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Journal articles on the topic 'Parliament of Victoria'
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1
O'Toole, Suzanne, and Patrick Keyzer. "Rudy Frugtniet v ASIC: Things to consider if Victoria introduces a spent convictions regime (with ‘A Message to You, Rudy’)." Alternative Law Journal 44, no. 4 (October 11, 2019): 260–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x19877034.
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The Legal and Social Issues Committee of the Victorian parliament will soon publish a report on spent convictions and criminal record discrimination. Victoria is the only state in Australia that does not have a spent convictions scheme. The purpose of this article is to review the recent decision of the High Court in Frugtniet v ASIC, a decision about the federal spent convictions scheme, and outline the lessons that decision provides for Victoria and for the successful appellant in that case.
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Harris, Margaret. "VICTORIANS LIVE: AUSTRALIA'S VICTORIAN VESTIGES." Victorian Literature and Culture 34, no. 1 (March 2006): 342–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150306221193.
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ON 1 JANUARY 1901, at the beginning of a new century, the Commonwealth of Australia was proclaimed a political entity by the federation of six separate British colonies. Queen Victoria's formal assent to the necessary legislation of the Westminster Parliament was one of her last official acts; she died on 22 January. For all the tyranny of 20,000 kilometres distance, the impress of the monarch on her far-flung colony was evident. Two of the states of the Commonwealth, Victoria and Queensland, had been named for her. When the Port Phillip settlement separated from New South Wales in 1851, it became Victoria; in 1859, when the Moreton Bay settlement also hived off, its first governor announced “a fact which I know you will all hear with delight–Queensland, the name selected for this new Colony, was entirely the happy thought and inspiration of Her Majesty herself!” (Cilento and Lack 161)
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Arnstein, Walter L. "Queen Victoria opens Parliament: the Disinvention of Tradition." Historical Research 63, no. 151 (June 1, 1990): 178–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1990.tb00881.x.
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Gilbert, Julia, and Jane Boag. "‘To die, to sleep’ – assisted dying legislation in Victoria: A case study." Nursing Ethics 26, no. 7-8 (November 19, 2018): 1976–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969733018806339.
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Background: Assisted dying remains an emotive topic globally with a number of countries initiating legislation to allow individuals access to assisted dying measures. Victoria will become the first Australian state in over 13 years to pass Assisted Dying Legislation, set to come into effect in 2019. Objectives: This article sought to evaluate the impact of Victorian Assisted Dying Legislation via narrative view and case study presentation. Research design: Narrative review and case study. Participants and research context: case study. Ethical considerations: This legislation will provide eligible Victorian residents with the option to request access to assisted dying measures as a viable alternative to a potentially painful, protracted death. Findings: This legislation, while conservative and inclusive of many safeguards at present, will form the basis for further discussion and debate on assisted dying across Australia in time to come. Discussion: The passing of this legislation by the Victorian parliament was prolonged, emotive and divided not only the parliament but Australian society. Conclusion: Many advocates for this legislation proclaimed it was well overdue and will finally meet the needs of contemporary society. Protagonists claim that medical treatment should not provide a means of ending life, despite palliative care reportedly often failing to relieve the pain and suffering of individuals living with a terminal illness.
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Baer, Hans A. "The Drive for Legitimation in Chinese Medicine and Acupuncture in Australia: Successes and Dilemmas." Complementary health practice review 12, no. 2 (April 2007): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1533210107302933.
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This article examines the drive for legitimation on the part of Chinese medicine and more specifically acupuncture in Australia. It examines the development of Chinese medicine in Australia, the road to statutory registration of Chinese medicine in Victoria, and the niche of Chinese medicine within the context of the Australian plural medical system. Despite the opposition of organized medicine, the Victorian Parliament passed the Chinese Medicine Registration Act in May 2000, making Victoria the only Australian political jurisdiction to formally regulate Chinese medicine practitioners and acupuncturists. The legal status of Chinese medicine and acupuncture outside of Victoria resembles that of naturopathy and other natural therapies, such as Western herbalism and homeopathy, none of which has achieved statutory registration in any Australian jurisdiction. Chinese medicine has a distinct identity within the context of the Australian plural medical system. Conversely, acupuncture, as one of the modalities of Chinese medicine—and in Western societies its principal modality—has been incorporated into various other heterodox medical subsystems, particularly chiropractic, osteopathy, and naturopathy, as well as conventional systems, such as biomedicine and physiotherapy.
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MEAGHER, DAN. "TAKING PARLIAMENTARY SOVEREIGNTY SERIOUSLY WITHIN A BILL OF RIGHTS FRAMEWORK." Deakin Law Review 10, no. 2 (July 1, 2005): 686. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/dlr2005vol10no2art299.
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<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>[</span><span>The Victorian Government has made a commitment to consult with the community on how best to protect and promote human rights in Victoria. To this end, it has established a Human Rights Consultation Committee to undertake this consultation and to report on the desirability or otherwise of enacting a Bill of Rights. The government has, however, indicated its preference for a statutory Bill of Rights and one that preserves the 'sover- eignty of Parliament'. This article takes those two government preferences as its baseline and then explores what might follow if the preservation of parliamentary sovereignty is taken seriously within a Victorian rights framework.</span><span>] </span></p></div></div></div>
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Stokes, Hatch. "Vertical Transmission, May 2010." Microbiology Australia 31, no. 2 (2010): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ma10050.
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Science Meets Parliament was held as usual in early March and ASM again sponsored two of our members to attend. This year it was Glen Ulett, The Queensland Branch Chair and Gabrielle Belz from Victoria. They will report in the next issue of Microbiology Australia on why they found the experience to be useful and positive.
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O'Connor, Margaret M., Roger W. Hunt, Julian Gardner, Mary Draper, Ian Maddocks, Trish Malowney, and Brian K. Owler. "Documenting the process of developing the Victorian voluntary assisted dying legislation." Australian Health Review 42, no. 6 (2018): 621. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah18172.
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Many countries across the world have legislated for their constituents to have control over their death. Commonalities and differences can be found in the regulations surrounding the shape and practices of voluntary assisted dying (VAD) and euthanasia, including an individual’s eligibility and access, role of health professions and the reporting. In Australia there have been perennial debates across the country to attempt legislative change in assisting a terminally ill person to control the ending of their life. In 2017, Victoria became the first state to successfully legislate for VAD. In describing the Victorian process that led to the passage of legislation for VAD, this paper examines the social change process. The particular focus of the paper is on the vital role played by a multidisciplinary ministerial advisory panel to develop recommendations for the successful legislation, and is written from their perspective. What is known about the topic? VAD has not been legal in an Australian state until legislation passed in Victoria in 2017. What does this paper add? This paper describes how the legislation was developed, as well as the significant consultative and democratic processes required to get the bill to parliament. What are the implications for practitioners? In documenting this process, policy makers and others will have an understanding of the complexities in developing legislation. This information will be useful for other Australian jurisdictions considering similar legislative changes.
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Warner, Kate, Julia Davis, Caroline Spiranovic, Helen Cockburn, and Arie Freiberg. "Why sentence? Comparing the views of jurors, judges and the legislature on the purposes of sentencing in Victoria, Australia." Criminology & Criminal Justice 19, no. 1 (November 10, 2017): 26–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895817738557.
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In recent times, parliaments have introduced legislation directing judges to take defined purposes into account when sentencing. At the same time, judges and politicians also acknowledge that sentencing should vindicate the values of the community. This article compares the views on the purposes of sentencing of three major participants in the criminal justice system: legislators who pass sentencing statutes, judges who impose and justify sentences and jurors who represent the community. A total of 987 Australian jurors in the Victorian Jury Sentencing Study (2013–2015) were asked to sentence the offender in their trial and to choose the purpose that best justified the sentence. The judges’ sentencing remarks were coded and the results were compared with the jurors’ surveys. The research shows that, in this jurisdiction, the views of the judges, the jurors and the legislators are not always well aligned. Judges relied on general deterrence much more than jurors and jurors selected incapacitation as the primary purpose in only about a fifth of ‘serious offender’ cases where parliament has provided that community protection must be the principal purpose.
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Coventry, C. J. "Links in the Chain: British slavery, Victoria and South Australia." Before/Now: Journal of the collaborative Research Centre in Australian History (CRCAH) 1, no. 1 (May 3, 2019): 27–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.35843/beforenow.173286.
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Beneficiaries of British slavery were present in colonial Victoria and provincial South Australia, a link overlooked by successive generations of historians. The Legacies of British Slave-ownership database, hosted by University College, London, reveals many people in these colonies as having been connected to slave money awarded as compensation by the Imperial Parliament in the 1830s. This article sets out the beneficiaries to demonstrate the scope of exposure of the colonies to slavery. The list includes governors, jurists, politicians, clergy, writers, graziers and financiers, as well as various instrumental founders of South Australia. While Victoria is likely to have received more of this capital than South Australia, the historical significance of compensation is greater for the latter because capital from beneficiaries of slavery, particularly George Fife Angas and Raikes Currie, ensured its creation. Evidence of beneficiaries of slavery surrounds us in the present in various public honours and notable buildings.
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Thomas, E. W. "Centennial Lecture The Relationship of Parliament and the Courts: A Tentative Though or Two for the New Millennium." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 31, no. 1 (April 3, 2000): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v31i1.5960.
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This paper was delivered as the Victoria University of Wellington Law Faculty's Centennial Lecture on 30 June 1999. The author discusses the principle of Parliamentary Sovereignty, and the question as to whether the judiciary must acknowledge Parliament's sovereign legislative power without qualification. It is suggested that Parliament's legislative supremacy is not absolute, and that the courts have a crucial role in enforcing rights. However, the author also stresses that the fundamental plank of the constitution is the sovereignty of the people, and that Parliament's democratic imperative is representative government.
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Carrión-Ruiz, B., S. Blanco-Pons, A. Weigert, S. Fai, and J. L. Lerma. "MERGING PHOTOGRAMMETRY AND AUGMENTED REALITY: THE CANADIAN LIBRARY OF PARLIAMENT." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLII-2/W11 (May 4, 2019): 367–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlii-2-w11-367-2019.
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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> In recent years, Augmented Reality (AR) technology has experienced considerable progress and the combination of AR and 3D modeling opens up new opportunities regarding 3D data visualization and interaction. Consequently, the dissemination of cultural heritage can benefit from these technologies in order to display the cultural assets as realistically and interactively as possible. In this way, high-accuracy 3D models are integrated in the real world.</p><p>Nevertheless, progress has also still been limited due to several factors. The paper presents a case study based on the recreation of the Queen Victoria sculpture in an AR application. Furthermore, the environment of the sculpture is simulated by panoramic images, inside the Library of Parliament in Ottawa, Canada. The main problems for the development of an AR smartphone application from panoramic images and photogrammetric 3D data are described in this paper. The characteristics of AR systems are explained in detail, analyzing all the steps involved and the available solutions considered.</p>
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Ishima, Hideo. "How electoral reform alters legislative speech: Evidence from the parliament of Victoria, Australia 1992–2017." Electoral Studies 67 (October 2020): 102192. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2020.102192.
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Kyle, Chris R. "‘It will be a Scandal to show what we have done with such a number:’ House of Commons Committee Attendance Lists, 1606–1628." Camden Fifth Series 17 (July 2001): 179–235. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960116300001755.
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That committee membership has played a significant role in parliamentary history is beyond question. It formed an important part of the analysis of the importance of Members of Parliament in the Elizabethan History of Parliament volumes and appointments have frequendy been used to illustrate the particular interest of Members in parliamentary issues and legislation. However, much of the analysis has been undertaken in a simplistic fashion, derived solely from the Underclerk's record in the Commons Journal and subjected to little more than superficial scrutiny. Stuart historians have been slow to heed Lord Macaulay's advice that Victoria Tower is ‘that dark repository in which the abortive statutes of many generations sleep a sleep rarely disturbed by the historian or antiquary’, for it is in the House of Lords Record Office that the majority of committee lists survive. And the existence of these attendance records allows us to expand and clarify previous analyses of Commons attendance. In particular, they show the munutiae of Parliament at work on a day-to-day basis as well as providing valuable biographical information. Viewed individually or taken as a whole, the documents also allow the development of broad and far-reaching conclusions about Parliament itself. The thirty-three committee lists transcribed below cover the period 1606–1628 and offer insights into local issues, such as the presentment to the parsonage of Radipoll, Dorset, and matters which concerned the commonweal, for example, purveyance and debt collection.
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Crowe, Kate. "Secure Welfare Services: Risk, Security and Rights of Vulnerable Young People in Victoria, Australia." Youth Justice 16, no. 3 (July 31, 2016): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473225416639396.
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The Victorian Children Youth and Families Act 2005 authorises the detention of children aged 10–17 years in Secure Welfare Services (SWS) if there is a substantial and immediate risk of harm. Children are generally on protection orders and administratively detained by the Department of Human Services. In 2014, the Children, Youth and Families Amendment (Security Measures) Bill 2013 was passed uncontested in parliament. It codifies existing SWS practices including searches, seizure of property, use of force and seclusion. The Security Measures Bill and associated government discourse construct children as risk and security as a necessary precursor to meeting their welfare needs. These conceptualisations problematise the safeguarding of children’s rights.
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Lin, Vivian, and Debra Gillick. "Does workforce regulation have the intended effect? The case of Chinese medicine practitioner registration." Australian Health Review 35, no. 4 (2011): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah10869.
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The Chinese Medicine Registration Act was passed through Victorian parliament in 2000, based on policy research that suggested the need for statutory registration as a means for protecting public health and safety. This paper reports on the implementation and the effect of this policy. By examining registration, complaints and prosecution data from the Chinese Medicine Registration Board as well as comparing the complaints data between 2003 and 2007 across all Victorian registration boards, this paper considers the extent to which the policy research and the policy intent were justified. Based on the experience of the Chinese Medicine Registration Board, the paper points to issues that should be further considered as Chinese medicine moves into the national registration scheme in July 2012. What is known about the topic? Australian Federal, State and Territory governments’ criteria for regulation of health professions are aimed at protecting public health and safety. As such, the extent to which the profession poses a risk to the public is a key consideration for statutory registration. Chinese medicine practitioners have been registered in Victoria since 2002 based on theoretical analysis of the Governments’ criteria, which suggested Chinese medicine to be more risky than some of the currently registered professions. What is not known, however, is whether the research undertaken before policy adoption was predictive of the outcomes following registration. What does this paper add? Reviewing the number and sources of complaints made to the Chinese Medicine Registration Board as well as registration and prosecution data, the paper demonstrates that the policy objective of protecting public health and safety was warranted, and that there is a need for similar policy beyond Victoria. Using complaints handled by boards as a proxy measure for risk, comparative analysis of data from Victorian health professions registration boards between 2003 and 2007 shows that Chinese medicine is a high risk profession. What are the implications for practitioners? With Chinese medicine practitioners coming under the national registration scheme in July 2012, some of the difficulties associated with federalism will be overcome. Other aspects of the Victorian experience will be useful in informing implementation and likely effect of the national scheme. However, the model for health professional regulation remains essentially reactive. Although the management of complaints is an essential aspect of protecting public health and safety, ongoing review of complaints data should point to more proactive efforts to prevent their occurrence.
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Kuhn, William M. "Queen Victoria's civil list: what did she do with it?" Historical Journal 36, no. 3 (September 1993): 645–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014345.
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ABSTRACTQueen Victoria made important financial concessions to parliament over the course of her reign. She accepted a smaller civil list and a smaller annuity for her consort than had been paid to any of her predecessors. She disclosed the accounts of the duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall, both of which had formerly been considered private property. She also reduced her income by subjecting it to the newly re-instituted income tax. Despite these concessions, she managed to acquire a considerable private fortune. The principal sources of this fortune were improving incomes from the two duchies and better management of the civil list. Both sources benefited from reforms imposed by the prince consort. The queen used her private fortune to pay for items formerly paid for from public funds. She built houses and erected monuments. She paid partly for the golden jubilee and wholly for the debts that accumulated when the civil list became inadequate from the 1880s. Parliament in turn used evidence of her private fortune to decrease the size and number of public grants to her offspring. Thus, increased parliamentary supervision and better regulation of the civil list improved the queen's private financial position, but also reduced the public burdens.
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Clark, Colin, and Michael De Martinis. "A Framework for Reforming the Independence and Accountability of Statutory Officers of Parliament: A Case Study of Victoria." Australian Journal of Public Administration 62, no. 1 (March 2003): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8500.00312.
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Forsyth, Anthony. "Industrial legislation in Australia in 2016." Journal of Industrial Relations 59, no. 3 (May 22, 2017): 323–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185617693876.
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After three years of trying, the Coalition Government finally succeeded in obtaining passage of several key workplace reform statutes in 2016. This followed the outcome of the federal election held on 2 July, delivering the Government a differently composed Senate and a new opportunity to secure support for its legislative program. This review article explains key aspects of the industrial legislation passed by federal Parliament in 2016, including statutes abolishing the specialist road transport industry tribunal, re-establishing the Howard-era regulator for the construction industry, and setting up a new agency to enforce enhanced governance and accountability standards for registered unions and employer organisations. Legislative amendments aimed at resolving the long-running bargaining dispute in Victoria’s Country Fire Authority are also considered, along with the Government’s muted response to the 2015 Productivity Commission review of the workplace relations framework. The article then examines developments at state level, including a major rewrite of Queensland’s industrial legislation, structural changes in New South Wales, and proposed changes to long service leave and the labour hire sector in Victoria. It concludes by noting the irony that just as the federal Government has tasted some success after a long legislative ‘dry spell’, its labour law reform agenda appears limited and piecemeal.
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Johnston, Madeleine. "The Role and Regulation of Child Factory Labour During the Industrial Revolution in Australia, 1873–1885." International Review of Social History 65, no. 3 (May 21, 2020): 433–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859020000322.
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AbstractThis study investigates child factory labour in Victoria, the most populous and industrialized colony in Australia in the second half of the nineteenth century. Three sources of primary data are analysed: Royal Commission reports, texts of bills and statutes, and parliamentary and public debates. The findings inform current academic debates by enhancing understanding of the role played by child workers during industrialization. They show that children were low-cost substitutes for adult males and that child labour was central to ongoing industrialization. A wide range of industries and jobs is identified in which children were employed in harsh conditions, in some instances in greater proportions than adults. Following the reports of the Royal Commission, the parliament of Victoria recognized a child labour problem serious enough to warrant regulation. While noting that circumstances were not as severe as in Britain, it passed legislation in 1885 with provisions that offered more protection to children than those in the British factory act of 1878. The legislation also offered more protection than factory laws in other industrializing colonies and countries. The findings throw light on the character of colonial liberal reformers in a wealthy colony who sought to create a better life for white settlers by adopting policies of state intervention.
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Verbeke, Christian F. "The Appraisal of Early Books: Problem and Paradox." International Journal of Legal Information 25, no. 1-3 (1997): 219–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500008209.
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Oscar Wilde's sally about Lord Darlington ‘a man who knows the price of everything, and the value of nothing’ is very much the embodiment of the idea of what the valuation of rare books has come to mean today. Samuel Johnson defined the practitioner of this art, if one can call it that, a valuator, and defined him as ‘one who sets upon anything its price,’ a term for which he gives as synonym, appraiser. The term valuer is still used, and mostly pompously so, in the Anglo-Saxon auction world, its usage confirmed by the 19th century definition within the Act of Parliament 17 & 18 Victoria c.229 § 29 ‘to appoint a valuer to value the same.’ One can of course dismiss the subject as an etymological conceit, which in a sense it is, and say, what's in a name ? or conclude that ‘woord is but wynd.'
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Redd, Curtis, and Emma K. Russell. "‘It all started here, and it all ends here too’: Homosexual criminalisation and the queer politics of apology." Criminology & Criminal Justice 20, no. 5 (July 6, 2020): 590–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895820939244.
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In recent years, we have witnessed a tide of government apologies for historic laws criminalising homosexuality. Complicating a conventional view of state apologies as a progressive effort to come to terms with past mistakes, queer theoretical frameworks help to elucidate the power effects and self-serving nature of the new politics of regret. We argue that through the discourse of gay apology, the state extolls pride in its present identity by expressing shame for its ‘homophobic past’. In doing so, it discounts the possibility that systemic homophobia persists in the present. Through a critical discourse analysis of the ‘world first’ gay apology from the parliament of the Australian state of Victoria in 2016, we identify five key themes: the inexplicability of the past, the individualisation of homophobia, the construction of a ‘post-homophobic’ society, the transformation of shame into state pride and subsuming the ‘unhappy queer’ through the expectation of forgiveness.
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Williams, David V. "Application of the Wills Act 1837 to New Zealand: Untidy Legal History." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 45, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 637. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v45i4.4941.
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The decision of Acting Chief Justice Stephen in McLiver v Macky (1856) was that the Wills Act 1837 (UK) did not apply in New Zealand because New Zealand had been annexed to the British Empire as a dependency of New South Wales. This case and its consequences were discussed in my contribution to the Victoria University of Wellington Law Review special issue in 2010 relating to the New Zealand Law Foundation's "Lost Cases Project". It transpires that Stephen ACJ and counsel in the 1856 case were unaware of the Imperial Act Adoption Act 1839 (NSW) which applied the Wills Act 1837 (UK) to New South Wales from 1 January 1840. This article suggests that, based on the reasoning of the Judge, the 1856 decision would have been the same even if that 1839 Act had been explicitly considered. It would still have been necessary for the New Zealand Parliament to enact the English Laws Act 1858.
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Marelja, Miran, and Valentino Kuzelj. "Evolucija fiskalnoga suvereniteta u Engleskoj." Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Rijeci 41, no. 2 (2020): 509–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.30925/zpfsr.41.2.4.
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History of parliamentary development is narrowly tied to the development of fiscal prerogatives of the legislature. This is especially pronounced in the origins and development of the English Parliament. Moreover, we can ascertain that the fight of “medieval taxpayers”, i.e. those partaking in the distribution of power in medieval feudal structures, foreshadows the very foundation of the English Parliament and its precursors – the “assemblies of King’s servants”. In that sense, medieval England’s earliest constitutional documents espouse mechanisms limiting Crown’s autocracy. Later on, the invocation of Parliament’s fiscal prerogatives represented the most efficient form of subverting such absolutism, especially regarding the absolutist tendencies of the Stuarts. Upon establishment of Parliament’s supremacy over the Crown, the Victorian era was marked by the struggle between two houses of Parliament, culminating in early 20th century anent the issue of the Lords’ rejection of the budget bill. Parliament Act of 1911 marks the end of a centuries-long development of Parliament’s fiscal sovereignty, affirming the prerogatives of the House of Commons as the holders of democratic electoral legitimacy.
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Quinault, Roland. "Westminster and the Victorian Constitution." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 2 (December 1992): 79–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679100.
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The British constitution is unwritten, but not unbuilt. The character of Britain's government buildings reflects the nature of its political system. This is particularly true with respect to the Houses of Parliament. They were almost entirely rebuilt after a fire, in 1834, which seriously damaged the House of Commons and adjacent buildings. The new Houses of Parliament were the most magnificent and expensive public buildings erected in Queen Victoria's reign. Their architectural evolution has been meticulously chronicled by a former Honorary Secretary of the Royal Historical Society, Professor Michael Port. But constitutionalists and historians have shewn little or no interest in the political character of the Victorian Houses of Parliament. Walter Bagehot, in his famous study, The English Constitution, published in 1867, made no reference to the newly completed Houses of Parliament. Likewise most modern books on Victorian political and constitutional history make no mention of die rebuilding.
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Rawling, Michael, and Eugene Schofield-Georgeson. "Industrial legislation in Australia in 2017." Journal of Industrial Relations 60, no. 3 (April 20, 2018): 378–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185618760088.
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This article examines key industrial legislation passed by federal Parliament in 2017. The main development in federal industrial legislation for this year, which passed with bipartisan support, saw a weakened Coalition Government (forced from its traditional industrial relations (IR) stance) act to improve protections for vulnerable workers. This initiative introduced extended liability provisions regulating franchisors and holding companies. However, these provisions are a narrow response to an economy-wide problem because they do not establish measures to better regulate supply chains, labour hire and gig economy arrangements for the protection of vulnerable workers. Back in more familiar territory, the Coalition Government managed to implement part of its agenda to further regulate unions by establishing legislation that criminalises bargaining payments by employers to unions. A constitutional crisis over the citizenship status of federal Parliamentarians prevented the Coalition Government from passing legislation designed to curtail trade union activities. The article also considers significant State legislative developments including the introduction of mandatory labour hire licensing laws in South Australia and Queensland, industrial manslaughter laws in Queensland and regulation of ridesharing arrangements in Victoria. The article concludes by contrasting federal criminal penalties against union activity with civil penalties for businesses that exploit vulnerable workers, before suggesting future directions in industrial legislation.
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Maylea, Christopher, and Christopher James Ryan. "Decision-making capacity and the Victorian Mental Health Tribunal." International Journal of Mental Health and Capacity Law 2017, no. 24 (March 13, 2018): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.19164/ijmhcl.v2017i24.685.
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<p>The United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) has led to a re-thinking of traditional mental health law around the world. Since Australia’s ratification of the CRPD, all but one of its eight jurisdictions have introduced reforms to mental health legislation. These are aimed, in part, towards compliance with the Conventions articles. This paper examines the meaning and operation of the reforms introduced in Australia’s second most populous state – Victoria.</p><p><br />We first describe the criteria for involuntary treatment set out in the new <em>Mental Health Act 2014</em> (Vic) (Austl.) (the Act). We then argue that when making an order for Involuntary Treatment, the Victorian Mental Health Tribunal (the Tribunal) is obliged to carefully consider a person’s decision-making capacity as part of ensuring that treatment is provided in the least restrictive way, and to only authorise the involuntary treatment over a person’s competent objection in very limited circumstances.</p><p><br />Having established the way in which the Act <em>should</em> operate, we then present two empirical studies which analyse the decisions of the Statements of Reasons of the Tribunal to gain some appreciation of how the Act is working. These indicate that seldom does the Tribunal consider the decision-making capacity of people brought before it, and that, even when this is considered, the relevant information is not being used protectively so as to uphold a right to competently refuse treatment. Instead, the Tribunal uses the presence or absence of decision-making capacity, insight or poor judgement, to determine if a person is mentally ill or if treatment is required to prevent serious harm. We conclude that the Tribunal’s practice is inconsistent with the principles of the Act and consequently the intention of Parliament.</p>
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Hall, Lesley. "Book Review: Roberta Nicholls, The Women’s Parliament: The National Council of the Women of New Zealand 1896-1920 (Wellington: Victoria University Press, 1996), pp. 123, $29.95." Political Science 50, no. 1 (July 1998): 136–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879805000110.
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Congdon, Peter. "In A Fix: Fixed-Term Parliaments in the Australian States." Federal Law Review 41, no. 2 (June 2013): 265–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22145/flr.41.2.3.
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Constitutional systems of Westminster heritage are increasingly moving towards fixed-term parliaments to, amongst other things, prevent the Premier or Prime Minister opportunistically calling a ‘snap election’. Amongst the Australian states, qualified fixed-term parliaments currently exist in New South Wales, South Australia and Victoria. Queensland, Tasmania and Western Australia have also deliberated over whether to establish similar fixed-term parliaments. However, manner and form provisions in those states' constitutions entrench the Parliament's duration, Governor's Office and dissolution power. In Western Australia and Queensland, unlike Tasmania, such provisions are doubly entrenched. This article considers whether these entrenching provisions present legal obstacles to constitutional amendments establishing fixed-term parliaments in those two states. This involves examining whether laws fixing parliamentary terms fall within section 6 of the Australia Acts 1986 (Cth) & (UK). The article concludes by examining recent amendments to the Electoral Act 1907 (WA) designed to enable fixed election dates in Western Australia without requiring a successful referendum.
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الوائلي, طالب محيبس حسن. "الإصلاحات البرلمانية في بريطانيا 1832 ـ 1949." لارك 1, no. 1 (November 12, 2009): 45–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/lark.vol1.iss1.4.
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تعد الإصلاحات البرلمانية الثمانية، إحدى أبرز معالم القرن التاسع عشر وأوائل القرن العشرين في بريطانيا، فعلى الرغم من وجود إصلاحات برلمانية خلال القرن الخامس عشر. لكن إصلاح 1832 يعد الإصلاح البرلماني الأول والأكثر أهمية، إذ كانت جلسات البرلمان([i]) وسلطاته تتزايد تدريجيا ابتداء من القرن التاسع عشر وما تلاه، بعد أن تطور أداءه السياسي منذ القرن الحادي عشر الميلادي([ii])، وتشهد جلساته صراعا سلميا بين ممثلي حزبي الوﻳﮓ (Whigs) والتوري (Tories)([iii])، (الأحرار والمحافظين فيما بعد) لإقرار مراسيم تمنح فئات واسعة وطبقات من المجتمع البريطاني حقوقها الانتخابية والسياسية المهضومة من الطبقة الأرستقراطية القديمة، فضلا عن منحهم الحقوق الاجتماعية، فخطت التشريعات البرلمانية خطوات مهمة بعد لائحة الإصلاح البرلماني لعام 1832، وتتويج الملكة فيكتوريا (Queen Victoria)([iv]) سنة 1837، ولم يأت القرن العشرون، حتى كانت بريطانيا الدولة الديمقراطية الأفضل في القارة الأوربية، على الرغم من أن عجلة تطورها الديمقراطي لم تتوقف وتواصلت خلال النصف الأول من القرن المذكور. وهذا البحث يتناول دراسة الإصلاحات البرلمانية في بريطانيا وتتبع واكتشاف الآليات والوسائل التي تمت بها الحركة بهدوء وتدرج، وأدى إلى تطور الحياة البرلمانية البريطانية العريقة.
هوامش البحث:
([i]) البرلمان: نسبة للمصطلح اللاتيني Parliamentum المأخوذ أصلا من المصطلح الفرنسي Parler ومعناه مكان الحوار ومعناه بالانكليزية Parley الحوار والجدل، وقد ظهر هذا المصطلح لأول مرة في ايسلنده سنة 928 ثم في ايطاليا سنة 1189، وأول من أستخدم المصطلح رسميا هو المؤرخ ماثيو باريس Matthew Paris حين أطلقه على اجتماع المجلس الكبير الذي التأم في سانت البانز St. Albans سنة 1239. كما استعمل في محادثات ملك اسكتلندا الإسكندر الثاني مع إيرل كرونويل سنة 1244. كما أطلق المصطلح على المؤتمر الذي عقد بين لويس الحادي عشر Louis XI ملك فرنسا والبابا أنوسنت الرابع سنة 1245 . يراجع لمزيد من التفصيل:
Norman Wilding and Philip Laundy, An Encyclopedia of Parliament, London, 1961, P.427.
([ii]) يراجع للإطلاع على تطور البرلمان البريطاني: طالب محيبس حسن الوائلي، تطور الفكر الديمقراطي في أوربا خلال العصور الحديثة، مجلة جامعة القادسية للعلوم الإنسانية، العدد2، المجلد السابع، 2004؛ نعيم عبد جودة، تطور المؤسسة البرلمانية في انكلترا حتى ثورة عام 1399م، أطروحة دكتوراه، كلية التربية ابن رشد – جامعة بغداد، 2008. ربيع حيدر طاهر الموسوي، تطور البرلمان البريطاني1911-1949، أطروحة دكتوراه، كلية الآداب – جامعة بغداد، 2007، ص1-35.
([iii]) كلمة الوﻴﮓ أصلها اسكتلندي أطلقت على قتلة رجل دين مسيحي اسكتلندي وشهروا السلاح ضد الحكومة، فأطلق عليهم اسم الوﻴﮓ، ثم أطلق الاسم على مؤيدي فكرة تنحية جيمس عن العرش، وعلى دعاة الإصلاح فيما بعد، ومن ثم تغير ذلك الاسم إلى حزب الأحرار بعد إصلاح 1832م. أما التوري فهي كلمة أصلها أيرلندي، أطلقت على كل شخص يساند الكاثوليك او يعلن ولاءه لهم في انكلترا، وانتقلت إلى رافضي فكرة تنحية جيمس عن العرش بحكم ميله للكاثوليكية، ثم أطلق اسم حزب المحافظين عليهم. علي حسين علي البديري، التطورات السياسية في ايرلندا الجنوبية 1921-1949، أطروحة دكتوراه، كلية التربية - الجامعة المستنصرية، 1999، ص21-22.
([iv]) (1819-1881)، ملكة بريطانيا (2 حزيران 1837- 22 كانون أول 1901) سميت عند تعميدها الكسندرينا فكتوريا، البنت الوحيدة لدوق كنت إدورد الابن الرابع للملك جورج الثالث. ليديا هويت فارمر، اشهر ملكات التاريخ، ترجمة: ادارة الهلال، القاهرة، 1930، 137-151؛
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Queen Victoria
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Berkovic, Sally. "Inquiry into Strategies to Deal with the Issue of Community Violence, with Particular Reference to Mass Media and Entertainment Industries (3rd and Final Report), Social Development Committee, Parliament of Victoria, May 1989." Children Australia 15, no. 3 (1990): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200003011.
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Rawling, Michael, and Eugene Schofield-Georgeson. "Industrial legislation in Australia in 2018." Journal of Industrial Relations 61, no. 3 (May 1, 2019): 402–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185619834058.
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It has been a quiet year like last year for the passing of federal industrial legislation (due to a number of factors, including the political turmoil of the federal coalition government and their lack of an overall labour law reform agenda). This article examines key federal industrial legislative developments including the Modern Slavery Act 2018 (Cth). The article identifies that the federal Act contains much weaker compliance measures than the counterpart New South Wales legislation also passed in 2018 – the Modern Slavery Act 2018 (NSW). Also, although the Coalition government has attempted to continue to prosecute its case for further union governance measures, this agenda has been less successful than in previous years, with key government Bills not yet passed by the Parliament. The stagnation in the federal Parliament continues to motivate certain State Parliaments to address worker exploitation, and the article goes on to examine key State industrial legislation passed in 2018 including the Victorian labour hire licensing statute. In light of the continuing dominant position of the federal Labor opposition in opinion polls and an impending federal election in 2019, the article concludes by briefly considering the federal Labor opposition's agenda for industrial legislation.
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Grenfell, Laura. "Rights-Scrutiny Cultures and Anti-Bikie Bills in Australian State Parliaments: ‘A Bill of Rights for the Hell's Angels’." Federal Law Review 44, no. 3 (September 2016): 363–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x1604400302.
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This paper analyses how four Australian state parliaments debate the rights implications of anti-bikie bills that restrict various individual rights. It focuses on three state parliaments–those of Victoria, Queensland and New South Wales–which have committees that scrutinise all bills for their rights implications and it compares the debate in these parliaments with that of South Australia where such systematic rights-scrutiny of all bills is absent. The paper considers whether the existence of a formal parliamentary committee for rights-scrutiny strengthens or diminishes the process of parliamentary scrutiny of bills for their rights implications. Overall the paper argues that, regardless of the system in place, parliamentary rights-scrutiny remains weak in the four surveyed Australian states when parliaments debate law and order bills. However, this weakness is manifested in different ways, with full and frank rights-deliberation deficient in Victoria, Queensland and New South Wales and systematic and well-informed rights-scrutiny absent in South Australia.
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Biel, Justin. "Maynooth, the ‘Godless colleges’ and liberal imperial thought in the 1840s." Irish Historical Studies 42, no. 161 (May 2018): 26–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2018.1.
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AbstractIn 1845, parliament passed an act establishing the three Queen’s Colleges in Ireland – Belfast, Galway and Cork – with the stipulation that ‘religious’ instruction in the colleges would have to be sponsored by voluntary organisations, not the state. Prior to 1845, parliament’s approach to providing spiritual guidance in state-run institutions had been one of ‘parallel patronage’, assuring that wherever there were individuals representing different denominational backgrounds, religious specialists from each denomination would be appointed to work in the institution. For example, the Prisons (Ireland) Act, 1826 required that Catholic, Presbyterian and Anglican chaplains serve their respective portions of the prison population in each gaol that housed any of their co-denominationalists. But in 1845, parliament took an ostensibly different tack, implying that denominations would have to sponsor their young men’s study of theology or any other ‘religious’ subject at university level. However, this article argues that the Irish colleges bill gained assent from the liberal wing of parliamentary opinion precisely because it seemed, to early Victorian liberals, to instantiate the logic of parallel patronage. Using Thomas Wyse, Charles Buller, and T. B. Macaulay as cases in point, this article reveals that the logic behind this vision of state ‘neutrality’ as simultaneous support for each denominational interest was steeped in a working knowledge of colonialism.
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John, Alistair, and Brent McDonald. "How elite sport helps to foster and maintain a neoliberal culture: The ‘branding’ of Melbourne, Australia." Urban Studies 57, no. 6 (April 2, 2019): 1184–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098019830853.
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This article explores the role that elite sport has played in the State Government of Victoria’s (Australia) neoliberal agenda of creating an environment conducive to commercial activity. Adopting an urban entrepreneurial approach of selling the ‘city’ as an attractive place for cross-border investment, the state government has strategically invested public funds into major sporting events in Melbourne. Four specific sporting events were examined: i) construction and redevelopments of ‘Melbourne Park’ to host the Australian Open Tennis Championships; ii) hosting the 2006 Commonwealth Games; iii) acquisition of the Australian Formula One Grand Prix and continued political, corporate and media support for the event; and iv) construction of an urban football stadium. Newspaper reports and parliament transcripts between 1984 and 2014 were collected to highlight issues of contest in the ‘sport city’ in conjunction with a thematic analysis of interviews with influential cultural producers of the ‘sport city’ – most notably state premiers, members of parliament, CEOs of public sports trusts and newspaper journalists. Findings illustrate that the Victorian state has successively re-regulated a neoliberal urban entrepreneurial strategy, often preventing dissident groups from resisting neoliberal activities, and that in Melbourne sport operates as ‘cultural glue’ to establish the logic of neoliberalism in an embodied sense.
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Young, D., R. Brockett, and J. Smart. "AUSTRALIA—SOVEREIGN RISK AND THE PETROLEUM INDUSTRY." APPEA Journal 45, no. 1 (2005): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj04017.
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Australia has rejoiced in its reputation for having low sovereign risk and corresponding rating, for decades. This reputation was bruised in the first decade after the High Court introduced Native Title into Australian law by the legislative response of the then Government, but has since recovered, and enjoys the world’s lowest country risk rating, and shares the worlds best sovereign risk rating with the USA. A number of government precipitated occurrences in recent times, however, raise the question: for how long can this continue?This paper tracks the long history of occasional broken resource commitments—for both petroleum and mining interests—by governments at both State and Federal level, and the policies which have driven these breaches. It also discusses the notorious recent cancellation of a resource lease by the Queensland Government, first by purporting to cancel the bauxite lease and, after legal action had commenced, by a special Act of Parliament to repeal a State Agreement Act. This has raised concerns in boardrooms around the world of the security of assets held in Australia on a retention, or care and maintenance basis.The paper also looks at the cancellation of the offshore prospecting rights held by WMC, with no compensation. This was a result of the concept that rights extinguished by the Commonwealth, with no gain to the Commonwealth or any other party do not constitute an acquisition of property, thereby denying access to the constitutional guarantee of ’just terms’ supposedly enshrined in the Australian Constitution where an acquisition has occurred.Some other examples are the prohibition on exploration in Queensland national parks last November. This cost some companies with existing tenures a lot of money as exploration permits were granted, but then permission to do seismic exploration refused (Victoria). Several losses of rights occurred as a result of the new Queensland Petroleum and Other Acts Amendment Act after investments have been made.Changes in fiscal policy can also impact on project viability, and some instances of this are considered.This paper also explores ways these risks can be minimised, and how and when compensation might be recovered.
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Slater, Sue. "PESA industry review—2009 environmental update." APPEA Journal 50, no. 1 (2010): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj09010.
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This paper provides a brief update on some of the key environmental issues that arose during 2009. In Queensland, activity is dominated by coal seam gas projects and specifically coal seam gas (CSG) to liquefied natural gas (LNG) projects. Environmental milestones for these projects are discussed, and the State Government’s response policy and regulation development response is reviewed. The progress of the more conventional LNG projects in Western Australia and the Northern Territory is also discussed. The final report on the mandated ten year review of the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 was released in December 2009. Seventy-one recommendations were made, and some key recommendations related to our industry are discussed here. Climate change has again dominated the media, with the United Nations Climate Change Conference held in Copenhagen in December 2009. In Queensland, the Government released a paper that presented a range of strategies and policies, building on a number of existing schemes and introducing new measures. Gas is identified as a key transitional fuel while low emission coal technology and emerging renewable energy sources are being developed. Greenhouse gas legislation is continuing to be developed across several states, but subordinate legislation is yet to be finalised. In Victoria, submissions on the Greenhouse Gas Geological Sequestration Regulations closed in October 2009, and the Greenhouse Gas Geological Sequestration Act 2008 came into effect on 1 December 2009. In March 2009, ten offshore acreage releases were made under the Commonwealth legislation; however, the closing date for submissions is dependent upon the development of the regulations. South Australia passed an Act amending the Petroleum and Geothermal Act 2000 on 1 October 2009 to allow geosequestration. A number of reviews of the regulatory framework or the administrative systems associated with the upstream oil and gas sector have been completed in the last decade. All these reviews make similar findings and recommendations, and most recently the Jones Report, tabled in Western Australian Parliament on 12 August 2009, found that most key recommendations from previous reports and reviews had not been addressed or properly implemented. There seems to be little point in undertaking regulatory and system reviews that consistently make similar findings, if these findings are never addressed. The hurdles to implementation of key recommendations need to be identified, so that progress can be made in improving the approvals processes for the industry, and improving the environmental outcomes.
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White, Ben, and Lindy Willmott. "Future of assisted dying reform in Australia." Australian Health Review 42, no. 6 (2018): 616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah18199.
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The Voluntary Assisted Dying Act 2017 (Vic) will come into force in June 2019, becoming the first law in Australia in 20 years to permit voluntary assisted dying (VAD). This paper considers how other Australian states and territories are likely to respond to this development. It analyses three key factors that suggest that law reform is likely to occur in other parts of Australia: (1) the growing international trend to permit VAD; (2) social science evidence about how VAD regimes operate; and (3) changes to the local political environment. The paper argues that these three factors, coupled with the effect of Victoria changing its law, suggest that other VAD law reform is likely to occur in Australia. It also considers the different types of laws that may be adopted, including whether other states and territories will follow the very conservative Victorian approach or adopt more liberal models. What is known about the topic? Despite sustained law reform efforts in parliaments across the country, Victoria is the first Australian jurisdiction to pass a law permitting VAD in 20 years. What does this paper add? This paper addresses likely future trends in VAD law reform in Australia. Drawing on international developments, a growing body of social science evidence about how VAD regimes work in practice, and evidence about a changing local political environment, the paper argues that other states and territories in Australia will also enact laws about VAD. What are the implications for practitioners? The legalisation of VAD has significant implications for health professionals, health administrators and health systems. Understanding how reform may occur and what legal models may be considered supports participation in the law reform process and preparation for likely change.
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Gagan, D. P., P. J. George, and E. H. Oksanen. "Ontario Members of Parliament: Determinants of Their Voting Behavior in Canada’s First Parliament, 1867–1872." Social Science History 9, no. 2 (1985): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200020447.
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The historiographical hegemony of the “new” social history in recent years reflects, and undoubtedly has contributed to, the decline of scholarly interest in nineteenth-century Canadian political history. What we know now of federal and provincial parties, politics, politicians, electorates, political leadership, and parliamentary behaviour in Victorian Canada derives from the studies of a generation of scholars whose major contributions to the literature were made in the 1960s, the work of a handful of more recent commentators notwithstanding. But as Allan Bogue has observed in a study of the recent historiography of American political history, new sources, methodologies, and intellectual preoccupations have created new opportunities for the re-examination and re-interpretation of political history. He cites “middle-range” re-interpretations of local and regional political elites, based on pro-sopographical analyses, as a necessary first step toward more “behavioral” studies (Bogue, 1980: 243–245). Elsewhere, students of British political history have been much interested in the intersections of the “new” social history and political history, especially in the relationship between the structures and attitudes of local societies and the political characteristics and parliamentary behaviour of their elected representatives (Aydelotte, 1977; Moore, 1967; Clarke, 1971).
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Huat, Chua Beng. "Singapore in 2007: High Wage Ministers and the Management of Gays and Elderly." Asian Survey 48, no. 1 (January 2008): 55–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2008.48.1.55.
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In 2007, the People's Action Party government raised top officials' salaries, already among the highest in the world. Cultural liberalization has finally encouraged the gay community to invoke a seldom used parliamentary process to petition Parliament to repeal the Victorian law that criminalizes homosexuality. The government began to deal with some issues for an impending aging population.
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Robbins, Bruce. "VICTORIAN COSMOPOLITANISM, INTERRUPTED." Victorian Literature and Culture 38, no. 2 (May 6, 2010): 421–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150310000094.
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Readers of Middlemarch (1871–1872) will remember the moment when Brooke's bid to win a seat in Parliament abruptly ends, in the middle of the Reform Bill campaign and in the middle of a speech. He tells the crowd how happy he is to be there. He tells the crowd he is a “close neighbor” of theirs. Then he says the following: “I've always gone a good deal into public questions – machinery, now, and machine-breaking – you're many of you concerned with machinery, and I've been going into that lately. It won't do, you know, breaking machines: everything must go on – trade, manufactures, commerce, interchange of staples – that kind of thing – since Adam Smith that must go on. We must look all over the globe: – ‘Observation with extensive view,’ must look everywhere, ‘from China to Peru,’ as somebody says – Johnson, I think, ‘The Rambler,’ you know. That's what I have done up to a certain point – not as far as Peru; but I've not always stayed at home – I saw it wouldn't do. I've been in the Levant, where some of your Middlemarch goods go – and then, again, in the Baltic. The Baltic, now.” (Eliot, Middlemarch 349; Book 5, ch. 51) It's when he passes from the Levant to the Baltic that Brooke is interrupted by a laugh-creating echo from the crowd, an echo which, “by the time it said, ‘The Baltic, now'” (350; Book 5, ch. 51), has become fatal.
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Baker, Jacob, and John E. Thornes. "Solar position within Monet's Houses of Parliament." Proceedings of the Royal Society A: Mathematical, Physical and Engineering Sciences 462, no. 2076 (August 8, 2006): 3775–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspa.2006.1754.
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Paintings from Monet's Houses of Parliament London series have been analysed for the quantitative information they contain, by comparing the depicted position of the Sun with Solar geometry calculations. The positions of roofline features of the Houses of Parliament were measured to provide an internal scale for the determination of azimuthal and elevation angles of the Solar depictions. Despite some distortion of the painted motif, the internal scales were found to be approximately linear. The Solar positions were used to derive the dates and times of the depicted scenes. The results provide new information for assessing these paintings and are consistent with the known period Monet was in London, suggesting that they contain elements of accurate observation and may potentially be considered as a proxy indicator for the Victorian smogs and atmospheric states they depict. The four dates Monet reports observing the Sun over Parliament in 14 and 16 February and 9 and 24 March 1900, are all represented in the series. The analysis also enables Monet's vantage point from St Thomas' Hospital to be determined for the first time.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book reviews." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 165, no. 2-3 (2009): 357–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003639.
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Des Alwi, Friends and exiles; A memoir of the nutmeg isles and the Indonesian nationalist movement. (Chris F. van Fraassen) James A. Anderson, The rebel den of Nùng Trí Cao; Loyalty and identity along the Sino-Vietnamese frontier. (Emmanuel Poisson) Reggie Baay, De njai; Het concubinaat in Nederlands-Indië. (Maya Sutedja-Liem) John Barker (ed.), The anthropology of morality in Melanesia and beyond. (Jaap Timmer) Kees Buijs, Powers of blessing from the wilderness and from heaven; Structure and transformations in the religion of the Toraja in the Mamasa area of South Sulawesi. (Robert Wessing) Jamie S. Davidson, From rebellion to riots; Collective violence on Indonesian Borneo. (Victor T. King) Kees van Dijk, The Netherlands Indies and the Great War, 1914-1918. (Jaap Anten) Linda España-Maram, Creating masculinity in Los Angeles’ Little Manila; Working-class Filipinos and popular culture, 1920s-1950s. (John D. Blanco) Renate Carstens, Durch Asien im Horizont des Goethekreises; Neue Facetten im Wirken Goethes. (Edwin Wieringa) James T. Collins, Bahasa Sanskerta dan Bahasa Melayu. (Arlo Griffiths) Victoria M. Clara van Groenendael, Jaranan; The horse dance and trance in East Java. (Dick van der Meij) Paul M. Handley, The king never smiles; A biography of Thailand’s Bhumibol Adulyadej. (Jeroen Rikkerink) Holger Jebens, Kago und kastom; Zum Verhältnis von kultureller Fremd- und Selbstwahrnehmung in West New Britain (Papua-Neuguinea). (Menno Hekker) Lee Hock Guan and Leo Suryadinata (eds), Language, nation and development in Southeast Asia. (Renata M. Lesner-Szwarc) Ross H. McLeod and Andrew MacIntyre (eds), Indonesia; Democracy and the promise of good governance. AND Patrick Ziegenhain, The Indonesian parliament and democratization. (Henk Schulte Nordholt) Laurent Sagart, Roger M. Blench, and Alicia Sanchez-Mazas (eds), The peopling of East Asia; Putting together archaeology, linguistics and genetics. (Alexander Adelaar) Saw Swee Hock, The population of Malaysia. (Gavin Jones) Henk Schulte Nordholt and Fridus Steijlen (producers), Don’t forget to remember me; A day in the life of Indonesia. (Jean Gelman Taylor) Karel Steenbrink, Catholics in Indonesia; A documented history. Volume I, A modest recovery 1808-1900; Volume 2 (with the cooperation of Paule Maas), The spectacular growth of a self-confident minority 1903-1942. (Chris de Jong) Pamela J. Stewart and Andrew Strathern (eds), Exchange and sacrifice. (Toon van Meijl) Hans Straver (samenst.), Wonder en geweld; De Molukken in de verbeelding van vertellers en schrijvers. (G.J. Schutte) Dendy Sugono et al. (eds), Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia Pusat Bahasa; Edisi keempat. (Hein Steinhauer) Jacqueline Vel, Uma politics; An ethnography of democratization in West Sumba, Indonesia, 1986-2006. (Chris Lundry) C.W. Watson, Of self and injustice; Autobiography and repression in modern Indonesia. (Roxana Waterson)
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McCoppin, Brigid, and Robyn Byrne. "Selecting Members of Victorian Community Health Boards." Australian Journal of Primary Health 4, no. 4 (1998): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/py98067.
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The Victorian State Government has changed the method of selection of community health centre board of management members from election by community members to government appointment. The Government argued in Parliament that this was to ensure more expert and accountable boards, while the Opposition regretted a loss of democratic election and community participation. A survey of board presidents shows that health centre selection panels accomplished their new task with dispatch and efficiency, in spite of Department of Human Services delays. Presidents consider their new boards on the whole an improvement, with added expertise though not necessarily improved accountability. Some concerns remain about a loss of local accountability and identification, and community health centres now face a government policy aimed at greater horizontal integration of the whole primary health care sector.
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Gillin, Edward J. "Mechanics and mathematicians: George Biddell Airy and the social tensions in constructing time at Parliament, 1845–1860." History of Science 58, no. 3 (October 21, 2019): 301–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0073275319879279.
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In mid-Victorian Britain, reconciling elite mathematical expertise with practical mechanical experience presented both engineering and social challenges. Nowhere was this more apparent than in the construction of the Westminster Clock at Britain’s Houses of Parliament. Realizing this scheme engendered the collaboration between Cambridge mathematicians George Biddell Airy and Edmund Beckett Denison, and the clockmaker Edward John Dent. Transforming theoretical mathematical drawings into physical apparatus challenged existing relations between conveyors of privileged scientific knowledge and those with practical experience of what was, and what was not, mechanically possible. My article demonstrates how, within this project, physical models and devices provided material solutions to ambiguities over authority and social disorder in Victorian Britain.
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Braggion, Fabio, and Lyndon Moore. "The Economic Benefits of Political Connections in Late Victorian Britain." Journal of Economic History 73, no. 1 (March 2013): 142–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050713000053.
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The late Victorian era was characterized by close links between politicians and firms in the United Kingdom, with up to half of all members of Parliament serving as company directors. We analyze 467 British companies over the period 1895 to 1904. An analysis of election results shows that the election of a new tech director is associated with a 2 percent to 2.5 percent increase in that firm's share price, whereas old tech firms were unaffected by the electoral fortunes of their directors. New technology firms with political directors were more likely to undertake seasoned issues of both equity and debt.
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Conti, Gregory. "Democracy Confronts Diversity: Descriptive Representation in Victorian Britain." Political Theory 47, no. 2 (April 3, 2018): 230–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591718766479.
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Today political theorists and the public generally often associate descriptive representation with democracy. However, in Victorian Britain supporters of descriptive representation tended to be arrayed against democracy. The impression that democracy was incompatible with descriptive representation and a set of related values, primary among which was deliberation, formed one of the great obstacles which democratic theory faced in this period. These values belonged to a traditional theory of representation which held that Parliament ought to be a mirror of the nation in its diversity and which judged democracy, in contrast, to be an illiberal mode of regulating the franchise because it risked handing the representation wholly to one part or class within society. In response to this school of thought, democratic theory developed two conflicting responses: first, that democracy could accommodate social and ideological diversity; second, that democracy was irreconcilable with the goal of mirroring diversity, but that nevertheless democracy had to be preferred on grounds of fairness and non-arbitrariness.
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Taylor, Greg. "Parliament's Power to Require the Production of Documents - a Recent Victorian Case." Deakin Law Review 13, no. 2 (December 1, 2008): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/dlr2008vol13no2art159.
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<p>In 2007, the Victorian government refused to produce a series of documents despite an order by the State’s Legislative Council to do so, claiming that the Council’s legal powers did not extend to making the order in question. The government cited some obscure alleged rules of law in support of their<br />position which no government elsewhere in Australia has ever thought to rely on. In citing these rules, the Victorian government appears to have misunderstood an early edition of Erskine May. This article demonstrates that none of the alleged rules exists, and the government’s refusal was wrong in law. Therefore is should not be regarded as setting a precedent for<br />future cases.</p>
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Degerman, Dan. "‘Am I mad?’: the Windham case and Victorian resistance to psychiatry." History of Psychiatry 30, no. 4 (August 1, 2019): 457–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x19867059.
Full textAbstract:
This article revisits the notorious trial of William Windham, a wealthy young man accused of lunacy. The trial in 1861–2 saw the country’s foremost experts on psychological medicine very publicly debate the concepts, symptoms and diagnosis of insanity. I begin by surveying the trial and the testimonies of medical experts. Their disparate assessments of Windham evoked heated reactions in the press and Parliament; these reactions are the focus of the second section. I then proceed to examine criticism of psychiatry in the newspapers more generally in the 1860s, outlining the political resistance to psychiatry and the responses of some leading psychiatrists. In conclusion, I consider what this says about the politics of medicalization at the time.
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MISKELL, LOUISE. "Meeting places: the scientific congress and the host town in the south-west of England, 1836–1877." Urban History 39, no. 2 (March 29, 2012): 246–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926812000041.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT:This article presents a case-study of ‘parliaments of science’ and their impact on towns in the south-west of England in the second half of the nineteenth century. These were the week-long annual meetings of the British Association for the Advancement of Science and other national associations for different branches of knowledge which became a much publicized feature of the social and intellectual calendar of Victorian Britain. With particular reference to Exeter, it is argued that these events were used by towns and cities to assert their status and reputation and to compete with rival urban centres, and it is contended that they should be viewed, along with other cultural initiatives, as an important instrument in the shaping of urban and civic identity in mid-Victorian Britain. The study demonstrates the role of towns as scientific locations in the nineteenth century and suggests that they deserve attention in place-centred studies of Victorian science.