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Academic literature on the topic 'Parliament Senate History'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Parliament Senate History"

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Łukaszewski, Marcin. "Zasada incompatibilitas w samorządowym prawie ustrojowym (relacje samorządowiec-parlamentarzysta) i projekt przekształcenia Senatu w Izbę Samorządową." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 4 (October 31, 2018): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2011.4.13.

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The problem of Senate as a self-government chamber and self-government person – parliament deputy relations were shown in the political history of the Polish Third Republic many times. In 2001, when self-government laws were introduced into the political system of self-government, there was an institution of incompatibilitas (incompatibility of self-governmental and parliamentarian seats). It influenced the subsequent public debate about the role of Senate and the emerging plans to transform it into a self-government chamber.
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Byliński, Janusz. "Ideowe spory wokół dziejów parlamentaryzmu polskiego." Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne 14, no. 3 (May 31, 2016): 9–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/osap.1325.

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The history of the Polish parliamentarianism has aroused numerous disputes since long due to many factors, causing difficulties in determining the beginnings of existence of this institution in the former Poland. The basic problem emerged in the distinction of the term “Sejm” (“Polish Parliament”) from the earlier rallies, court veches, local conventions or those covering larger areas of the country, or even all-state conventions, summoned by the particular regional dukes and after the unification of the state by monarchs. The disputes were related to the critical look at the role of Parliament in the history of the state: some glorified it, others expressed their critical view, determined by the historical school which the particular author belonged to. During those disputes, the final form was gained by the Polish Parliament as a bicameral parliament with the king, as one of the states, with the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies in the years 1493–1505.
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Timofeeva, O. V. "WOMEN's REPRESENTATION IN THE POLISH PARLIAMENT: HISTORY AND MODERNITY." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 6, no. 3 (September 16, 2022): 383–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-383-392.

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The article attempts to trace the history of women's representation in the Polish parliament, its evolution and role in contemporary Polish politics. The author draws attention to the socio-demographic characteristics of women parliamentarians at the beginning of the 20th century and in modern times, to the role of gender quotas in achieving gender equality in the political sphere of the country. The author uses a database of women politicians created as part of a scientific project to analyze Polish women parliamentarians, and also compiles a summary table of the representation of women parliamentarians in the Sejm and the Senate of the country from the moment Poland gained independence to the present day. The author comes to the conclusion that for more than a hundred years of the presence of Polish women in parliament, their composition has become much more consistent with the real social structure of Polish society; the introduction of gender quotas has contributed to the expansion of women's representation, but has not destroyed all existing barriers to Polish women in politics.
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Tremblay, Arthur. "Commentaires sur le rapport du Comité mixte spécial sur la réforme du Sénat." Les Cahiers de droit 26, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042648ar.

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In this article the author comments on the feasibility and urgency of adopting propositions from the seventh and the last chapters of the report from the Special Committee on Senate Reform. These chapters deal with the selection of senators, their mandates, the powers of a nominated senate and the internal organization of the Senate. He has choosen these reforms because they could be achieved relatively easily and quickly by the power of the Senate itself, that of the Parliament, the initiative of the Prime Minister or the senator and their political groups. Tremblay suggests that these reforms would not radically change either the essential order of things or serve to restore the image of the Senate. However, he cites the committee's non-renewable nine year mandate, the change in the number of senatorial seats and fair regional representation as in-depth reform measures which could only take place after certain constitutional modifications. The author concludes by saying that due to the present constitutional climate and the history of shelved reform reports, a modest and realistic approach to senate reform should be adopted. The reforms proposed in chapter seven of the Committee's report would be best undertaken by the Senate itself.
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Smits, Jozef, and Bram Wauters. "Het gebruik van de voorkeurstem bij de parlementsverkiezingen van 13 juni 1999." Res Publica 42, no. 2-3 (September 30, 2000): 265–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v42i2-3.19244.

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At 13 June 1999, elections for the regional Parliaments, the federal Parliament (both House of Representatives and Senate) and the European Parliament were held in Belgium.The percentage of voters casting a preferential vote at these elections increased again, reaching the highest score ever in Belgian history. On average, 60,9 % of the electorate expressed their preference for one or more candidates. Although voters have the possibility to cast a multiple preferential vote (i.e. a vote for several candidates figuring on the same party list) , this possibility is not used very much. A voter who cast a preferential vote, only vote on average for 1,73 candidates.The further increase in preferential votes was a little surprise since strong limitations were imposed upon campaign expenditures and on commercial affichage. Political and social evolutions, such as individualism, anti-party feelings and mediatisation seem to have had a stronger impact upon preferential voting than these material limitations.The use of the preferential vote varies from one constituency to another, from Flemings to Walloons, and from one party to another. There were some notable evolutions. The voters of the extreme-right Vlaams Blok and of the green parties Agalev and Ecolo, who traditionally cast less preferential votes than voters of other parties, have dimished the gap between them and the other parties. Another important evolution is the decrease of pref erential voting in some constituencies in Wallonia. As for the Senate and the European Parliament, more Flemings now cast a preferential vote than Walloons do. The large constituencies used for these elections seem to attract very well-known politicians and as a consequence also very much preferential votes in Flanders.Despite the increase in preferential voting, the order of the list, composed by the party remained in most cases decisive whether or nota candidate was elected.
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Monballyu, J. "The political responsibility for Royal pardons in Belgium during the 19th century (1830–1900)." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 75, no. 2 (2007): 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181907781352582.

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AbstractIn Belgium, the Royal Prerogative of pardoning convicted criminals was legally embedded in the Constitution of 14th February, 1831. It allowed the King to reduce a sentence or to grant a discharge of a sentence given by a court. Any Royal decision to pardon had, however, to be countersigned by a member of the Government, who took on the political responsibility of the decision towards Parliament. In most cases, the task fell upon the Minister of Justice. During the 19th century, in both Houses of the Belgian Parliament, the Minister of Justice was repeatedly questioned about the way the prerogative of pardoning was exercised. This usually occurred when a death sentence had been commuted to a lesser sentence. In such cases, members of the Chamber of Representatives or of the Senate would ask for an explicit justification of a particular pardon. Only exceptionally would a Government Minister be challenged about the legality of a decision either granting or refusing a pardon. Because of the constitutional convention which prevents exposing directly the political position of the King, Jules d'Anethan (Minister of Justice 1843–1847) defended the Minister's right to refuse to give any reasons for a decision regarding a pardon. He only acknowledged Parliament's right to question a Minister about his general policy on pardons. In his view, it was not within Parliament's powers to ask a Minister of Justice why a pardon had been granted or refused in a specific case. That view tended to limit considerably a Minister's responsibility for Royal pardons: it became no more than an empty shell. Another Minister of Justice, Théophile De Lantsheere (1871–1878), took an opposite view. He refused to state his general policy on pardons, but he accepted to explain the specific reasons why a Royal decision granting or refusing a pardon had been made. In his view, a pardon was in the first place a matter for the Minister's conscience. Parliament was therefore entitled to assess his particular actions. However, in the line of his predecessors' and successors' view, he believed that the reasons why the King had insisted on a pardon or refused to grant a pardon should not be mentioned to Parliament. Pardon was an issue between King and Government, not between King and Parliament. As the saying goes in Belgian constitutional law: The Crown should never be laid 'bare'.
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Saunders, Malcolm, and Neil Lloyd. "Holding Australia to Ransom: The Colston Affair, 1996–2003." Queensland Review 17, no. 1 (January 2010): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600005262.

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Probably no one who has entered either federal or state Parliament in Australia departed from it as loathed and despised as Malcolm Arthur Colston. A Labor senator from Queensland between 1975 and 1996, he is remembered by that party as a ‘rat’ who betrayed it for the sake of personal advancement. Whereas many Labor parliamentarians – most notably Prime Minister ‘Billy’ Hughes in 1917 have left the party because they strongly disagreed with it over a major policy issue or a matter of principle, in the winter of 1996 Colston unashamedly left it to secure the deputy presidency of the Senate and the status, income and several other perquisites that went with it. Labor's bitterness towards Colston stems not merely from the fact that he showed extraordinary ingratitude towards a party that had allowed him a parliamentary career but more especially because, between his defection from the party in August 1996 and his retirement from Parliament in June 1999, his vote allowed the Liberal-National Party government led by John Howard to pass legislation through the Senate that might otherwise have been rejected.
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Monballyu, J. "De politieke verantwoordelijkheid voor koninklijke genadebesluiten in België tijdens de 20ste eeuw." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 75, no. 3 (2007): 275–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181907783054941.

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AbstractDuring the 20th century, Ministers of the Department of Justice in Belgium have been politically accountable for the pardons granted by the King. As a result, they had to answer questions on issues of pardons asked by members of both chambers of Parliament, viz. the Chamber of Representatives and the Senate. When responding to these questions, they would choose between two possible approaches: either they refused to disclose the specific reasons for a pardon because of the principle that the Crown's position had to remain protected by ministerial responsibility, or they stated the specific reasons on purely political grounds. On two occasions, the latter approach resulted in the Minister's enforced resignation.
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Smith, R. F. I., and Gavin Souter. "Acts of Parliament: A Narrative History of the Senate and House of Representatives, Commonwealth of Australia." Labour History, no. 57 (1989): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27508965.

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Fenton-Smith, Ben. "Discourse structure and political performance in adversarial parliamentary questioning." Journal of Language and Politics 7, no. 1 (May 26, 2008): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.7.1.05smi.

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One of the most high-profile and glamorous speech situations to occur in many parliamentary democracies around the world is the spectacle of Question Time. Whereas most of what goes on in parliament may be drab, perfunctory and arcane, Question Time is often dramatic, adversarial, and highly publicised. It is, generally, the only parliamentary procedure to be televised and stands out in the public mind as one of the primary tests of a politicians ability to perform. But how might this performance be judged? Strangely, there has been little systematic linguistic research into the characteristic ways in which this political theatre is stage-managed by its actors. Using the Australian federal parliament as a case study, this paper attempts to elucidate some of the patterns that emerge from a close analysis of all opposition questions directed to government members over a weeks sitting of both the House of Representatives and the Senate. Utilising the tools of systemic functional grammar, recurring discourse structures are identified as standard techniques of formal interrogation between political parties.
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Books on the topic "Parliament Senate History"

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Acts of Parliament: A narrative history of the Senate and House of Representatives, Commonwealth of Australia. Carlton, Vic: Melbourne University Press, 1988.

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Senate, Australia Parliament. Senate legislative and general purpose standing committees: The first 20 years, 1970-1990. Canberra: Senate Committee Office, 1990.

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The making of a party system: Minor parties in the Australian Senate. Clayton, Victoria, Australia: Monash University Publishing, 2015.

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George, Bourinot John. Federal government in Canada. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University, 1988.

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Pagani, Marjorie. T.W. Crawford: Politics and the Queensland sugar industry. [Queensland]: Dept. of History, James Cook University of North Queensland, 1989.

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Deveau, J. Alphonse. Ambroise-Hilaire Comeau, 1859-1911. Moncton, N.-B: Éditions d'Acadie, 1992.

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Thompson, Catherine. The prize for learning love: The life of Margaret Fawcett Norrie, Nova Scotia's first female senator. St. John, NB: Trinity Enterprise, 2007.

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Cusack, Danny. With an olive branch and a shillelagh: The life and times of Senator Patrick Lynch. Carlisle, W.A: Hesperian Press in association with Centre for Irish Studies, Murdoch University, 2004.

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Lord of Point Grey: Larry MacKenzie of U.B.C. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1987.

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Ústav pro studium totalitních režimů, Czech Republic Parlament Senát, and Czech Republic Úřad vlády, eds. International conference Crimes of the communist regimes: An assessment by historians and legal experts : proceedings : the conference took place at the Main Hall of the Senate of the Parliament of the Czech Republic, 24-25 February 2010 and at the Office of the Government of the Czech Republic, 26 February 2010. Prague: Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Parliament Senate History"

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Bacon, Gershon C. "Shlomo Netzer. Ma'avak Yehudei Polin al Zekhuyotehem ha-Ezrahiyot ve-ha-Leumiyot (1918–1922) (The Struggle of Polish Jewry for Civil and National Minority Rights [1918–1922]). Tel Aviv: Tel-Aviv University Press. 1980. Pp. 338, 4 page English summary." In Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 1, 388–89. Liverpool University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781904113171.003.0045.

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This chapter addresses Shlomo Netzer's The Struggle of Polish Jewry for Civil and National Minority Rights (1918–1922) (1980). In this richly documented study, Shlomo Netzer surveys the formative period of Jewish politics in inter-war Poland. The period under consideration witnessed not only the recovery of Polish independence, but also the elections for the Constituent Sejm, the crystallization of the Polish parliament and constitution, the signing of the Minorities Treaties, the protracted struggle over the borders of the Polish state, the Polish-Soviet war, and the 1922 elections to the Sejm and Senate. All these events influenced the form and direction of Jewish political activity during this critical time, and in his internally directed study, Netzer is careful to keep the historical background in view and avoid becoming lost in the labyrinth of inter-party polemics and editorial broadsides. After a useful short introduction on the history of independent Jewish politics under the various partition regimes, the author chronicles the struggle of Jewish elected representatives to secure civil and national rights for Polish Jewry, a struggle which to some extent has been described elsewhere, if not in such detail.
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Lucas, Scott. "‘The consent of the body of the whole realme’: Edward Hall’s parliamentary history." In Writing the history of parliament in Tudor and early Stuart England, 60–76. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719099588.003.0003.

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Modern scholars have often presented Henry VIII and his chief ministers as the prime movers behind the reform of religion in 1530s England. Edward Hall, a Protestant-minded MP in the Reformation parliament, sharply contested this view in his chronicle, The Union of the Two Noble and Illustrious Families of Lancaster and York (1548). Hall presented not the king, but parliamentarians in general and the burgesses of the House of Commons in particular as the true driving forces behind statutory ecclesiastical reform. Insisting upon a pre-existing widespread zeal for reform among his fellow MPs and suppressing almost all sense of the strong support for the clergy expressed by the Commons’ more conservative members, Hall made the Henrician Reformation above all parliament’s Reformation. Hall’s Chronicle therefore broadens our appreciation of the significance of history in the thinking of England’s first generation of reformers.
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Whatmore, Richard. "1. History and politics." In The History of Political Thought: A Very Short Introduction, 1–8. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198853725.003.0001.

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‘History and politics’ starts with the editorial print by James Sayers from December 1783, elaborating how the history of political thought can explain the print of a plump man riding an elephant with a human face, which caused the Indian Bill to be rejected by parliament. The history of political thought reveals a variety of perceptions of political projects. There is of course Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s infamous Contrat social in 1762, which is considered a call to rebellion and acknowledgment of human bondage. Rousseau’s words sent a warning to people in commercial societies that they are to repeat a cycle of war and rule by tyrannical Caesar figures.
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Gamble, Whitney G. "The Theology of the Westminster Confession of Faith in its Context." In The History of Scottish Theology, Volume I, 265–78. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198759331.003.0019.

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In 1643, England’s Long Parliament called theologians from every county of England and Wales to Westminster Abbey to revise the Thirty-Nine Articles, the foundational documents of the Church of England. As the divines commenced their revisions, they encountered a theological movement which they believed represented the greatest threat to the cause of Reformation. Somewhat surprisingly, it was not Roman Catholicism or even Arminianism; it was antinomianism, a new and powerfully growing sect. Concern to combat antinomian tenets drove the assembly into complex theological debates for the first six weeks of its meetings. Parliament’s signing of the Solemn League and Covenant, however, brought an end to the assembly’s revisions. The Covenant instigated the writing of a statement of faith that would function as the confession for a theologically united Church of England, Scotland, and Wales. To supervise the execution of this plan, the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland sent commissioners to the assembly to serve as consultative members. Although written in London primarily by English theologians, the Westminster Confession of Faith would be repudiated by Restoration officials. Its true impact came through its acceptance and implementation by the Church of Scotland.
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Simpson, Thula. "Total Onslaught." In History of South Africa, 249–66. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197672020.003.0019.

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Abstract Distressed by the slow progress of its armed struggle, the ANC sent a delegation to Vietnam in 1978 to glean the lessons of that country's revolution. The outcome was a new strategy involving armed propaganda to pave the way for people's war. Also considered is the state's implementation of the policy of homeland independence, and why even the participants in that process questioned its credibility. The state also initiated a constitutional reform programme to respond to the growing unrest in the country. The proposals recommended a tricameral Parliament incorporating Asians and coloreds but excluding Africans. These initiatives were accompanied by continuous cross-border military operations to drive the ANC (and SWAPO) from South African controlled borders. The chapter considers the turmoil that the "Total Strategy" occasioned in the Frontline States of southern Africa.
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"Marriage by Cohabitation with Habit and Repute: Review And Requiem?" In Continuity, Influences and Integration in Scottish Legal History, edited by Hector L. MacQueen, 191–215. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474488761.003.0010.

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The doctrine of marriage by cohabitation with habit and repute (MCHR) was long established in Scots law before its abolition by statute in 2006 but was not always well understood. There was disagreement about its origins, whether traced to an Act of the Scots Parliament passed in 1503, or to the medieval Canon law. There was controversy too about the role of the doctrine in modern Scots law: was it merely a method of proof, or was it in some sense also part of the constitution of marriage? This chapter seeks, first, to explain the background to the Act of 1503 (actually 1504) and to demonstrate the relationship of that Act to the preceding medieval Canon law; and secondly, to argue that MCHR was always no more than a method of proof.
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Jaffrelot, Christophe, and Pratinav Anil. "Introduction." In India's First Dictatorship, 1–20. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197577820.003.0001.

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This chapter begins by describing the Emergency as the panic button and ne plus ultra which could be triggered by Article 352 of the Indian constitution. It elaborates on how this provision in the Indian constitution was used to erode the institutional pillars of democracy: the judiciary, parliament and media. It also traces the events that led to the imposition of the Emergency in India on 25 June 1975. The two major setbacks for Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in the Gujarat elections and the Allahabad High Court ruling in the lead up to the Emergency are explained in detail. The introductory chapter attempts to make sense of this period in Indian history and set the stage for the chapters to follow.
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Løvlie, Birger. "Biskop Per Juvkam og reformarbeidet i Den norske kirke." In Tru, språk, historie. Heidersskrift til Per Halse, 185–206. Cappelen Damm Akademisk/NOASP, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/noasp.165.ch8.

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In the years after World War II, the Norwegian state church system was put under debate. The prominent theologian and bishop Per Juvkam (1907–2003) was a key figure in the debate. Initially, he led the church’s own organization that worked for greater freedom for the Church of Norway. In 1971 he became a member of a committee appointed by the government to advise the Norwegian parliament on the future relationship between church and state, where he worked hard to remove the church’s ties to the Norwegian constitution. Instead, he wanted a constitution for an independent church with the local church as its cornerstone. The committee’s conclusion was published in 1975. Per Juvkam received support from the committee’s majority for his principled views, but other church leaders did not want to separate the church from the state. Instead, another strategy was chosen: to negotiate concrete reforms that could be implemented within the framework of the state church. The strategy succeeded in the sense that the parliament decided to establish a synod that was to meet annually, but the church would still be subject to state control. Per Juvkam described it as a personal defeat, as the church failed to discuss theological principles and let slip the chance for an independent church. In his writings, which were made public after his death, he named and directly criticized individuals in academic theology and held them responsible for the church’s opting out of a great opportunity to become independent of the state.
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Conference papers on the topic "Parliament Senate History"

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Mihály, Kristóf. "The Transition from a Feudal Society to a Social Structure based upon Civil Rights in Hungary with Particular Regard to Preparatory Draft Law." In Mezinárodní konference doktorských studentů oboru právní historie a římského práva. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0156-2022-8.

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In this study, I review the immediate antecedents of the civil transition as the most profound development. The codification attempts of the Enlightenment of the 1790s and the liberalism of the 1830s and 1840s are the focal points of my doctoral research. In order to drafting bills to reform the feudal state based on customary law and privileges without changing the basic public law framework, nine so-called national regular committees were set forth by Article 67 of Act 1791. The committees completed their work and sent their drafts, known as so-called operatives, to the king between 1792 and 1795. After all, the completed operatives were not put on the agenda of Parliament due to changes in the domestic and foreign policy status quo. They only emerged from the archives of the Chancellery thanks to the committees set up by Article 8 of Act 1827. These committees were responsible for reviewing the “forgotten” operatives, which were finally printed and sent to the counties for comments. The Hungarian liberal noble opposition was organised first as a movement and then as a party during these county debates (1831–1832) in order to replace the feudal system by manifesting the basic principles of the civil transition in the so-called laws of April (representation of the people, the right to private property, equality of rights, burden sharing, etc.)
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Reports on the topic "Parliament Senate History"

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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