to that office, they are likely to look more at personal networks in selecting their ‘clients’; the control function of patronage, stressed in previous studies about the phenomenon, fades making room for organizational and functional patronage.
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Sletten, Amy L. "Reluctant Partnership: An Analysis Of The Turkish Parliament." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609022/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes the historical decision made by the Turkish Grand National Assembly on March 1, 2003. On this date Turkey made the decision not to accept the United States&rsquooffer of monetary compensation in exchange for the use of Turkish Air Force bases and the right to move troops through South Eastern Turkey into Northern Iraq. The aim of this work is to give the reader historical background of the strategic alliance these two countries have shared since World War II, and in the events leading up to the Iraq War. The main focus of the paper is to understand, through historical context, the reasons why Turkey said &ldquo
no.&rdquo
This thesis posits three main reasons for the failure of this motion.
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Chaplin, M. Ann. "Officers of Parliament: Accountability, virtue and the Constitution." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28452.
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The officers of Parliament now form a group which includes the Auditor General and seven other "ethical regulators"i. Because of its independence and the nature of its members' mandates, this group is thought to be key to restoring the public's faith in government. However, the officers do not clearly fall within one of the three branches of government and are not fully subject to democratic accountability mechanisms, raising questions about the legitimacy of their exercise of authority. This thesis explores alternative theories for supporting the legitimacy of officers of Parliament and draws lessons from that exercise for the future development of this virtues-based institution.
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Bright, Melanie J. "Will Parliament decide?, peacekeeping operations in the 1990s." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ44901.pdf.
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Lennox, Anna B. "Parliament versus the judiciary, the unrelenting dicey dilemma." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ57204.pdf.
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Smith, Julie. "Direct elections to the European Parliament : a reevaluation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.308892.
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Bochel, H. M. "Members of Parliament and welfare policy, 1979 - 1987." Thesis, University of Kent, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.292087.
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Eklöf, Oskar. "Voting behaviour in the 2014 European Parliament election." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-376257.
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The European Parliament election is one of the most extensive elections in the world and affects more than 500 million people within the European Union. Prior research have mainly been using two different frameworks to explain voting behaviour in the European Parliament elections, namely the second-order election theory and the Europe-matters framework. The second-order theory states that national issues play a major role in the voting behaviour and the Europe-matters frameworks basically imply that European issues play a major role in the citizens’ voting behaviour. Prior research has relied too much on aggregate data, has operationalised the frameworks wrongly and has not given equal weight to the frameworks. In this study, I tried to come to terms with these problems and the research question was to test which of the frameworks that best explains the voting behaviour in the European Parliament election of 2014. The results are mixed and no framework seem to explain the voting behaviour better than the other. Nevertheless, other interesting results are possible to find and two of these results are that people tend to cast protest votes against their government if they disapprove it and that EU disapproval affects abstaining from voting more than government disapproval does, in the European Parliament election of 2014.
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Formato, Federica. "Language use and gender in the Italian parliament." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2014. http://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/71736/.
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This thesis deals with gender construction in the Italian parliament. The increase of female politicians in the public sphere in Italy and throughout the world justifies the investigation of their language use, in relation to that of their male counterparts. In this project, I analyse the use of three linguistic phenomena: 1. forms of address; 2. Noi forms; and 3. Violence metaphors. The common aim of the investigations into these three linguistic phenomena is to examine the construction of gender at its intersection with political roles in 13 parliamentary debates on the topic of violence against women occurred in the Camera dei Deputati (Lower Chamber) during Parliament XVI, which ran from 2008-2011. The findings concerning the use of institutionalised forms of address reveal that both gender groups still tend to mostly use masculine unmarked terms when addressing female politicians (in singular and plural forms). More positively but still not wide-spread, the analysis shows that (semi-) marked forms are slowly appearing, e.g. Signora Ministro, where only the (marital) status form is replaced with the feminine form. The findings for noi forms indicate that both male and female MPs tend to associate themselves with other politicians. In addition, female MPs also tend to construct themselves as ‘female politicians’ and as ‘women’, perhaps in a quest for visibility and legitimation of their position in the Camera dei Deputati (and) in a male chauvinist society. The investigation of Violence metaphors is interesting for their relation to the topics of debate and the gender bias that describes these metaphors as ‘masculine’ (Philip, 2009; Koller, 2004; Koller & Semino, 2009). Female MPs employ more Violence metaphors than their male counterparts in these debates. The investigation of Ground Confrontation metaphors further reveals that the scenarios constructed by female and male politicians equally present violence as an abstract phenomenon for which no one seems to be responsible.
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Greene, Zachary David. "Motivating parliament : the policy consequences of party strategy." Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3308.
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Scholars of party strategy and government accountability rarely directly connect the priorities of parties' principals, groups seeking to influence parties, to their theories of electoral strategy, parliamentary behavior and policy outputs. I develop a theory that links parties' goals to their behaviors in three areas: electoral strategy, parliamentary behavior and government policies. I build on previous theories by focusing on the issues included in parties' electoral campaigns and their principals.
In particular, I conceptualize policy platforms as a balance between parties' policy and electoral goals. I distinguish between statements reflecting these goals by considering the effect of the electoral context on the intra-party groups' policy approach. My theory predicts that party leaders add issues to their electoral platforms when conditions lead intra-party groups to be pragmatic. They decrease the number of issues in the platform when electoral conditions lead intra-party groups to be more ideologically rigid. Parties performing well in the previous election or that expect voters to reward them for their participation in government cause intra-party groups to act more pragmatically. However, these groups become more ideologically rigid when the party lost seats in previous elections or expect punishment for their economic record in office.
Upon taking office, I theorize that parliamentary leaders use procedures that both highlight and constrain information about their policy priorities to build the party's image of accountability with voters. Government leaders limit information to voters on issues important to their ideologically motivated intra-party groups, but protect their image with intra-party groups by discussing information about their policy agenda at the party's national meetings. Finally, I predict that ideologically cohesive governments dedicate greater more laws to the priorities of their intra-party groups than to voters' goals because intra-party groups have greater information about the government's behavior and can replace party leaders through national congresses more frequently than voters.
I test my theory using a mixed-methods approach. In particular, I test my theory quantitatively in three sections. Using data on 24 countries between 1962 and 2008 from the Comparative Manifestos Project and the OECD, I first predict the number of issues in parties' platforms based on the electoral context. I then use the results from this analysis to predict the application of legislative procedures and the amount of legislation on issues for parties' principals in the French Assemblée Nationale from 1978 through 2007 with data from the Comparative Agendas Project. Throughout these large-N analyses I find evidence in favor of the theory; parties' platforms respond to electoral conditions, government leaders use procedures on issues important to both groups and ideologically cohesive governments devote a larger number of laws to intra-party groups.
Finally, following the logic of a nested-analysis, I undertake case studies of the French Parti Socialiste's organizational behavior leading up to elections in 1993 and 1997 and its behavior in office following the 1997 election. I use evidence from news reports, party congress and legislative debates, party newsletters, and personal interviews. The analysis indicates that intra-party groups influence parties' electoral and legislative strategies. The results suggest that intra-party politics hold broad consequences for parties' behavior in office.
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Ozkaleli, Ferit Murat. "Talking Turkey: The Turkish parliament in two Iraq wars." Diss., Connect to online resource, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3239415.
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Sala, Vincent Della. "The Italian Parliament in the 1980s : challenge and response." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.305243.
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MacKenzie, Laura Catherine Ormston. "Participation in the European Parliament : populist parties and rapporteurships." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/40628.
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This piece of research develops and tests a model of rapporteurship allocation in the European Parliament, analysing the nature of populist and radical right parties’ engagement in the rapporteurship system, during the fourth and fifth parliamentary terms. The model of rapporteurship allocation builds upon previous research by Yoshinaka et al (2010), and develops the analysis with specific reference to populist and radical right parties. Having discussed the types of populist and radical right parties represented in the European Parliament, this piece of research presents a theoretical framework for studying such parties in a variety of legislatures. Populist and radical right parties are less likely than parties of other traditions to act as rapporteurs in the European Parliament. This is, in part, due to their anti-establishment position, which sees them advocating for a disenfranchised people unrepresented by the political elite. This anti-establishment position results in many populist parties, particularly those from the right wing, failing to fully engage in the European Parliament’s processes. This piece of research uses a number of quantitative techniques to analyse the effect certain variables have on the propensity of populist and radical right members to act as rapporteurs. Even when controlling for a variety of variables, I find that populism significantly, negatively, impacts upon the likelihood of a member to act as a rapporteur. This situation is amplified for Eurosceptic members. The qualitative element of this piece of research seeks to establish whether there is any link between populist and radical right party policy aims and the content of reports their rapporteurs write. Using a coding system derived from the Euromanifesto Project, I conduct a content analysis of reports. Overall, there is little correlation between Euromanifestos and reports, but there does seem to be some parity between general salient party goals and report content.
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Bradford, Phillip James. "Parliament and political culture in early fourteenth century England." Thesis, University of York, 2007. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/11015/.
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Dodd, Gwilym. "Crown, magnates and gentry : the English parliament, 1369-1421." Thesis, University of York, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10788/.
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Mgoduka, Zolani. "Determining strategic employee communication in the South African Parliament." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2420.
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Thesis (MTech (Public Relations Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2015.This study was conducted to determine the extent to which strategic employee communication existed in Parliament of the Republic of South Africa during the period of transition. Its objectives were to test the communication skills of the parliamentary supervisors in various divisions; to investigate communication satisfaction amongst employees; to establish communication channels to get the message through, and to discover how often feedback was provided. This study sought to achieve the research objectives by using a quantitative research methodology in order to measure the level of communication skills. The researcher collected data using questionnaires as a measuring instrument in order to determine the levels of communication satisfaction. Questionnaires were distributed to 45 participants in all divisions irrespective of race, gender or age. The results of the study revealed that communication at Parliament needed to be aligned. It was also revealed that employees and supervisors were not familiar with the vision of the institution. It was recommended that Parliament needed to conduct SWOT analysis before bringing about any changes. Employees should be provided with communication skills training. Managers should pay serious attention to internal communication. There should be constant feedback regarding progress when a process of change is embarked upon. It was also recommended that Parliament, as the highest democratic institution in the country, should lead in putting strategic internal communication in place in order to set an example for other institutions.
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Rodger, Thomas Matthew. "Bishops in parliament : the Lords Spiritual, c. 1903-1974." Thesis, Durham University, 2017. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/12036/.
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Twenty-six Anglican bishops and archbishops – the ‘Lords Spiritual’ – are members of the House of Lords by right of their position within the established Church of England. They retain a place of symbolic and practical significance in parliament despite the widespread ‘secularisation’ of British (especially English) society and the ‘institutional marginalisation’ of the Church from the state during the twentieth century. How has the Church of England’s direct influence in parliament survived, and what purpose has it served? In answering these questions, new perspectives are given on the reciprocal influence of political and religious debates, the role of the House of Lords, the dynamics of ‘secularisation’, and the function of the religious establishment. Study of the Lords Spiritual acts as an ‘institutional’ corrective to the ‘social’ and ‘cultural’ approaches which, since the late 1950s, have come to characterise studies of the relationship between church and state. Between c. 1903 and 1974, the role of the Lords Spiritual changed significantly. While once they claimed a role in the balance of constitutional ‘estates’, they came to place themselves within the chamber’s balance of expertise. Though at times the bishops attained temporary political importance, their conduct responded to ecclesiastical influences – chiefly, the perception of the Church’s and Christianity’s declining place in national life. In their efforts to influence parliamentary debates, they were constrained by the need to relate to the prevailing political and parliamentary discourses. This entailed compromises which became greater as the identities of Church and state diverged, and as social practices departed from traditional Christian standards.
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MacIntosh, Gillian H. "The Scottish Parliament in the Restoration era, 1660-1681." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13776.
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One issue has dominated the majority of historical studies of Restoration Scotland, that of religious dissent. Robert Wodrow's The Sufferings of the Church of Scotland from the Restoration to the Revolution portrayed an age of brutality in which the people were involved in a godly struggle in defence of Presbyterianism with an administration intent on maintaining Episcopal Church government. Wodrow's version of events has come to dominate the bulk of previous research, and few political studies of the period have been attempted. The Scottish Parliament, its role and function during the reign of Charles II has been particularly neglected. This thesis attempts to redress this state of affairs and provide a detailed account of Parliament during the period. The thesis proceeds chronologically, with an initial chapter on the first session of the Restoration Parliament. The transition from the republican regime to restored monarchy is examined, and the Restoration settlement, the constitutional basis of government during the period, is studied in detail. The second chapter on the parliamentary sessions of 1662 and 1663 begins to examine the personalities of the administration, and discusses the factional divisions that play out in the theatre of Parliament. Following chapters on the Conventions of Estates of 1665, 1667 and 1678 study the effect of religious dissent on the fiscal fortunes of the crown. The growth of an increasingly effective parliamentary opposition is considered in a series of chapters on the Parliament of 1669-1674 and on the session of 1681, the last of Charles II's reign. This thesis attempts to challenge the notion that Parliament in the Restoration era was merely a submissive body, easily moulded to the royal will. Instead, it is argued that the restrictions on parliamentary freedoms in the settlement of 1661 combined with the increasingly authoritarian administration of John Maitland, second Earl (later first Duke) of Lauderdale, created a body of opposition that believed Parliament had a substantial role to play. That such opposition existed sheds new lights on later events, particularly the deposition of the Stewart monarchy.
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Smith, A. R. "Gender in the Fifty-first New South Wales Parliament." Connect to full text, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2562.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2003.Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 8, 2009) Degree awarded 2003; thesis submitted 2002. Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of Government and International Relations, Faculty of Arts. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.
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Smith, Anthony Russell. "Gender in the Fifty-first New South Wales Parliament." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2562.
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Responsible Government began in New South Wales in 1856. Direct participation by women began 70 years later in 1925 with the election of Millicent Preston-Stanley. Her first speech questioned whether Parliament was a fit place for women. Another significant milestone was reached after another 70 years when female MLAs in the Fifty-first Parliament constituted 15% of the Legislative Assembly and female MLCs made up 33% of the Legislative Council. In the 1990s there was no formal barrier to the participation of persons on the basis of their sex but no scholarly study had addressed the question of whether the Parliament’s culture was open to all gender orientations. This study examines the hypothesis that the Parliament informally favoured some types of gender behaviour over others. It identifies ‘gender’ as behaviour rather than a characteristic of persons and avoids the conflation of gender with sex, and particularly with women exclusively. The research used interviews, observation and document study for triangulation. The thesis describes the specific context of New South Wales parliamentary politics 1995-1999 with an emphasis on factors that affect an understanding of gender. It explores notions of representation held by MPs, analyses their personal backgrounds and reports on gender-rich behaviours in the chambers. The study concludes that gender was a significant factor in the behaviour of Members of the Parliament. There were important differences between the ways that male and female MPs approached their roles. Analysis of the concept of gender in the Parliament shows that some behaviours are more likely to bring political success than are others. The methodology developed here by adapting literature from other systems has important strengths. The data suggest that there is a need for many more detailed studies of aspects of gender in parliaments.
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Smith, Anthony Russell. "Gender in the Fifty-first New South Wales Parliament." University of Sydney, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2562.
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Doctor of PhilosophyResponsible Government began in New South Wales in 1856. Direct participation by women began 70 years later in 1925 with the election of Millicent Preston-Stanley. Her first speech questioned whether Parliament was a fit place for women. Another significant milestone was reached after another 70 years when female MLAs in the Fifty-first Parliament constituted 15% of the Legislative Assembly and female MLCs made up 33% of the Legislative Council. In the 1990s there was no formal barrier to the participation of persons on the basis of their sex but no scholarly study had addressed the question of whether the Parliament’s culture was open to all gender orientations. This study examines the hypothesis that the Parliament informally favoured some types of gender behaviour over others. It identifies ‘gender’ as behaviour rather than a characteristic of persons and avoids the conflation of gender with sex, and particularly with women exclusively. The research used interviews, observation and document study for triangulation. The thesis describes the specific context of New South Wales parliamentary politics 1995-1999 with an emphasis on factors that affect an understanding of gender. It explores notions of representation held by MPs, analyses their personal backgrounds and reports on gender-rich behaviours in the chambers. The study concludes that gender was a significant factor in the behaviour of Members of the Parliament. There were important differences between the ways that male and female MPs approached their roles. Analysis of the concept of gender in the Parliament shows that some behaviours are more likely to bring political success than are others. The methodology developed here by adapting literature from other systems has important strengths. The data suggest that there is a need for many more detailed studies of aspects of gender in parliaments.
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Alexander, David Alisdair. "The sources of committee influence in the European Parliament." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2016. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/8281/.
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The European Parliament (EP) has evolved into a powerful legislative actor over the past 40 years. In order to exercise its hard won legislative competencies in an efficient and effective manner the EP has developed an extensive and influential committee system. The Treaty of Lisbon (ToL) recognised its equal status as co-legislator with the Council of the EU and introduced the Ordinary Legislative Procedure (OLP) as the default EU legislative procedure. Despite the fact that after the introduction of the OLP all EP committees formally operate under the same legal procedure, disparities remain in the levels of influence that each committee commands. This state of affairs demonstrates that if we are to understand what drives committee influence we need to explore the informal sources of influence that committees draw on in addition to the formal rules. This project addresses the lack of understanding of how the committees establish legislative influence by identifying and testing the different resources which committees may be utilising to establish their influence. The thesis puts forward four hypotheses concerning the factors that can account for how committees establish influence. These are developed and tested within three case studies. The case studies comprise the highly influential committees on, firstly, the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety Committee, secondly, the Budget Committee and, thirdly, the International Trade Committee. The research project adopts a qualitative approach to complement and create a different perspective from the quantitative studies which dominate the field. It draws on extensive primary material from thirty semi-structured interviews held with MEPs, advisers, EP staff and party officials active in the 7th legislative term (2009-2014). A number of the current conventions concerning the way in which expertise, partisan dynamics, and policy outputs affect how committees establish legislative influence are challenged and new insights regarding their relative importance are offered. Overall, these original findings, contained within this dissertation, have highly significant implications, not only with regard to the committee system of the EP but, also, for the wider field of legislative politics.
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Moon, Michael Philip. "Defects of British party democracy : the case for supplementing general elections with the referendum and microscopic mechanisms." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248005.
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Cairney, Paul Alexander. "The network-actor approach to policy networks : case studies from health and HIV/AIDS policy implementation in Britain." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1999. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21153.
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It is justifiable to use policy networks analysis as a tool of explanation of the policy process, since this approach has become the "dominant paradigm" within political science, in Britain at least. However, since this approach has become increasingly under attack from within and without the discipline, the first task of this thesis is to defend - theoretically - the usefulness of the approach, with the second to demonstrate its continued usefulness. This is achieved by extending network considerations to arenas outwith policy formulation. Discussions of the importance of implementation, as well as Parliament, allow some qualifications to a traditional network focus on policy formulation networks, and the development of a framework which outlines a network interpretation of the policy cycle. The case study of health care policy in Britain largely confirms the hypotheses contained within this framework, whilst a closer look at the specific health policy response to HIV and AIDS policy allows focus on the applicability of traditional network concerns - such as sector/ subsector and the importance of insider status - to implementation.
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Ричкаль, С. "Що являє собою парламент як законодавчий орган у зарубіжних країнах?" Thesis, Видавництво СумДУ, 2009. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/16353.
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Сінченко, Юрій Павлович, Юрий Павлович Синченко, and Yurii Pavlovych Sinchenko. "Парламент - дзеркало суспільного життя." Thesis, Видавництво СумДУ, 2009. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/16381.
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Міщенко, Ольга Миколаївна, Ольга Николаевна Мищенко, and Olha Mykolaivna Mishchenko. "Роль парламенту в забезпеченні інтеграції України до Європейського Союзу." Thesis, Видавництво СумДУ, 2009. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/16320.
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Lindberg, Björn. "Fit for European Democracy? : Party Discipline in the European Parliament." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-8631.
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This study evaluates the fitness of political parties for the democratisation of the European Union. At the national level political parties have successfully functioned as transmission belts between voter’s preferences and political outcomes in representative democracies. Some scholars have therefore argued that an increase in party competition at the European level could make the European Union more democratic; other scholars claim that European political parties are too weak to fend off public pressure, which would arise from an increase in political competition. Since cohesive voting behaviour of political parties is the basic prerequisite for a functioning representative democracy, this study analyses how the transnational party groups of the European Parliament are able to generate voting cohesion. Drawing on rational institutionalist theories of political parties and theories of collective action, the study outlines two competitive scenarios for explaining party group voting cohesion in the European Parliament. In the party group disciplinary scenario, the party group leadership is able to enforce voting cohesion through its disciplinary powers. The national party discipline scenario predicts that party group voting cohesion is dependent on the voluntary cooperation of the national party delegations. The empirical analysis of party disciplinary effects in the European Parliament corroborates the party group disciplinary scenario. The party group leadership of the two largest party groups is able to discipline it is members for disloyal voting behaviour. The findings do, however, also show that the party group leadership is not able to sanction national party delegations if they fail to toe the party group line. The study concludes that it will be difficult for the party groups to maintain voting cohesion, if public pressure on Members of the European Parliament increases through a more open form of political contestation at the European level. The responsibility for a successful democratisation of the European Union through party competition, therefore, lies in the hands of national political parties.
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Avdan, Nazli. "‘Collaborative Competition’ : Stance-taking and Positioning in the European Parliament." Doctoral thesis, Linköpings universitet, Avdelningen för språk och litteratur, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-139842.
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The European Parliament (EP) is the scene where certain issues concerning over 500 million ‘Europeans’ are publicly debated and where politically relevant groupings are discursively coconstructed. While the Members of the Parliament (MEPs) pursue their political agendas, intergroup boundaries are drawn, reinforced, and/or transgressed. Speakers constantly take stances on behalf of groupings in relation to some presupposed other groupings and argue what differentiates ‘Self’ from ‘Others’. This study examines patterns of language use by the MEPs as they engage in the contextually and historically situated dialogical processes of intergroup positioning and stance-taking. It further focuses on the strategic and competitive activities of grouping, grounding, and alignment in order to reveal the dynamic construction of intergroup boundaries. The study is based on a collection of Blue-card question-answer sequences from the plenary debates held at the EP in 2011, when the Sovereign Debt Crisis had been stabilized to some degree but still evoked plenty of controversy. Theoretically the study builds on Stance Theory (Du Bois, 2007), Positioning Theory (Davies & Harré, 1990), and several broadly social constructivist approaches to discourse analysis (Fairclough, 1995). The analysis shows that intergroup positioning in the EP emerges as what I call a ‘collaborative competition’ between contradictory ideologies and political agendas. The MEPs strategically manipulate their opponents' prior or projected utterances in order to set up positions for self, a grouping he or she stands for, and thereby its adversaries. All participants engage in the maintenance and negotiation of intergroup boundaries, even though the boundaries hardly ever coincide between the different speakers. They discursively fence off some imaginary territories, leaving their adversaries with vague positions. When asking Blue-card questions, the MEPs use a particular turn organization, which involves routine forms of interactional units, namely addressing, question framing and question forms, each of which is shown to contribute to stance-taking. A dynamic model of stance-taking is suggested, allowing for a fluid transformation of the stance object as well as the discursively constructed stance-takers. While Blue-card questions are meant to serve as a structured procedure for eliciting information from a speaker, the analysis demonstrates that the MEPs accomplish various divergent actions that serve intergroup positioning. The dissertation thus contributes to the understanding of the discursive games played in the EP as the MEPs strive to construct social realities that fit their political ends.Europaparlamentet (EP) är scenen där vissa frågor rörande mer än 500 miljoner ‘européer’ officiellt debatteras och där politiskt relevanta grupperingar diskursivt konstrueras [co-constructed]. Medan parlamentsmedlemmarna (MEPs) driver sina egna politiska agendor dras gränser mellan grupperna, och dessa gränser förstärks och/eller överträds. Talare intar oavbrutet vad man skulle kunna kalla för olika ‘hållningar’ (stances) för olika grupperingar i relation till vissa förutsatta andra grupperingar, och argumenterar för vad som skiljer ‘jaget/det egna’ (Self) från ‘de andra’ (Others). Denna studie undersöker språkmönster som används av parlamentsledamöterna när de hänger sig åt kontextuellt och historiskt situerade dialogiska processer rörande positionering mellan grupper (intergroup positioning) och stance-taking. Den fokuserar vidare på de strategiska och konkurrensutsatta aktiviteterna grouping (gruppformering), grounding (ung. legitimering av en talares stance) och alignment (när man placerar sig i linje med eller tar avstånd från en annan talares åsikter) för att urskilja den dynamiska konstruktionen av gränser mellan grupper. Studien baseras på en korpus av så kallade ‘Blue-card question-answer sequences’ från plenardebatter som hölls i EP under 2011, när statsskuldkrisen hade stabiliserats något men fortfarande utgjorde grunden för många kontroverser. Teoretiskt sett bygger studien på Stance-teori (Du Bois, 2007), Positionerings-teori (Davies & Harré, 1990) och ett flertal breda socialkonstruktivistiska infallsvinklar till diskursanalys (Fairclough, 1995). Analysen visar att positioneringen mellan de olika grupperingarna i EP framstår som något jag kallar ‘kollaborativ konkurrens’ mellan motstridiga ideologier och politiska agendor. Parlamentsledamöterna manipulerar strategiskt sina motståndares tidigare eller förutsedda yttranden för att positionera sig själva, en gruppering de står för, och därigenom dess meningsmotståndare. Alla deltagare agerar för att upprätthålla och förhandla gränsdragningen mellan grupperna, trots att gränserna nästan aldrig överensstämmer mellan de olika talarna. Diskursivt styckar de av några imaginära territorier, vilket lämnar deras motståndare i vaga positioner. När de ställer Blue-card questions använder sig parlamentsledamöterna av en särskild turtagningsorganisation, vilken inbegriper rutinformer av interaktionsenheter (interactional units), tilltal (addressing), hur frågor initieras (question framing), och frågeformer (question forms), av vilka var och en visar sig bidra till stance-taking. En dynamisk modell för stance-taking föreslås, vilket möjliggör en transformation av det kontinuerligt omdefinierade stance-objektet såväl som av de diskursivt konstruerade stance-takers. Medan Blue-card questions är avsedda att fungera som en strukturerad procedur för att få fram information från en talare demonstrerar analysen att parlamentsledamöterna lyckas med olika avledande manövrer som tjänar positioneringen mellan grupper. Avhandlingen bidrar på så vis till förståelsen av det diskursiva spelet i Europaparlamentet där parlamentsledamöterna strävar efter att konstruera sociala realiteter som tjänar deras politiska mål.
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Young, John Roach. "The Scottish Parliament, 1639-1661 : a political and constitutional analysis." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1993. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/8391/.
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The Covenanting Movement was essentially composed of radicals and conservatives. Radicals were in a minority among the noble estate, but had a strong base among the gentry and the burgesses. In addition, pragmatic Royalists were Royalists who accepted and subscribed compulsory Covenanting oaths and obligations in order to secure admission to public office, particularly Parliament. The radical wing of the Covenanting Movement dominated parliamentary proceedings from 1639-1646. A radical political and constitutional agenda had been formulated prior to the 1639 Parliament. Such an agenda was enacted in the Scottish Constitutional Settlement of 1640-41. The radicals similarly-orchestrated the calling of the 1643 Convention of Estates and the signing of the Solemn League and Covenant. Whilst there was a rapprochement between radical and conservative nobles in 1645-1646, the cutting edge of the radicals was maintained by the gentry and burgesses and the emergence of a Scottish Commons can be detected. The crisis over the position of the king in 1646-1647 led to the ascendancy of conservatism among the Scottish Estates, 1647-1648. The defeat of the Engagement Army in the summer of 1648 led to a coup d'etat in Scotland and the instillation of a radical regime which held power unchallenged until the defeat at the Battle of Dunbar in September 1650. Thereafter there was a patriotic accommodation between the various political factions in Scotland in light of the growing threat to national independence from Cromwellian military forces. Following military defeat at the hands of Cromwell, Scotland eventually became incorporated within the Commonwealth and Protectorate. In political terms, the continuance of an "Argyll interest" can be observed. The Restoration witnessed the rescinding of Covenanting legislation. although Covenanting procedures were adopted, rather than abandoned. Whilst the Restoration witnessed the reassertion of noble power. a significant political role for the gentry was still maintained. That the gentry and burgesses provided the political backbone of the Covenanting Movement was reflected in the complicated committee structure of Parliament. 1639-1651. In addition. non-parliamentary gentry and burgesses were regularly involved in the proceedings of both parliamentary session and interval committees. Detailed parliamentary procedures and regulations were established in 1640-41 and continued to be modified according to circumstances throughout the 1640s and continued to 1651. The Restoration Parliament of 1661 saw a return to more traditional parliamentary regulation, particularly under the control of the crown and crown royal appointees.
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Neyer, Anne-Katrin. "Multinational Teams in the European Commission and the European Parliament /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/503788236.pdf.
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