Journal articles on the topic 'Parliament Committees'
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1
Delputte, Sarah, Cristina Fasone, and Fabio Longo. "The Diplomatic Role of the European Parliament’s Standing Committees, Delegations and Assemblies: Insights from acp–eu Inter-Parliamentary Cooperation." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (March 11, 2016): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341338.
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This article focuses on the contribution that the European Parliament’s standing committees, delegations and inter-parliamentary assemblies make as diplomatic actors in the post-Lisbon Treaty period. These three types of bodies and institutions are grouped together, because in practice they work in complementary ways. The committees play a coordinating role, the delegations act as ‘embassies on the move’ and the participation of the European Parliament in inter-parliamentary assemblies represents the clearest institutional sign of the European Parliament’s external action. The article focuses on a case study: the involvement of the European Parliament in the eu’s partnership with the African, Caribbean and Pacific group of countries (acp) through the Development Committee (deve), the competent European Parliament delegation, and the activities within the Joint Parliamentary Assembly. The article aims to analyse whether and how the European Parliament is able to play a distinctive diplomatic role through its standing committees, delegations and inter-parliamentary assemblies.
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Hurka, Steffen, and Constantin Kaplaner. "Are popular and powerful committees more representative? Evidence from the ninth European Parliament." Research & Politics 7, no. 2 (April 2020): 205316802091445. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020914453.
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The standing committees of the European Parliament perform crucial policy-making functions and, accordingly, the question of how they are composed assumes great relevance. Unlike previous studies, which primarily looked at committee assignments from the perspective of individual MEPs, we assess the representativeness of entire committees by comparing their preference distributions with those we find in the plenary on the left/right and pro/anti EU dimension. For our analysis, we combine new data on committee memberships in the ninth European Parliament with data on policy preferences of national parties from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey. In order to assess committee representativeness, we calculate the extent to which the preference distributions of committees and the plenary overlap. We show that committee representativeness is a function of committee popularity and power. Committee popularity provides party groups with a larger pool of applicants to choose from and since popular committees are often also quite large, the formation of representative committees is facilitated. Moreover, the party groups of the European Parliament have stronger incentives to form balanced committee contingents for powerful committees, resulting in higher committee representativeness. However, this latter finding is qualified by two outliers and we only find the hypothesized relationship to hold on the pro/anti EU dimension.
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Koshel, Alexey S. "MINI-PARLIAMENTS IN THE POST-DICTATORSHIP DEMOCRACIES OF WESTERN EUROPE AND LATIN AMERICA." RUDN Journal of Law 24, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 942–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2020-24-4-942-964.
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The article investigtes the powers and parliamentary procedures in the standing committees and commissions of several countries of Western Europe and Latin America. The author believes that one of the modern paradigms for the development of parliamentary democracy is to strengthen the role of standing committees in the work of parliament by transferring to the committee level a number of constitutional powers of parliaments. In this regard, the author clarifies approaches to the classification of the committee structure of parliaments and looks at committee parliamentary procedures in Italy, Germany, Greece, Portugal, Spain, Brazil and Argentina at the present stage. The author comes to certain conclusions regarding the paradigm of the committee parliamentary procedure, including further improvement of domestic constitutional-legal matter in the context of the ongoing development of parliamentary democracy in the Russian Federation.
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Wielgosz, Łukasz. "Funkcjonowanie międzypartyjnych porozumień wyborczych w formie koalicyjnych komitetów wyborczych oraz komitetów wyborczych partii w latach 2018–2019." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 69, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.05.05.
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Election committees in Poland nominate candidates for elections and organize election campaigns for them. The legislator lists three types of committees that may take part in elections to the Sejm, Senate and the European Parliament: the election committee of a political party, a coalition election committee and an election committee of voters. Of these, the coalition committee is the most complicated formula – to organize it, an agreement between several parties is required. In 2019, Poland saw a consolidation of the political scene – at that time, in the elections to the European Parliament, only six committees put up lists of candidates across the country, while in the elections to the Sejm – only five committees. This was because multi- party electoral agreements formally took part in the elections as party rather than coalition election committees. So is the institution of a coalition election committee still useful?
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Lynch, Catherine. "The effect of parliamentary reforms (2011–16) on the Oireachtas committee system." Administration 65, no. 2 (May 24, 2017): 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/admin-2017-0015.
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Abstract The literature on parliament identifies many factors which facilitate or impede parliamentary committees in their quest to scrutinise legislation and to oversee and hold government to account, including the formal powers assigned to them, political factors associated with the make-up of parliament, structural factors associated with parliamentary tradition, and the rules and procedure adopted by parliament. This article is concerned with how parliamentary rules and procedure can affect committees. It develops a framework of the procedural variables associated with ‘effective committee systems’ and uses it to assess the Oireachtas committee system prior to and after the reforms introduced by the thirty-first and thirty-second Dáileanna. It finds that many, though not all, of the procedural conditions for a strong committee system have been put in place. However, while changes to procedure can remove obstacles to effective committee systems, other factors - above all, the incentive for politicians to engage with committee work - will ultimately determine whether the reforms truly strengthen parliament.
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Fiig, Christina. "Gendered Segregation in Danish Standing Parliamentary Committees 1990-2015." 100 Jahre Frauenwahlrecht – Und wo bleibt die Gleichheit? 27, no. 2-2018 (November 20, 2018): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v27i2.09.
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Denmark was among the first countries to achieve female enfranchisement to the national parliament (1915) and it is a society with a long tradition for gender equality policies and women’s rights. 100 years later, the Danish case gives grounds for reflections on gender balance, on segregation and positions occupied by women in national parliaments. Drawing on insights from literature on gender and politics and on parliamentary committees, the article asks what the gendered distribution of seats and chairs is in the Danish parliament, the Folketing, and what can explain these gendered patterns. To answer these questions, this article investigates the horizontal and vertical gendered segregation of standing parliamentary committees of the Danish parliament 1990-2015 based on an explorative, longitudinal study. The results show that the Danish parliament is characterized by both vertical and horizontal segregation in relation to parliamentary committees. Both categories of segregation are declining over time, but the analysis reveals interesting patterns of change and stability especially for the horizontal segregation. Several committees have an over-representation (social, education and research and health) and under-representation of women (defence, finance and transport). A number of committees are characterized by a share of 30-40% women. This category is especially interesting as it points towards a decline in horizontal representation.
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Kelso, Alexandra. "Political Leadership in Parliament: The Role of Select Committee Chairs in the UK House of Commons." Politics and Governance 4, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i2.573.
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Concepts of political leadership have been applied sparingly to parliaments, and not at all to the study of House of Commons select committees in the UK Parliament, where analysis has largely focused on their institutional capacity to scrutinise government and hold it to account. Yet examining these committees through a political leadership lens illuminates the complex role of committee chairs, a role which was significantly reshaped in 2010 with a shift to election of chairs by the whole House. This article analyses select committee chairs through the lens of political leadership, and draws on a series of interviews with chairs in order to delineate the nature of the political leadership they perform. It argues that, as chairs are now increasingly important parliamentary and policy actors, our understanding of them is significantly advanced by conceptualising their role as one of parliamentary political leadership, and that this in turn enriches our analytical toolkit when it comes to the study of parliaments.
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Moulds, Sarah. "Scrutinising COVID-19 laws: An early glimpse into the scrutiny work of federal parliamentary committees." Alternative Law Journal 45, no. 3 (August 10, 2020): 180–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x20946990.
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Australia’s parliamentary model of rights protection depends in large part on the capacity of the federal Parliament to scrutinise the law-making activities of the Executive government. Emergency law-making undertaken in response to the COVID-19 pandemic has challenged the Australian Parliament’s capacity to provide meaningful scrutiny of proposed laws, particularly identifying and addressing the impact of emergency powers on the rights of individuals. In this context, the work of parliamentary committees has become increasingly important. Special committees, such as the Senate Select Committee on COVID-19, have been set up to provide oversight and review of Australia’s response to the pandemic. This article gives an early glimpse into the key features of the COVID-19 Committee and the way it may interact with other committees within the federal system to scrutinise the government's legislative response to the pandemic. It also offers some preliminary thoughts on the capacity of these committees to deliver meaningful rights scrutiny.
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Swacha, Piotr. "Zastosowanie analizy sieci społecznych w badaniach elit parlamentarnych (na przykładzie eurodeputowanych z Polski)." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2014 (September 28, 2014): 8–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.14.1.
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The purpose of this article is to present the possibilities of using social network analysis (SNA) in the study of the European Parliament elite. This study focuses on organisational connections between Polish members of the European Parliament (seventh term). Official organisational relationships of Polish MEPs include common membership in: political groups, authorities of parliamentary committees and delegations, Parliament’s Bureau, Conference of Presidents, Conference of Committee (and Delegation) Chairs. UCInet and Netdraw programmes were used to calculate SNA’s basic measures and to prepare graphical presentation of relational network created by the Polish MEPs. On this basis main characteristics of the network were presented and MEPs who had the best network locations were distinguished.
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McKay, Stephen, Mark Goodwin, and Stephen Holden Bates. "A Means to an End and an End in Itself: Select Committee Membership, Parliamentary Roles and Parliamentary Careers, 1979–Present." Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 4 (September 5, 2019): 799–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz038.
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Abstract Committees are important vehicles for parliamentary careers both as means to a (ministerial) end and as an end in themselves. This article explores the relationship between select committee membership and parliamentary career by analysing committee membership and frontbench appointments for the 2130 Members of Parliament (MPs) first elected since 1979. We focus on two of Donald Searing’s four informal backbench roles—Policy Advocates and Parliament Men and Women—and three of the four formal leadership roles—Whips, Junior Ministers and Ministers. The membership patterns of select committees suggest that MPs approach this aspect of their parliamentary work in different ways concomitant with the roles of Generalist and Specialist Policy Advocates and Good House of Commons Men and Women. The membership patterns also suggest that different groups of MPs—by party, gender and ethnicity—often (choose or are forced to) approach committee work in different ways. We also find membership of some committees is more strongly associated with leadership roles than others.
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Bochel, Hugh, and Anouk Berthier. "Committees and Witnesses in the Scottish Parliament: Beyond the ‘usual suspects’?" Scottish Affairs 30, no. 3 (August 2021): 337–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2021.0373.
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The committees of the Scottish Parliament play an important role in scrutinising the legislation and policies of the Scottish Government, and indeed the work of other organisations. A key element of that task is gathering evidence, including from those who appear as witnesses, yet relatively little has been written about that work. This article draws upon an analysis of committee witnesses and interviews with MSPs and officials to provide further understanding of how witnesses are selected, describe some of their characteristics, and consider how they contribute to committee inquiries. It suggests that while the Parliament has made progress in seeking evidence from beyond the ‘usual suspects’, there would be further benefits in diversifying further the voices from which committees hear.
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Vukomanović, Dijana. "Gender sensitivity of the Serbian parliament: Mapping the power of women MPs." Socioloski pregled 55, no. 3 (2021): 624–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg55-32434.
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Mapping the power of women MPs in the Serbian Parliament, through the analysis of the membership and the leadership of the Parliament and parliamentary committees, indicates that women MPs dominate the socio-cultural cluster of the committees, as well as foreign affairs and European integration committees. Women MPs are increasingly more visible in legislative-judiciary committees, while interior, defence and security affairs committees and minimally open to their membership. There is a growing trend of engaging women MPs in committees for ecology, then in trade and finance and, to a lesser extent, in infrastructure. Institutional gender sensitivity of the Serbian Parliament is still inadequate, and changes to the Rules of Procedure and the Code of Conduct are necessary in order to introduce gender-sensitive rules and procedures.
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Jäckle, Sebastian, and Thomas Metz. "Oral Questions in the European Parliament: A Network Analysis." Statistics, Politics and Policy 10, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 87–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/spp-2019-0004.
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Abstract Internal working structures within parliaments are notoriously hard to capture. While analyses based on bill co-sponsorship work for the US Congress, this approach is not feasible in many parliamentary systems. Drawing on data from the European Parliament’s legislative term of 2009–2014 this article shows that parliamentary questions can be another option. Members of the European Parliament may demand information from the Council or the Commission through oral questions. We take advantage of the fact that these questions are signed by their authors and construct a social network of members of the Parliament that support each other’s oral questions. This allows investigating how members and their groups and committees cooperate to control both Council and Commission. Our approach helps to map out the internal structure of the party groups and explore which forces shape the global network. We find that cooperation is mostly driven by party group membership with ALDE, Green/EFA, and GUENGL turning out as the most cohesive groups while SD is internally rather loosely connected. The second strongest clustering characteristic is a legislators’ native country.
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Morel, Benjamin. "Variation in the Role and Impact of Standing Committees: The Case of the French Senate." Parliamentary Affairs 73, no. 4 (May 23, 2019): 734–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz018.
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Abstract The aim of this article is to question the variation in standing committees’ roles and impacts and to explore how the uniqueness of their constitutional role can obscure a variety of approaches and practices. The present study reflects on the diversity of these committees by examining the case of the French Senate. This article demonstrates that the heterogeneity of Senate committees may have consequences for the legislative process. Considering Parliament reform through a re-evaluation of the role of standing committees must therefore involve questioning committee differences. This article considers the different roles committees play in the Senate and examines their influence on the legislative process.
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Schonhardt-Bailey, Cheryl. "Nonverbal contention and contempt in U.K. parliamentary oversight hearings on fiscal and monetary policy." Politics and the Life Sciences 36, no. 1 (2017): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2017.7.
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In parliamentary committee oversight hearings on fiscal policy, monetary policy, and financial stability, where verbal deliberation is the focus, nonverbal communication may be crucial in the acceptance or rejection of arguments proffered by policymakers. Systematic qualitative coding of these hearings in the 2010–15 U.K. Parliament finds the following: (1) facial expressions, particularly in the form of anger and contempt, are more prevalent in fiscal policy hearings, where backbench parliamentarians hold frontbench parliamentarians to account, than in monetary policy or financial stability hearings, where the witnesses being held to account are unelected policy experts; (2) comparing committees across chambers, hearings in the House of Lords committee yield more reassuring facial expressions relative to hearings in the House of Commons committee, suggesting a more relaxed and less adversarial context in the former; and (3) central bank witnesses appearing before both the Lords and Commons committees tend toward expressions of appeasement, suggesting a willingness to defer to Parliament.
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Chiou, Fang-Yi, Silje SL Hermansen, and Bjørn Høyland. "Delegation of committee reports in the European Parliament." European Union Politics 21, no. 2 (December 19, 2019): 233–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116519894059.
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Committee coordinators face a classic delegation problem when assigning reports to their committee members. Although a few theoretical developments have focused on the effects of expertise on delegation, empirical studies have commonly assumed monotonic effects. Based on existing informational models, we argue that a more loyal committee member, everything else being equal, is more likely to be appointed as a rapporteur and that more expertise, holding preference divergence constant, has a non-monotonic effect because of informational credibility. Employing accumulated committee service as an expertise measure, these theoretical expectations are tested on all committee report delegations in the European Parliament from 1979 to 2014. Our empirical analysis with non-parametric and parametric hierarchical conditional logit models renders strong support for these expectations. The results hold across member states, political groups, procedures, committees and over time.
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Hassan, Muhamad Sayuti, and Sahanah Kathirvelu. "The Implementation of Parliamentary Special Select Committees (Ad-Hoc) 2004-2012: An Important Lesson to Learn for Effective Checks and Balances in Future Parliament." Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH) 6, no. 9 (September 10, 2021): 365–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47405/mjssh.v6i9.1031.
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In modern legislative institutions rely on Parliament to oversee government action, particularly through select committees (PSCs). PSCs are used in democratic parliaments to achieve good governance and hold the ruling government accountable. Nonetheless, the inadequacy of the current structure hinder the PSCs from operating effectively and efficiently. Therefore, the main objective of this article is to critically analyse the practices of the PSCs in the Parliament of Malaysia during Barisan Nasional from 2004 – 2012. This article adopts a qualitative approach of parliamentary ethnography through analysing documents as instruments in collecting data and library research. This study critically assesses the composition, membership and chairperson of the PSCs based on the provisions in the Standing Orders and other relevant statutes that govern parliamentary select committees in the Parliament. Based on the analysis, the article concluded that the composition of members and chairperson of PSCs during Barisan Nasional (2004 -2012) should be revisited and improved for future practice. Unlike the standards indicated in the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA) Recommended Benchmarks for Democratic Legislatures, 2018, the study found several areas that need revisiting, including composition, membership and chairperson of PSC.
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Hayton, D. W. "Official Histories of Parliament and the Nature of the Union of 1707: A Forgotten Episode in Anglo-Scottish Academic Relations." Scottish Historical Review 93, no. 1 (April 2014): 80–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2014.0200.
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The Scottish Committee on the History of Parliament was established in 1936 as an offshoot of Col. Josiah Wedgwood's scheme for a collaborative ‘history of parliament’ researched and written on biographical lines. Circumstances, however, determined that the Scottish history would take a separate path. When Wedgwood's scheme was revived in 1951 an unsuccessful attempt was made to reintegrate the two projects. Discussions between the respective managing committees were conflicted and often bad-tempered, focussing on different interpretations of the nature of the united parliament created in 1707. The Scottish committee insisted that it was a new constitutional entity, while the English saw it as a continuation of the Westminster parliament with Scottish MPs added. This story of mutual incomprehension illustrates the profound differences between Scottish and English academics in the writing of parliamentary history, and also reveals a hitherto unobserved element in the development among leading Scottish jurists of a strain of ‘legal nationalism’ based on their interpretation of the constitutional significance of the Union.
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McLaverty, Peter, and Iain MacLeod. "Civic Participation in the Scottish Parliament Committees." International Journal of Public Administration 35, no. 7 (June 2012): 458–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01900692.2012.655356.
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Norton, Philip. "Nascent institutionalisation: Committees in the British parliament." Journal of Legislative Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1998): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572339808420543.
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Skrzypiński, Dariusz. "Polityka ex cathedra. Naukowcy jako kandydaci w wyborach w 2019 roku." Studia Politologiczne 2020, no. 55 (March 21, 2020): 277–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2020.55.12.
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An object of the article is the analysis of the presence of scientists on tickets registered by relevant electoral committees in elections to European Parliament and national Parliament in Poland in 2019. The author concentrated on the answer on questions concerning numbers of scientists on lists of candidates and to the differentiation of the representation of research workers on tickets of left-wing, right-wing and centrist committees. An effect of the analysis are conclusions showing differentiation of electoral registers in elections to European Parliament and the Senate and Seym.
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WEISS-GAL, IDIT, and JOHN GAL. "Social Workers as Policy Actors." Journal of Social Policy 43, no. 1 (October 18, 2013): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279413000603.
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AbstractThis article offers an empirical analysis of the role of social workers as policy actors in parliamentary committees. Based on an initial finding that social workers participated in 14 per cent of all the deliberations of parliamentary committees in the Israeli parliament, the article examines the actual inputs of these social workers in the committee discussions. In order to examine the inputs of social workers in these committees and to identify the links between organisational affiliation and committee type and the inputs, the study provides a close analysis of the recorded minutes of three parliamentary committees. It reveals that social workers tended to facilitate and enrich the social policy formulation process. However social workers, particularly those employed by not-for-profit organisations, also challenged policy makers and placed matters on the agendas of committees. The findings of the study show that social workers are policy actors who offer diverse inputs into a complex policy formulation process.
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Jennewein, Julia, and Philipp Mutzbauer. "Landesparlamente in der Pandemie: Ein Erfahrungsbericht aus Rheinland-Pfalz." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 52, no. 4 (2021): 792–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2021-4-792.
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The German state parliaments (Landtage) followed different strategies to maintain parliamentary influence during the Covid-19 pandemic . In the early phase of the pandemic in 2020, crucial groundwork was laid for successfully ensuring the parliaments’ ability to function . Technical and organisational measures secured continuity in all state parliaments of Germany . A closer investigation of the Landtag of Rhineland-Palatinate shows changes in internal processes and outside communication . The Council of Elders in particular gained importance at the beginning of the pandemic in its dual function as a parliamentary steering committee and as an instrument of transparent pluralistic public relations of the parliament . A higher need for information was met by an equally increased demand for knowledge from the citizens and the media . The Landtag attempted to fulfill it through the digitalization of committees and an increase in communication activities . All in all, it succeeded to counteract a loss of importance in relation to the executive .
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Coffé, Hilde, Catherine Bolzendahl, and Katia Schnellecke. "Parties, issues, and power: women’s partisan representation on German parliamentary committees." European Journal of Politics and Gender 2, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 257–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510818x15311219135250.
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This study examines the representation of women Members of Parliament on parliamentary committees in the German Bundestag since 1990. In line with theories on the social construction of gender, our descriptive analyses show that women Members of Parliament tend to be over-represented on committees handling issues such as health and family, and under-represented on committees handling issues such as foreign and legal affairs and defence. However, party differences in the over- and under-representation of women on certain committees occur. Gender segregation is strongest within the conservative parties, which also tend to have the lowest proportion of women, and weakest within the left-wing parties.
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Berntzen, Lasse, Marius Johannessen, Kim Andersen, and Jonathan Crusoe. "Parliamentary Open Data in Scandinavia." Computers 8, no. 3 (September 6, 2019): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/computers8030065.
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This article presents a case study on the use of open data in the Scandinavian parliaments (Norway, Sweden, and Denmark). While the three countries have all opened the gates and provided access to data—for example, on the voting in parliament, debates, and notes from meetings in committees—the uptake and use of data outside the parliaments is limited. While journalists and academia are users of the open data, hackathons and third-party portals are at an explorative level. Still, there are indicators that hackathons can enhance democracy, and parliamentary data can increase political transparency.
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Nikołajew, Jerzy. "Funkcjonowanie Rady Najwyższej Ukrainy (1996–2011). Wybrane aspekty." Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne 14, no. 3 (May 31, 2016): 209–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/osap.1484.
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In the first part of the article, the author deals with the question of the functions of the Ukrainian Parliament, which include constitutional, legislative, budgetary and financial, controlling and creative functions. Then, there are attempts to clarify the meaning of these functions. The author pays particular attention to the importance of the legislative functions of the Verkhovna Rada [Supreme Council]. The next part deals with the issues concerning the structure of the Parliament, including specific responsibilities of various bodies and their functioning. Next, the author refers to the mode of Parliament’s operating, sessions, as well as meetings of committees and commissions. He pays special attention to the fact that the competences of the standing committees of the Ukrainian Parliament cover the entirety of public life in this country. The parliamentary factions are also important for the functioning of the Verkhovna Rada. Further, the author examines the status of Members of Parliament, including the issues of formal and substantive immunity. Next, the subject of the consideration includes the duties and powers arising under the mandate of a people’s deputy. Another topic touches upon the incompatibility of a deputy’s mandate with execution of other public functions. The article is concluded with general remarks which imply that the Ukrainian Verkhovna Rada relies on the parliamentary rules used elsewhere. However, what distinguishes the Verkhovna Rada is its unicameralism and corruption problems connected with the functioning of a young democracy.
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Carstensen, Franziska. "Mehrebenenparlamentarismus? Das Beziehungsgeflecht deutscher Landesparlamente." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 3 (2020): 534–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-3-534.
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The term multi-level parliamentarism has been used to mark the position of German Land parliaments . To check the validity of this term, the relations between parliaments in regard to their parliamentary structure components, namely leadership, administration, committees, parliamentary party groups, and members of parliament within Germany are analyzed . The results show that Land parliaments generally engage in frequent exchanges with other Land parliaments, an exception being exchanges between committees . Exchanges and relationships with parliaments outside Germany are mainly found on the levels of parliamentary leadership and administration . In light of these findings, applying the term multi-level parliamentarism does not seem to adequately depict Land parliaments . The results also reveal that the relations are not only inter-parliamentary and that they do not only take place in the frame of the European Union . Hence, using the term institutional relations of parliaments, albeit less sparkling, seems to adequately describe the real relations, efforts, and contacts of German Land parliaments . Another advantage of the term institutional relations is that it can be assigned to Land parliaments’ self-organization function and can thus be integrated into a common catalogue of parliamentary functions .
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Kreilinger, Valentin. "From procedural disagreement to joint scrutiny? The Interparliamentary Conference on Stability, Economic Coordination and Governance." Perspectives on Federalism 10, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 155–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pof-2018-0035.
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Abstract The provision of Article 13 TSCG to create an Interparliamentary Conference was the starting point for long discussions after which national parliaments and the European Parliament eventually reached a compromise. This article pursues a two-fold objective: It first examines the different phases of interparliamentary negotiations from 2012 to 2015. On the basis of a distinction between three competing models for interparliamentary cooperation, the article shows that the two models of EP-led scrutiny and creating a collective parliamentary counterweight did not prevail: Parliaments agreed that the new Interparliamentary Conference on Stability, Economic Coordination and Governance (SECG) would follow the ‘standard’ interparliamentary conference (COSAC model). In terms of national parliaments’ actual participation, the lowest common denominator compromise has not changed the numbers of participating MPs: Attendance records are stable over time, the size of national delegations continues to vary and participating MPs are still twice as likely to be members of Budget or Finance committees than to be members of European affairs committees.
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Manona, W. W. "Critical Analysis of the Oversight Role of the Education Portfolio Committee in Parliament of South Africa." Africa’s Public Service Delivery and Performance Review 3, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/apsdpr.v3i3.90.
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There is a prevalent assumption in South Africa that Parliament is guided by the ideals of democracy, accountability, transparency and accessibility. However, there are still gaps and challenges as far as theoversight role of Parliament is concerned, despite the presence of committees that have been established to oversee the executive and relevant structures of government, government activities and public finances. There is widespread maladministration and misuse of government expenditure in government departments. This paper investigates the oversight role of parliamentary committees to determine their relative influence on accountability and democracy in the execution of functions by public functionaries. The aim of the paper is to provide an understanding into inherent problems in the oversight role of Parliament in the democratic dispensation in South Africa, which seems not to have been given serious attention in the academia, considering the pivotal role Parliament plays in the lives of citizens of the country. These oversight committees have selectively held Senior Executives or Ministers accountable for their ineffectiveness, misuse of government expenditure and maladministration. This could be attributed to the fact that oversight in South Africa does not seem to be properly understood and implemented as it should be. Moreover, the influence of the majoritarian authority of the ruling party in committees seems to be colluding with the executive. Failure to take action against cases of omission brings questions on the effectiveness and efficiency of the oversight role of Parliament. The adverse consequence is the delay in the provision of good quality services to poor communities. This paper employed the theoretical approach as a method of data collection. Conclusions have been drawn that the shortcomings of the parliamentary committees compromise accountability and good governance in service delivery.
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Obaidullah, A. T. M. "Standing Committees on Ministries in the Bangladesh Parliament." South Asian Survey 18, no. 2 (September 2011): 317–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971523113513375.
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Nadler, Daniel. "An Opportune Moment: The Judicial Appointment Reforms and the Judicial Credentials Demanded by the Charter." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 15, no. 1, 2 & 3 (July 24, 2011): 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c98675.
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In 2005, Minister of Justice Irwin Cotler proposed and tabled in Parliament a number of reforms to the federal judicial appointment process. These reforms were designed to increase the transparency and enhance the accountability of the procedures by which judges are appointed to federally operated Canadian courts, including the Supreme Court of Canada. Included in the reform package was a Code of Ethics for members of the judicial appointment committees, as well as a directive to publish on an annual basis the identity of the members of the judicial appointment committees, the number of total applications for judicial office, and the number of that total that have been recommended or highly recommended by the committee. Crucially, a set of guidelines for the operation of the judicial appointment committees was provided, which outlined the overriding principles that committee members were to consider during the appointment advisory process.
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ZHILYAEV, I. "Toolkit of control functions of the parliamentary committee (example of science and higher education)." INFORMATION AND LAW, no. 4(43) (December 15, 2022): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.37750/2616-6798.2022.4(43).270075.
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Regulatory and legal framework for the implementation of control functions in the committees of the Ukrainian Parliament is considered. The list of tools of control functions is summarized: hearings in the committee, consideration of control issues, conducting “round tables” and field meetings, etc. Peculiarities of legislative support in the spheres of education and science as an object and subject of parliamentary control are analyzed. The work practice of the Committee of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on Education, Science and Innovation in the implementation of control functions during committee hearings was studied.
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Ridlwan, Zulkarnain, and Zainal Arifin Mochtar. "Regulate DPR’s Committees: Making Indonesian Presidential System More Representative." FIAT JUSTISIA:Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 13, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.25041/fiatjustisia.v13no2.1566.
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The evaluation of the DPR's oversight function always considered not to represent the will of critical supervision of the people in almost every DPR's performance satisfaction survey. The DPR Committees institutionally the main actor of supervision, but has not been effective. 11 DPR committees compared to 113 work partners suspected to be one of the causes. Committees formed by DPR and can be adjusted according to needs. Based on a comparative approach on regulations in the US Congress and the British Parliament, it is recommended to narrow the oversight work by increasing the number of DPR committees to balance a large number of partners. The division of supervision work into more committees makes the scope of work narrow so that supervision is more focused. Changes in the arrangement of the number of committees in Law 17/2014 and the DPR 2014 Rules of Conduct need to be done by stating the maximum number of five working partners for each committee. The creativity of the committee to form sub-committees in accordance with needs must also be confirmed in the 2014 DPR Rules of Conduct. Such regulation is expected to make the performance of checks and balances between the DPR and the Government be better assessed by the public as a unitary presidential government system, namely a presidential system that better represents the will of the people's supervision.
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Pogorelova, Z. O. "Problems of improving the legislative activity." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 68 (March 24, 2022): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.68.4.
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The article, based on the outline of existing shortcomings in the legislative activity of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, examines the problematic issues of improving the legislative activity of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, substantiates the need to continue parliamentary reform in general communication strategy, strategy for building the human resources of the parliament. First of all, attention is paid to the problem of redundancy of legislative regulation of public relations in the field of business, economy in general, construction, land legislation, labor relations and others and measures aimed at overcoming this negative phenomenon. It is proposed to specify the provisions of the Regulations on the requirement for developers to comply with the minimum adequacy of legislative intervention in public relations, to formalize the requirements for parliamentary competence, simplification and the need to generalize legal regulation, minimize parliamentary interference in existing legal relations, its possible alternatives from the new law, proximity and understanding to citizens, the need for state control, the legitimacy of restrictions on the rights and freedoms of citizens and the possible minimization of conflicts of interest.The issue of shortcomings in the political coordination of bills is considered, given the weak consensus nature of the Ukrainian parliament, the corresponding need to resolve the status of a parliamentary minority. The need to increase the role of committees in the legislative process, improve the mechanisms of interaction of the main committee on the bill with other committees, increase the transparency of parliamentary committees and parliament in general through the creation and better operation of websites of committees, publication of conclusions on bills submitted by the government. scientific institutions, public organizations at the request of relevant parliamentary committees.Proposals are made to increase the systemic nature of the draft law and to amend the current legislation accordingly, including planning on the basis of the optimal ratio of existing short-term, medium-term and long-term draft law plans for three, five years and more.
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Bochel, Hugh, and Anouk Berthier. "A Place at the Table? Parliamentary Committees, Witnesses and the Scrutiny of Government Actions and Legislation." Social Policy and Society 19, no. 1 (February 13, 2019): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746418000490.
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Issues of diversity in elected bodies have been highlighted in recent years, both with regard to elected representatives themselves, and, more recently, in respect of the treatment of those working in such institutions, especially women. This article focuses on another aspect of diversity, inequality and representation, the voices heard by parliamentary committees in their scrutiny of government actions and legislation.The article discusses the current position in the Scottish Parliament (and other UK legislatures) with, for example, around three-fifths of witnesses at Holyrood being male, and highlights both ‘demand’ and ‘supply’ factors that influence the make-up of committee witnesses. It also identifies a number of functions that witnesses can play for committees, and how these relate to diversity and representation, and suggests that there may be benefits to committees and legislatures in hearing from a wider range of voices.
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Shastri, Sandeep. "Department Related Standing Committees in Indian Parliament: An Assessment." Indian Journal of Public Administration 44, no. 2 (April 1998): 184–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556119980207.
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SETTEMBRI, PIERPAOLO, and CHRISTINE NEUHOLD. "Achieving Consensus Through Committees: Does the European Parliament Manage?*." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 47, no. 1 (January 2009): 127–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2008.01835.x.
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Halligan, John, and Richard Reid. "Conflict and Consensus in Committees of the Australian Parliament." Parliamentary Affairs 69, no. 2 (September 23, 2015): 230–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsv044.
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Rasch, Daniel, Florian Spohr, Rainer Eising, and Simon Ress. "Uncovering interest group participation in Germany: web collection of written statements in ministries and the parliament." Interest Groups & Advocacy 9, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 330–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41309-020-00099-5.
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Abstract This article discusses web collection of interest group statements on bills as a data source. Written statements allow the identification of actors active in policy-making as well as those actors’ positions, lobbying coalitions and issue saliency. These data also can contribute to the measurement of interest groups’ influence on legislation. Taking web collection from the German parliament’s and ministries’ web pages as an example, we demonstrate the collection process and the merits and limitations of employing written statements as identificatory data. Our analysis of statements submitted by interest groups, private firms and policy experts to four federal ministries and the respective parliamentary committees in the years 2015 and 2016 reveals differences between parliamentary and ministerial consultations. Although ministries have invited written statements for fewer draft laws than parliamentary committees, they received far more statements from interest groups. The reason is that German ministries often issue open calls, in which all actors are given the opportunity to comment on legislation, whereas the German parliament invites selected interest group representatives and other experts. As a further result, ministries are mostly contacted by business groups, whereas parliamentary committees use their gatekeeper function to balance interests.
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Swaelen, Frank. "Het Parlement op het einde van de twintigste eeuw : Mogelijkheden en begrenzingen." Res Publica 42, no. 1 (March 31, 2000): 65–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v42i1.18530.
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The Belgian constitutional system is based upon the classic principle of the trias politica, which means that there is a separation of powers, but also a balanced cooperation between them. This article focuses on the Belgian federal Parliament, which bas been, together with the reform of the state from a unitary to a federal state, radically reformed.The Belgian Parliament nowadays is much better equipped to fulfil the function of checks and balances than thirty years ago. The number of staff and the material equipment has increased considerably. At the same time, the emphasis in parliamentary activity bas shifted from the plenary session to the committees. The control upon the budget was long time a nearly empty box. Since the reform of 1989, it has become a much stronger instrument to hold the government to account. The annual debate on the budget is rather a genera/political evaluation of the government policy and is always ended by a vote of confidence.As for the law-making function, the share of the government in adopted laws is much higher than that of Parliament. Parliament bas still the power to amend government bills, but this power is limited because there is often already an agreement between the government and the parliamentary party of the coalition-parties. Nevertheless, several important amendments have been adopted in the last legislature.The control function bas evolved in different directions. Due to an enormous increase in the number of interpellations, they have lost a great part of their importance. They constitute no langer a real threaten to the survival of the government. On the other hand, there are more oral and written questions than before and the use of parliamentary inquiry committees has augmented considerably. Despite their inherent shortages, these committees play, an important role in preparing and correcting policy.The new challenges for Parliament in the future are serving as forum of the nation and the evaluation of laws. The core business of the trias politica, namely budgetary, law-making and controlling duties, also remain to befulfilled by Parliament.
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Liddy, Christian D. "The estate of merchants in the parliament of 1381." Historical Research 74, no. 185 (August 1, 2001): 331–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00131.
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Abstract The discovery among the class of ancient petitions in the Public Record Office of two documents containing lists of members of two parliamentary committees throws new light on the role of the urban element in the medieval English parliament, about which the parliament rolls say very little. This article places the two lists, undated but almost certainly of 1381, in the immediate context of the response of the political community to the Peasants' Revolt, and explores the idea of an estate of merchants meeting in parliament in the second half of the fourteenth century.
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Liang, Haisen. "Variation in Parliamentary Power: Measurement and Explanation." Chinese Journal of International Review 03, no. 01 (June 2021): 2150005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2630531321500050.
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Democratization is a century-long hot issue in comparative politics. Parliament functions as the central system of democracy. Studies on comparative parliament can shed light on the politics of democratization. The core issue in comparative parliament is that how to explain variation in parliamentary power. This study reviews the burgeoning literature on parliamentary power and focuses on the measurement and explanation of variation in parliamentary power. A small but growing amount of studies provide three theoretical perspectives, namely political institution, the incentive structure of parliament members, and political party. All those propositions emphasize the significance of the political party. As for the relationship between the political party and committees in parliament, there are two conflicting versions: substitution thesis and agent thesis. Based on these reviews, this paper puts forward the issues of future research in comparative parliament.
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Balodis, Ringolds, and Edvīns Danovskis. "Functionality Problems of Collegial Government Institutions During the COVID-19 Pandemic and Solutions for the Future." Journal of the University of Latvia. Law 14 (2021): 197–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/jull.14.12.
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This article analyses the ways for ensuring continuity of operation of the state collegial decisionmaking authorities – the Saeima [the Parliament of the Republic of Latvia], the Cabinet and the local government councils during Covid-19 pandemic. The work of the parliament, the government and local government in the emergency situation is examined, mainly focusing on the initiated form of remote work. Notably, in this respect, Latvia’s experience is unique since the Saeima’s e-platform is one of the first instances in the world where the parliament fully operated in the virtual environment. The article also analyses the role of the Cabinet as the crisis management centre during the emergency situation, focusing also on accessibility and other problematic issues in the remote proceedings of the local government councils and committees. The article concludes that successful solutions were found for the parliament’s work in the virtual environment within the existing legal framework. In the emergency situation, the local government councils and their structural units also had to try the forms of remote work. Additionally, the authors of the article have tried to provide assessment to determine which digital solutions employed during the pandemic should be used in post-crisis situations.
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Trajkovska-Hristovska, Jelena. "The Role of Working Bodies of Parliaments in Legislative Procedures." Open Journal for Legal Studies 5, no. 2 (December 27, 2022): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojls.0502.02057t.
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The demand for rationalization of the work of parliaments and their greater efficiency leads to an increased activity of their working bodies. In the modern world, the task and the role of the working bodies of parliament (committees and commissions) in the legislative procedure is very important. As part of the structure of the modern parliaments, the working bodies are competent to carry out procedures that precede the enactment of the submitted legislative proposal (bill). The work of the working bodies (committees and commissions) in the legislative procedure covers the review of the proposed law and its amendments from the aspect of their purposefulness and from the aspect of fulfilling the formal requirements that the bill should fulfil, giving opinions and suggestions about the proposed solutions in the legislative proposal, and submission of amendments in order to improve the legal text. This paper will elaborate on the position and role of the working bodies in the legislative process in the USA, the United Kingdom and Switzerland. A special review will be given to the types of working bodies involved in the legislative process in the parliaments of the aforementioned countries, their manner of work and their influence in the improvement of the bill.
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Boyron, Sophie. "Maastricht and the Codecision Procedure: A Success Story." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 45, no. 2 (April 1996): 293–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300059005.
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The Maastricht Treaty aimed partly to close the democratic deficit that exists in the European decision-making process. Accordingly, the role and the powers of the European Parliament were increased: a right of initiative was created, 1 committees of inquiry were reinforced, 2 the right of petition3 was recognised, an Ombudsman was created4 and a new legislative procedure, 5 which attempted to put the Parliament on an equal footing with the Council, was also included in the Treaty.
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Umoh, Samuel Uwem. "Dilemmas of public participation in policymaking in South Africa." Studia z Polityki Publicznej 9, no. 4(36) (December 4, 2022): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kszpp/2022.4.1.
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The effectiveness of representative democracy in South Africa is questionable, given the lack of confidence in the Parliament and the recurring service delivery protests, which indicate that citizens' opinions are unheard. Due to this, the Members of Parliament (MPs) devise strategies such as democratic innovation to involve citizens in policymaking as the platform for deliberation. Given this context, the paper discusses public participation in policymaking and how declining confidence in the Parliament necessitates democratic innovations as a panacea for increasing citizens' participation in Parliament activities. The paper also identifies dilemmas that occur in public involvement. Data was generated by interviews (with 16 MPs), observation of plenary debates, minutes of the Parliament, Hansard, minutes of Select and Standing Committees, and Parliamentary speeches. Findings suggest that despite the complexity of implementing public participation in South Africa, the Parliament has made significant progress since 1994 in widening democratic innovation to facilitate public participation. However, disadvantaged people continue to be marginalized from policymaking. The paper suggests that there is a need for political education and public participation in policymaking to strengthen democratic institutions in South Africa.
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Chiru, Mihail, and Sergiu Gherghina. "Committee chair selection under high informational and organizational constraints." Party Politics 25, no. 4 (November 20, 2017): 547–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817741765.
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This article draws on major theories of committee organization to explain committee chair selection in contexts with high informational and organizational constraints. We test our theoretical expectations through a series of fixed effects conditional logit models run on an original data set which includes all legislators who have served in the Romanian Chamber of Deputies from 1992 to 2012. The findings indicate that sector knowledge matters more for committee chair selection in the first post-communist terms, while chair seniority and party credentials acquire relevance later on. The effect of sector knowledge is stronger than that of chair seniority for the committees that the members of parliament perceive to be the most important, while party leaders have privileged access to the chair position irrespective of how salient the committee is.
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Norton, Philip. "Departmental Select Committees: The Reform of the Century?" Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 4 (September 24, 2019): 727–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz043.
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Abstract A set of departmental select committees was agreed by the UK House of Commons in 1979 and has become a core feature of British parliamentary life. This introductory survey examines the genesis of the committees and the extent to which they constituted an evolutionary or radical change to the way that the House of Commons conducted itself. Proposals for such committees were not new, but achieving their realisation was possible only when a reform agenda was complemented by ministerial leadership and, fundamentally, by political will favouring change on the part of MPs. The development of the committees, their membership and work and engagement with those outside Parliament, forms the basis of this issue.
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Kownacka, Katarzyna. "Political competitors of the German minority in local and parliamentary elections in the years 1990-2019 in Opole Province." Pogranicze. Polish Borderlands Studies 10, no. 1 (April 26, 2022): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/brs4738.
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The German minority has been successfully putting up candidates in local and parliamentary elections in the Opole Voivodeship since the 1990s. It has its representatives on all levels of local government in the region, as well as in the Polish parliament. In many local governments in Opolskie Province - including at the regional level - it co-manages, and in some communes and districts it exercises authority. In subsequent elections for more than three decades it has been competing for votes with political parties, regional or local committees, as well as with committees referring to ethnic issues, in Opolskie Province - silesian. The aim of this article is to indicate which of these committees are main political rivals of German minority at the level of municipalities, districts, regional assembly and in parliamentary elections in the Opolskie province. In order to determine this, the aggregated results of political groups, local committees and committees relating to ethnic issues were compared and analyzed with the results of the minority committee at the different levels of local government and in parliamentary elections. The research used research methods such as quantitative-qualitative analysis, case study, descriptive analysis, comparative analysis and desk research. In order to deepen the issues, to better understand them, as well as to confront information from data source and literature about political competitors, activists of the German minority were also asked in IDI interviews.
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Tusiński, Piotr A. "Kontrola parlamentarna rządu w systemach ustrojowych II Rzeczypospolitej w dyskursie polskiej doktryny przedwojennej i współczesnej." Rocznik Administracji Publicznej 8 (December 30, 2022): 125–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/24497800rap.22.008.16784.
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The Second Republic of Poland implemented in the first years of independence a significant part of the achievements of Western European parliamentarism with regard to the control function of the executive (government). While in the West the parliament’s powers of scrutiny over the government were mostly subject to regulation by ordinary law, in Poland and other states revived or established in Europe after World War I, the bulk of them became the subject of legal regulation at the level of constitutions, ordinary laws and/or parliamentary rules of procedure. In Poland, law and customs shaped through parliamentary practice played a relatively large role in this regard. During the Second Republic, there were three consecutive constitutional systems in force – the so-called Little Constitution of 1919, the March Constitution of 1921. (since December 1922) and the April Constitution of 1935.The control of the government by parliament was developed to the fullest extent during the period of so-called parliamentary rule, i.e. in the years 1919–1926. After the May coup began, visible mainly in the area of political and parliamentary practice, the process of gradual reduction of the control function of parliament, which found its final legal definition in the provisions of the Basic Law of April 1935. The control function of parliament was exercised at first by the Legislative Sejm, and then, from the end of 1922, by the Sejm and the Senate (the latter to a relatively modest extent). With regard to the criterion of the timing of control activities, parliamentary control of the government was divided in pre-war doctrine into preliminary and subsequent (follow-up). The post-war doctrine, following the position formulated in German science in the second half of the 19th century, also distinguished current control. Implementation of the parliament’s control function in the Second Republic included a very rich catalog of tools (means) of influencing the government. The pre-war doctrine organized them according to the criterion of the timing of control measures or their expediency. After World War II, based on the systemic criterion, ordinary (plenary debate on government policy, parliamentary inquiries and interpellations) and extended (appointment of stand- ing and extraordinary parliamentary committees with, among other things, controlling or investigative powers) means of control were distinguished, as well as statutory preliminary control (passing the budget, giving consent to the ratification of international agreements and issuing certain administrative acts), which tools are characteristic of parliamentary systems assuming the supremacy of parliament over the government. In another view, the instruments of parliamentary control were divided (on the basis of the March Constitution) into traditional means of control (interpellations, committees of inquiry, discharge, control of state debts, approval of temporary restrictions on civil rights and freedoms) and those arising from the principles of the parliamentary-cabinet form of government (debate on the prime minister’s exposé, asking questions, hearing government representatives in plenary and in committees, passing resolutions), as well as sanctions applied as a result of control (such as holding the government and individual ministers politically and constitutionally accountable). In doctrine and parliamentary practice, the greatest differences of opinion with regard to the characterized issues arose and continue to this day, in addition to systematizing issues, such issues as the scope and tools of preliminary parliamentary control, the control of decree legislation, the scope and effects of parliamentary interpellations and questions, extraordinary committees of inquiry, political and parliamentary and constitutional responsibility of the executive branch.