Relevant bibliographies by topics / Parliament Committees

Academic literature on the topic 'Parliament Committees'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Parliament Committees"

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Delputte, Sarah, Cristina Fasone, and Fabio Longo. "The Diplomatic Role of the European Parliament’s Standing Committees, Delegations and Assemblies: Insights from acp–eu Inter-Parliamentary Cooperation." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (March 11, 2016): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341338.

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This article focuses on the contribution that the European Parliament’s standing committees, delegations and inter-parliamentary assemblies make as diplomatic actors in the post-Lisbon Treaty period. These three types of bodies and institutions are grouped together, because in practice they work in complementary ways. The committees play a coordinating role, the delegations act as ‘embassies on the move’ and the participation of the European Parliament in inter-parliamentary assemblies represents the clearest institutional sign of the European Parliament’s external action. The article focuses on a case study: the involvement of the European Parliament in the eu’s partnership with the African, Caribbean and Pacific group of countries (acp) through the Development Committee (deve), the competent European Parliament delegation, and the activities within the Joint Parliamentary Assembly. The article aims to analyse whether and how the European Parliament is able to play a distinctive diplomatic role through its standing committees, delegations and inter-parliamentary assemblies.
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Hurka, Steffen, and Constantin Kaplaner. "Are popular and powerful committees more representative? Evidence from the ninth European Parliament." Research & Politics 7, no. 2 (April 2020): 205316802091445. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020914453.

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The standing committees of the European Parliament perform crucial policy-making functions and, accordingly, the question of how they are composed assumes great relevance. Unlike previous studies, which primarily looked at committee assignments from the perspective of individual MEPs, we assess the representativeness of entire committees by comparing their preference distributions with those we find in the plenary on the left/right and pro/anti EU dimension. For our analysis, we combine new data on committee memberships in the ninth European Parliament with data on policy preferences of national parties from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey. In order to assess committee representativeness, we calculate the extent to which the preference distributions of committees and the plenary overlap. We show that committee representativeness is a function of committee popularity and power. Committee popularity provides party groups with a larger pool of applicants to choose from and since popular committees are often also quite large, the formation of representative committees is facilitated. Moreover, the party groups of the European Parliament have stronger incentives to form balanced committee contingents for powerful committees, resulting in higher committee representativeness. However, this latter finding is qualified by two outliers and we only find the hypothesized relationship to hold on the pro/anti EU dimension.
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Koshel, Alexey S. "MINI-PARLIAMENTS IN THE POST-DICTATORSHIP DEMOCRACIES OF WESTERN EUROPE AND LATIN AMERICA." RUDN Journal of Law 24, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 942–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2020-24-4-942-964.

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The article investigtes the powers and parliamentary procedures in the standing committees and commissions of several countries of Western Europe and Latin America. The author believes that one of the modern paradigms for the development of parliamentary democracy is to strengthen the role of standing committees in the work of parliament by transferring to the committee level a number of constitutional powers of parliaments. In this regard, the author clarifies approaches to the classification of the committee structure of parliaments and looks at committee parliamentary procedures in Italy, Germany, Greece, Portugal, Spain, Brazil and Argentina at the present stage. The author comes to certain conclusions regarding the paradigm of the committee parliamentary procedure, including further improvement of domestic constitutional-legal matter in the context of the ongoing development of parliamentary democracy in the Russian Federation.
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Wielgosz, Łukasz. "Funkcjonowanie międzypartyjnych porozumień wyborczych w formie koalicyjnych komitetów wyborczych oraz komitetów wyborczych partii w latach 2018–2019." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 69, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.05.05.

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Election committees in Poland nominate candidates for elections and organize election campaigns for them. The legislator lists three types of committees that may take part in elections to the Sejm, Senate and the European Parliament: the election committee of a political party, a coalition election committee and an election committee of voters. Of these, the coalition committee is the most complicated formula – to organize it, an agreement between several parties is required. In 2019, Poland saw a consolidation of the political scene – at that time, in the elections to the European Parliament, only six committees put up lists of candidates across the country, while in the elections to the Sejm – only five committees. This was because multi- party electoral agreements formally took part in the elections as party rather than coalition election committees. So is the institution of a coalition election committee still useful?
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Lynch, Catherine. "The effect of parliamentary reforms (2011–16) on the Oireachtas committee system." Administration 65, no. 2 (May 24, 2017): 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/admin-2017-0015.

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Abstract The literature on parliament identifies many factors which facilitate or impede parliamentary committees in their quest to scrutinise legislation and to oversee and hold government to account, including the formal powers assigned to them, political factors associated with the make-up of parliament, structural factors associated with parliamentary tradition, and the rules and procedure adopted by parliament. This article is concerned with how parliamentary rules and procedure can affect committees. It develops a framework of the procedural variables associated with ‘effective committee systems’ and uses it to assess the Oireachtas committee system prior to and after the reforms introduced by the thirty-first and thirty-second Dáileanna. It finds that many, though not all, of the procedural conditions for a strong committee system have been put in place. However, while changes to procedure can remove obstacles to effective committee systems, other factors - above all, the incentive for politicians to engage with committee work - will ultimately determine whether the reforms truly strengthen parliament.
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Fiig, Christina. "Gendered Segregation in Danish Standing Parliamentary Committees 1990-2015." 100 Jahre Frauenwahlrecht – Und wo bleibt die Gleichheit? 27, no. 2-2018 (November 20, 2018): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v27i2.09.

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Denmark was among the first countries to achieve female enfranchisement to the national parliament (1915) and it is a society with a long tradition for gender equality policies and women’s rights. 100 years later, the Danish case gives grounds for reflections on gender balance, on segregation and positions occupied by women in national parliaments. Drawing on insights from literature on gender and politics and on parliamentary committees, the article asks what the gendered distribution of seats and chairs is in the Danish parliament, the Folketing, and what can explain these gendered patterns. To answer these questions, this article investigates the horizontal and vertical gendered segregation of standing parliamentary committees of the Danish parliament 1990-2015 based on an explorative, longitudinal study. The results show that the Danish parliament is characterized by both vertical and horizontal segregation in relation to parliamentary committees. Both categories of segregation are declining over time, but the analysis reveals interesting patterns of change and stability especially for the horizontal segregation. Several committees have an over-representation (social, education and research and health) and under-representation of women (defence, finance and transport). A number of committees are characterized by a share of 30-40% women. This category is especially interesting as it points towards a decline in horizontal representation.
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Kelso, Alexandra. "Political Leadership in Parliament: The Role of Select Committee Chairs in the UK House of Commons." Politics and Governance 4, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i2.573.

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Concepts of political leadership have been applied sparingly to parliaments, and not at all to the study of House of Commons select committees in the UK Parliament, where analysis has largely focused on their institutional capacity to scrutinise government and hold it to account. Yet examining these committees through a political leadership lens illuminates the complex role of committee chairs, a role which was significantly reshaped in 2010 with a shift to election of chairs by the whole House. This article analyses select committee chairs through the lens of political leadership, and draws on a series of interviews with chairs in order to delineate the nature of the political leadership they perform. It argues that, as chairs are now increasingly important parliamentary and policy actors, our understanding of them is significantly advanced by conceptualising their role as one of parliamentary political leadership, and that this in turn enriches our analytical toolkit when it comes to the study of parliaments.
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Moulds, Sarah. "Scrutinising COVID-19 laws: An early glimpse into the scrutiny work of federal parliamentary committees." Alternative Law Journal 45, no. 3 (August 10, 2020): 180–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x20946990.

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Australia’s parliamentary model of rights protection depends in large part on the capacity of the federal Parliament to scrutinise the law-making activities of the Executive government. Emergency law-making undertaken in response to the COVID-19 pandemic has challenged the Australian Parliament’s capacity to provide meaningful scrutiny of proposed laws, particularly identifying and addressing the impact of emergency powers on the rights of individuals. In this context, the work of parliamentary committees has become increasingly important. Special committees, such as the Senate Select Committee on COVID-19, have been set up to provide oversight and review of Australia’s response to the pandemic. This article gives an early glimpse into the key features of the COVID-19 Committee and the way it may interact with other committees within the federal system to scrutinise the government's legislative response to the pandemic. It also offers some preliminary thoughts on the capacity of these committees to deliver meaningful rights scrutiny.
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Swacha, Piotr. "Zastosowanie analizy sieci społecznych w badaniach elit parlamentarnych (na przykładzie eurodeputowanych z Polski)." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2014 (September 28, 2014): 8–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.14.1.

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The purpose of this article is to present the possibilities of using social network analysis (SNA) in the study of the European Parliament elite. This study focuses on organisational connections between Polish members of the European Parliament (seventh term). Official organisational relationships of Polish MEPs include common membership in: political groups, authorities of parliamentary committees and delegations, Parliament’s Bureau, Conference of Presidents, Conference of Committee (and Delegation) Chairs. UCInet and Netdraw programmes were used to calculate SNA’s basic measures and to prepare graphical presentation of relational network created by the Polish MEPs. On this basis main characteristics of the network were presented and MEPs who had the best network locations were distinguished.
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McKay, Stephen, Mark Goodwin, and Stephen Holden Bates. "A Means to an End and an End in Itself: Select Committee Membership, Parliamentary Roles and Parliamentary Careers, 1979–Present." Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 4 (September 5, 2019): 799–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz038.

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Abstract Committees are important vehicles for parliamentary careers both as means to a (ministerial) end and as an end in themselves. This article explores the relationship between select committee membership and parliamentary career by analysing committee membership and frontbench appointments for the 2130 Members of Parliament (MPs) first elected since 1979. We focus on two of Donald Searing’s four informal backbench roles—Policy Advocates and Parliament Men and Women—and three of the four formal leadership roles—Whips, Junior Ministers and Ministers. The membership patterns of select committees suggest that MPs approach this aspect of their parliamentary work in different ways concomitant with the roles of Generalist and Specialist Policy Advocates and Good House of Commons Men and Women. The membership patterns also suggest that different groups of MPs—by party, gender and ethnicity—often (choose or are forced to) approach committee work in different ways. We also find membership of some committees is more strongly associated with leadership roles than others.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Parliament Committees"

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Roger, Léa [Verfasser]. "Voice(s) in the European Parliament : Deliberation and Negotiation in EP Committees / Léa Roger." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1110056524/34.

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Bullen, Alison Maeve. "Parliamentary Committees : strategy for improved information use /." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/989.

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Sorensen, Lise Dybkar. "Procedure and patronage in the Parliament of 1626, the membership and function of committees in the House of Lords and the House of Commons." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0005/NQ38330.pdf.

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McColl, Heidi. "Men in Power: The Significance of the Representation of Women in terms of Gender Equality in the National Legislatures of Sweden and Canada." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2726.

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The representation of women in numbers in national legislatures is an issue of great importance to Feminist researchers around the world. While the representation of women is an accomplishment in its own right, what remains to be said is whether or not the representation of women in national parliaments affects the level of gender equality present to a great extent. In this paper, gender equality is measured in terms of general working conditions in parliament, such as the distribution of women among standing parliamentary committees, and the attitudes of parliamentarians towards the issue of gender equality. In this multi-strategy research design a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods is used in the form of questionnaires, interviews and statistical analyses in order to establish the significance of the representation of women in the national legislatures of Sweden and Canada. The national legislatures in Sweden, the Riksdag, and Canada, the House of Commons, were compared as the Riksdag represents a progressive case in terms of the presence of women with 45 percent women, while the House of Commons represents a less progressive case with only 21 percent women. The Politics of Presence theory represents the theoretical framework for this study and is tested in order to determine whether the presence of women truly matters.

In this study it is found that the presence of women in national legislatures does not signify gender equality as conditions of gender inequality are found in the attitudes and working conditions in the Canadian House of Commons and in the working conditions of the Swedish Riksdag. It is concluded that the representation of women does not matter with regards to gender equality as situations of gender inequality exist in both national legislatures investigated.

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Alexander, David Alisdair. "The sources of committee influence in the European Parliament." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2016. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/8281/.

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The European Parliament (EP) has evolved into a powerful legislative actor over the past 40 years. In order to exercise its hard won legislative competencies in an efficient and effective manner the EP has developed an extensive and influential committee system. The Treaty of Lisbon (ToL) recognised its equal status as co-legislator with the Council of the EU and introduced the Ordinary Legislative Procedure (OLP) as the default EU legislative procedure. Despite the fact that after the introduction of the OLP all EP committees formally operate under the same legal procedure, disparities remain in the levels of influence that each committee commands. This state of affairs demonstrates that if we are to understand what drives committee influence we need to explore the informal sources of influence that committees draw on in addition to the formal rules. This project addresses the lack of understanding of how the committees establish legislative influence by identifying and testing the different resources which committees may be utilising to establish their influence. The thesis puts forward four hypotheses concerning the factors that can account for how committees establish influence. These are developed and tested within three case studies. The case studies comprise the highly influential committees on, firstly, the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety Committee, secondly, the Budget Committee and, thirdly, the International Trade Committee. The research project adopts a qualitative approach to complement and create a different perspective from the quantitative studies which dominate the field. It draws on extensive primary material from thirty semi-structured interviews held with MEPs, advisers, EP staff and party officials active in the 7th legislative term (2009-2014). A number of the current conventions concerning the way in which expertise, partisan dynamics, and policy outputs affect how committees establish legislative influence are challenged and new insights regarding their relative importance are offered. Overall, these original findings, contained within this dissertation, have highly significant implications, not only with regard to the committee system of the EP but, also, for the wider field of legislative politics.
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Mareček, Jan Lukáš. "Personální stabilita obsazování funkcí v Parlamentu České republiky." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192714.

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The thesis deals with the personal stability of the Czech Parliament in the period after 1993 when the Czech Republic was founded. The author assumes a better orientation in both organizational and procedural issues of reelected representatives. The aim of this thesis is to explore what factors have influenced the rate of reelection of MPs and Senators and how these are subsequently reflected in the personal structure of both Chambers. Using a quantitative analysis, the author tests the hypothesis that the rate of reelection will be higher in the Senate due to the majority voting system which is more personalized than the proportional one used in the Chamber of Deputies. The hypothesis was tested in the Committees analogically. Furthermore, the author tests if the current level of voter turnout influences the final election results and the rate of reelection, respectively. The text is divided into three chapters. The thesis is composed of a common structure heading from a theoretical background towards empirical analysis.
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Viktorovitch, Clément. "Parler, pour quoi faire ? : la délibération parlementaire à l’Assemblée nationale et au Sénat (2008-2012)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0068.

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Les théories de la démocratie délibérative admettent deux modèles, dialogique et rhétorique, réservant chacun au Parlement un rôle central : élaborer les décisions par la discussion délibérative ; contribuer à la formation du jugement des citoyens par le débat contradictoire. Cette thèse explore les fondements empiriques de ces modèles. A travers l’analyse argumentative des débats en séance publique et l’observation ethnographique des échanges en commission, elle compare l’idéal normatif aux pratiques du Parlement français. Discussions délibératives et débats contradictoires se révèlent alors faire partie intégrante des interactions parlementaires. La discussion délibérative se déploie principalement au Sénat et en commission, bien qu’elle émerge parfois à l’Assemblée nationale et en séance publique. Son influence sur la législation demeure limitée, sans être pour autant négligeable. L’hémicycle de l’Assemblée nationale apparaît, lui, comme l’espace privilégié du débat contradictoire. Ces résultats plaident en faveur du bicamérisme, qui permet de concilier les rôles pédagogique et législatif des débats parlementaires. Ils mettent également en avant l’incertitude de la séance publique : loin de se contenter d’enregistrer les décisions gouvernementales, celle-ci se révèle fréquemment comme un espace d’arbitrage et d’élaboration des décisions. Cette étude est enfin l’occasion, à travers l’analyse inductive des données recueillies, de proposer une contribution à la théorie politique : identifier les caractéristiques argumentatives de la discussion délibérative, confirmer et préciser les vertus du débat contradictoire, affiner l’effet du huis clos sur les discussions
Deliberative democracy theories allow two different dialogical and rhetorical models which both give a central role to the Parliament: elaborating decisions by way of deliberative discussion and contributing to the formation of the citizens’ judgement by way of contradictory debates. This thesis explores the empirical foundations of these models. Through the argumentative analysis of public session debates and the ethnographical observation of exchanges in committees, it compares the normative ideal to the practices of the French Parliament. Deliberative discussions and contradictory debates thus reveal themselves to be an integral part of parliamentary interactions. Deliberative discussion is mainly deployed in the Sénat and in committees, even though it sometimes emerges at the Assemblée nationale and during public sessions. Its influence on legislation remains limited though not entirely insignificant. On the other hand, the hemicycle of the Assemblée nationale appears to be a prime space for contradictory debate. These results advocate for a bicameral system, which allows the educational and legislative aspects of parliamentary debates to be reconciled. They also highlight the uncertainty of public sessions: far from being restricted to the registering of governmental decisions, these sessions are frequently used to arbitrate and elaborate decisions. Finally, through the inductive analysis of the collected data, this study is the opportunity to put forward a contribution to political theory: identifying the argumentative characteristics of deliberative discussion, confirming and pointing out the virtues of contradictory debate, and clarifying the effects of an in camera environment on discussions
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Whelan, Colin. "Influential, efficient, or both : does committee review of legislation matter in Westminster parliaments?" Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/44944.

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This paper examines the legislative impact of committee review in Canadian provinces. Traditionally, legislation in Westminster systems has been scrutinized by a Committee of the Whole House. Today, four of Canada's ten provinces have moved this committee stage into the separate committee system. The British House of Commons and Canada's Federal Parliament have also made similar reforms. These reforms consistently received cross-party support, as reformers believed that the changes would both increase efficiency and also create more legislative influence for committees. I test for these effects by measuring both the ability of committees to amend legislation and the efficiency of the legislative process in Canada's provinces from 1983 to 2013. Results show that while legislation is amended more frequently when reviewed in the committee system, there are no measurable gains in efficiency. This finding has important implications for questions about legislative-executive balance and the effects of institutional reform in Westminster-style parliaments.
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Heggie, Gordon. "The European Committee of the Scottish Parliament : a study of multi-level governance, institutional design and institutional change." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.417427.

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Laver, John Poynton, and n/a. "The Public Accounts Committee: pursuing probity and effeciency in the Australian Public Service: the origins, work, nature and purpose of the Commonwealth's Public Accounts Committee." University of Canberra. Management, 1997. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20050621.150413.

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The Commonwealth parliament's Public Accounts Committee (PAC) was established in 1913 and to the end of 1995 had produced 397 reports on government expenditure and administration, with almost all its recommendations implemented by government. However despite the Committee's prominence among the instruments parliament has used to oversight the executive, not only does it lack clear legislative authority for major areas of its activities but its specific purpose is not defined in its legislation. Among other things the latter omission renders proper evaluation of the PAC's effectiveness impossible, as objectives are a necessary prerequisite to assessment. This thesis establishes the de facto purpose of the Committee by tracing the development of standing public accounts committees generally, and by analysing the PAC's work as shown by its output of tabled reports. In that development, six evolutionary phases are identified: the PAC's roots in the move to a parliamentary control of the administration of government expenditure in Britain from the 1780s; its genesis in the 1850s with the concept of the standing public accounts committee, to be concerned with regularity and probity in government expenditure; its origins in the establishment of the British standing public accounts committee , in 1861, stressing high standards of government accounting, audit and reporting; its establishment in the Commonwealth, concentrating on information on departmental activities, efficient implementation of government programs and provision of policy advice; its re-establishment in 1951, stressing parliamentary control of government financial administration; and its operations from 1980, pressing for economic fundamentalist change in the public sector. Their output shows that in these phases the committees concerned displayed characteristic standing public accounts committee activism and independence in utilising the wording of their enabling documentation to adapt themselves to changes in their environment by pursuing a corresponding different mix of one or more of the following concurrent immediate aims: ensuring adequate systems of government accounting, audit and reporting; ensuring probity and regularity in departmental expenditure; obtaining and disseminating information on departmental activities; ensuring high standards of departmental administration and management; providing policy advice to executive government; and ensuring economic, efficient and effective government spending. Together these attributes and practices have made the PAC a parliamentary instrument of unequalled flexibility with a single continuing underlying aim - a purpose not concerning the public accounts per se, but directed at achieving high standards of management and administration in government by calling the Commonwealth's public service to account for its expenditure and activities.
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Books on the topic "Parliament Committees"

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Parliament and administration. Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 2002.

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Council, Tasmania Parliament Legislative. Committees of the Tasmanian parliament: Discussion paper. [Hobart: Parliament of Tasmania,], 2010.

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Australia. Parliament. Senate. Procedure Committee. Senate Committee System: The Senate Procedure Committee first report of 1994. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia, 1994.

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Laugharne, Peter J. Parliament and specialist advice. Liverpool: Manutius Press, 1994.

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Canada. Library of Parliament. Research Branch. and Canada. Library of Parliament. Political and Social Affairs Division., eds. Senate committees: Role and effectiveness. [Ottawa]: Library of Parliament, Research Branch, 1994.

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Maer, Lucinda. Select committees under scrutiny. London: Constitution Unit, University College, London, 2004.

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Seminar, on Committees of the National Assembly (1999 Lilongwe Malawi). Seminar on Committees of the National Assembly: 14 and 15 August, 1999, New State House, Lilongwe. Lilongwe, Malawi: National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, 1999.

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Sabha, India Parliament Lok. Parliamentary committees (other that Financial Committees): Summary of work (eighth Lok Sabha), 1 June, 1986 to 31 May, 1987). New Delhi: Lok Sabha Secretariat, 1987.

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Directorate, Scotland Parliament Clerking and Reporting. Guidance for the operation of committees. 2nd ed. [Edinburgh]: Stationery Office, 2003.

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Parliament, European. European Parliament: List of members of the Bureau, Parliament, political groups, committees and interparliamentary delegations. London: Stationery Office, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "Parliament Committees"

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Natzler, David, and Mark Hutton. "Select Committees: Scrutiny à la carte?" In The Future of Parliament, 88–97. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523142_8.

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Ripoll Servent, Ariadna. "Sites of Translation: From Committees to the Plenary." In The European Parliament, 215–39. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-40709-2_10.

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Nikolenyi, Csaba. "Parliamentary committees in the Hungarian Parliament." In Parliamentary Committees in the Policy Process, 159–76. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003106579-9.

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Oñate, Pablo, and Bernabé Aldeguer. "Committees in a party-dominated parliament." In Parliamentary Committees in the Policy Process, 244–62. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003106579-14.

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Jupp, Peter. "Parliament: Debates, Committees, Petitions and Returns." In British Politics on the Eve of Reform, 195–239. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26819-1_7.

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Obaidullah, A. T. M. "Making Parliamentary Standing Committees Effective: Minimizing Systemic Constraints." In Institutionalization of the Parliament in Bangladesh, 107–38. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5317-7_5.

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Kelso, Alexandra. "16. Select Committees." In Exploring Parliament. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198788430.003.0016.

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This chapter examines the role of select committees in the UK Parliament, and more specifically how they enable lawmakers in the House of Commons to pool their scrutiny efforts by working together as a formally constituted team. Select committees are cross-party, with membership restricted to backbench Members of Parliament (MPs) and reflecting the party balance in the House. These committees determine their own work agendas and decide for themselves which topics to investigate. Committee work is structured around running focused inquiries into specific issues, ranging from antisemitism to foster care. The chapter first considers the effectiveness of select committees before discussing some major developments that the departmental select committee system has undergone over the last four decades with regard to elected committee chairs and membership, committee activity, addressing highly controversial topics, and developing policy expertise.
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Thompson, Louise, and Tony McNulty. "9. Committee Scrutiny of Legislation." In Exploring Parliament. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198788430.003.0009.

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This chapter deals with committee scrutiny of legislation, focusing on common perceptions of the committee stage and its role in bringing about changes to government legislation. In the UK Parliament, legislation which follows the normal passage of a bill will at some point have a committee stage, where Members of Parliament (MPs) or peers can review the text of the bill in detail. It is common for bills to receive their committee stage in public bill committees. The chapter first considers how the committee stage is planned before discussing the legislative, procedural, and political contexts in which bill committees work. It then examines traditional assumptions about committee scrutiny of bills, along with contemporary developments in parliamentary scrutiny of legislation. In particular, it looks at the benefits of evidence-taking, ministerial behaviour in committees, the impact of committees in the latter stages of the legislative process, and the wider function of the committee stage.
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"8. Committees." In The Parliament of Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442678262-009.

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"The Althingi Committees in Action: Towards a 'Committee Culture'?" In The Scottish Parliament, 219–46. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203498552-20.

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Conference papers on the topic "Parliament Committees"

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Mihály, Kristóf. "The Transition from a Feudal Society to a Social Structure based upon Civil Rights in Hungary with Particular Regard to Preparatory Draft Law." In Mezinárodní konference doktorských studentů oboru právní historie a římského práva. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0156-2022-8.

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In this study, I review the immediate antecedents of the civil transition as the most profound development. The codification attempts of the Enlightenment of the 1790s and the liberalism of the 1830s and 1840s are the focal points of my doctoral research. In order to drafting bills to reform the feudal state based on customary law and privileges without changing the basic public law framework, nine so-called national regular committees were set forth by Article 67 of Act 1791. The committees completed their work and sent their drafts, known as so-called operatives, to the king between 1792 and 1795. After all, the completed operatives were not put on the agenda of Parliament due to changes in the domestic and foreign policy status quo. They only emerged from the archives of the Chancellery thanks to the committees set up by Article 8 of Act 1827. These committees were responsible for reviewing the “forgotten” operatives, which were finally printed and sent to the counties for comments. The Hungarian liberal noble opposition was organised first as a movement and then as a party during these county debates (1831–1832) in order to replace the feudal system by manifesting the basic principles of the civil transition in the so-called laws of April (representation of the people, the right to private property, equality of rights, burden sharing, etc.)
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Keselj, Ana, Petra Bego, Krunoslav Zubrinic, and Mario Milicevic. "Comparison of Accessibility in EU Public Sector Websites." In Human Systems Engineering and Design (IHSED 2021) Future Trends and Applications. AHFE International, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1001115.

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The European Parliament stresses that the Internet is now an essential tool not only for accessing information and communicating with others, but also for many other daily activities, as it allows access to many services. Therefore, it is very important in the process of enabling participation in democracy and social inclusion. European Parliament has ensured that current standards for its products and content are met, including those to be heard in the EU Web Accessibility Directive, which came into force in December 2016. EU members have committed to taking appropriate measures to ensure access for people with disabilities on an equal basis with others from September 2018. Almost three years have passed since this law came into force and it is questionable how the law has been interpreted and applied to websites of public bodies and services. This paper examines the extent to which the legislation has affected the accessibility of public sector websites of EU member countries.
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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Saeed Ghafoor Ahmad, Kosar, and Amanj nasih qadir omer. "Prosecuting the perpetrators of the Camp Speicher crime according to Iraqi laws or the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/45.

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"This work includes talking about the crime of Camp Speicher, in which 1,700 students of the Iraqi army of the Sheea creed were killed by the gangs of the terrorist organization ISIS, with the aim of eliminating the members of this sect because of the misleading ideology carried by those gangs. On 6-12-2014, Iraqi soldiers at Camp Speicher (Speicher Air Base) in Tikrit were subjected to murder and enforced disappearance by terrorist organizations because of their affiliation to the Sheea creed. This crime was among a series of brutal crimes for the genocide of Sheeas in Iraq. This is similar to what happened in the Badoush prison crime in the province of Mosul, which the Iraqi Parliament considered it as a crime of genocide, in which these gangs executed about (400) members of the prison inmates of the Sheea component. After ISIS took control of the city of Tikrit in Iraq, and one day after they took control of the city of Mosul, they captured (2000-2200) soldiers and led them to the presidential palaces in Tikrit, and they shot them there and in other areas and buried some of them alive. This disaster had a negative impact on the families of the victims of the Speicher where they went out in demonstrations demanded that the leaders who handed over the victims of Speicher to ISIS must be prosecuted, and in one of the demonstrations they managed to enter Parliament and demanded that the leaders who handed over Speicher to ISIS be held accountable. After that, many demonstrations took place by the families of the victims, some of which led to the closure of a bridge in Baghdad a few times Protesting the government's delay in clarifying the fate of their children or taking quick measures. The Iraqi parliament and government recently considered the Speicher incident “genocide” in reference to the premeditated murder of Badoush Prison inmates in Nineveh Governorate and the unarmed Speicher military base, the premeditated murder of members of the Albu Nimr, Jabour, al-Lahib, and al-Ubaid tribes, and the killing and displacement of civilians from Kurds, Christians, Yazidis and Shabaks in Sahel Nineveh, Sinjar, deliberate killing and displacement of Turkmens in Tal Afar and Bashir. This decision paves the way for obtaining international recognition from it as a ""genocide"" as stipulated in the Contract of the United Nations in 1948, and Iraq signed it in the fifties of the last century. This study attempts to explain the Al-Ikhnasas Court in looking into the crimes of genocide committed by ISIS against the bereaved students of the Air Force Base (Speicher) due to what this issue raised from the national and international public opinion, especially after the involvement of the Iraqi army leaders in this massacre, according to what witnesses reported in that area and what was reported by soldiers who survived the incident, in addition to the involvement of some members of the Sunni tribes in these crimes with the terrorist organization ISIS. The importance of this study lies in the following aspects: - That ISIS elements were tried according to Anti-Terrorism Law No. 13 of 2005, and from our point of view that the aforementioned law is vague and broader than it should be, and it applies to serious and simple crimes from murder to crimes of sabotage, and the list of crimes punishable by the death penalty according to the aforementioned law is a long list and spacious. - The Iraqi government has embarked on an attempt to develop a legal framework to prosecute ISIS elements, and its mission focused on understanding the procedures and results drawn from those judicial efforts, and its mission also focused on showing the efforts taken by the Iraqi government to address violations in the field of the right to life, including those committed by affiliated forces government as well as other international and domestic actors. The International Criminal Court is specialized in considering specific crimes under Article (5) of its Statute, which are war crimes, aggression and crimes against humanity, which necessitates the adaptation of Speicher's crime within any of the mentioned types of crimes. The assumption of the International Criminal Court in relation to the Speicher crime, includes several positive matters and results at the same time a set of negatives, which must be presented to those positives and negatives in order to give preference between them and the choice of authorizing the court to consider the crime or not. The terrorist organization ISIS has committed serious systematic violations, including war crimes and others, and perhaps those that are not under its control, and that none of these crimes can be addressed within the anti-terrorism law, which cannot address human rights violations. The international community has recognized the heinous violations committed by ISIS against the citizens of Iraq by adopting Resolution (2370) in September of 2017, issued by the Security Council, which authorizes the Security Council to appoint an investigation team to support local efforts to hold ISIS elements accountable by collecting and preserving evidence in Iraq, which can rise to a high level, and it was committed by the elements of the organization. It considers that the decision constitutes a burden and an obligation on Iraq to investigate all allegations of violations committed by government forces for the purpose of holding them accountable, as well as requiring the establishment of special courts and trained judges in relation to ISIS crimes to deal with them. Terrorism is a global curse that has recently spread horizontally to all countries of the world and its effects have been concentrated vertically in some countries, and no one denies that the parties to this phenomenon are increasing (perpetrators and victims) and the United Nations in particular and the international community in general has not succeeded in reducing it despite the fact that the resolutions of the UN Security Council It is increasing, but the proportionality is absent between these decisions and the practical reality. The phenomenon of terrorism is spreading rapidly, and the perpetrators of terrorist acts are on the rise, corresponding to an increase in the victims of terrorism. Also, the circumstances and events that Iraq is going through, especially after 2003, put it at the forefront of countries which suffers from terrorism that has killed the people, using methods and forms that were not previously known and brutal and bloody cruel. ) for the year 2005, and since terrorism was not limited to Iraq, but included many countries, and was not specific to a place or time, nor was it recent in terms of composition. In addition, the aforementioned law cannot be aware of all violations of international and humanitarian law, as we mentioned previously, which requires the necessity of referring the criminals to a competent court. The Court conducts its rule under Article (13) of its Statute when referred to it by a state party to the same system or by the Security Council or when the Public Prosecutor conducts the investigation on his own, and then how does the Court take its measures regarding the aforementioned crime if we take a look Considering that the State of Iraq is not a member of the Statute of the Court. The rule of the court is free from the death penalty, which makes the idea of authorizing the court to consider the crime rejected by most Iraqis, especially the families of the victims. What are the negative aspects of the Iraqi national judiciary’s view of the Speicher crime, and how can it be avoided if the International Criminal Court plays this role? What are the guarantees provided by the court in the event that it proceeds with its procedures regarding this crime? The research on this subject is according to the appropriate method, which is the analytical and comparative method, which works on studying and comparing topics by analyzing ideas and jurisprudential rulings, and the positions of the governments of countries and the United Nations, as well as the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, and comparing arbitration between Iraqi courts. And the international courts regarding the trial of the perpetrators of the Speicher base crime, and then come up with a set of conclusions and recommendations."
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Velzing, Evert-Jan, Annemiek Van der Meijden, Kitty Vreeswijk, and Ruben Vrijhoef. "Circularity in value chains for building materials." In CARPE Conference 2019: Horizon Europe and beyond. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/carpe2019.2019.10196.

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AbstractThe urgency for developing a circular economy is growing, and more and more companies and organisations are concerned with the importance of adapting their business to fit a changing economy. However, many analyses on the circular economy are still rather abstract and there is a lack of understanding about what circularity would mean for specific industries. This insufficient insight especially seems to be apparent in the building and construction sector. Besides, the building and construction sector is responsible for a major part of energy use and emissions. To tackle the issue of insufficient insight into the business consequences of circular devlopments, further research is necessary. Therefore, we propose to collaborate on a research project that aims to provide a more detailed level of analysis. The goal is to identify drivers and barriers to make better use of materials in the building and construction sector. This further research would benefit from an international collaboration between universities of applied sciences and industry from different European countries. An additional benefit of the applied orientation would be the relevance for professional education programmes. References CBS, PBL & Wageningen UR. (2017). Vrijkomen en verwerking van afval per doelgroep, 1990-2014 (indicator 0206, versie 13, 26 janauri2017). Retrieved from: https://www.clo.nl/indicatoren/nl0206-vrijkomen-en-verwerking-van-afval-per-doelgroep Cuchí, A.; Arcas, J.; Casals, M. & Fobella, G. (2014). Building a common home Building sector – A global vision report. Produced by the Global Vision Area within the World SB14 Barcelona Conference. De Jesus, A. & Mendonça, S. (2018). Lost in Transition? Drivers and Barriers in the Eco-innovation Road to the Circular Economy. Ecological Economics, 145, 75-89. doi: 10.1016/j.ecolecon.2017.08.001. EC. (2015). Closing the Loop – An EU action plan for the Circular Economy. Brussels: European Commission. EC. (2019). Report from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions on the implementation of the Circualr Economy Action Plan. Brussels: European Commission. Ghisellini, P; Cialini, C. & Ulgiati, S. (2016). A review on circular economy: the expected transition to a balanced interplay of environmental and economic systems. Journal of Cleaner Production, 114, 11-32. doi: 10.1016/j.jclepro.2015.09.007. Kirchherr, J., Pisciceli, L., Bour, R., Kostense-Smit, E., Muller, J., Huibrechtse-Truijens, A. & Hekkert, M. (2018). Barriers to the Circular Economy: Evidence From the European Union (EU). Ecological Economics, 150, 264-272. Mazzucato, M. (2018). Mission-Oriented Research & Innovation in the European Union – A problem-solving approach to fuel innovation-led growth. Retrieved from: European Commission; https://ec.europa.eu/info/sites/info/files/mazzucato_report_2018.pdf Nederland circulair in 2050. Rijksbreed programma Circulaire Economie (2016). Den Haag: Ministerie van Infrastructuur en Milieu & Ministerie van Economische Zaken. Stahel, W.R. (2016) The Circular Economy. Nature, 531(7595), 435-438. UN. (2018). 2018 Global Status Report – Towards a zero-emission, efficient and resilient buildings and construction sector. United Nations Environment Programme. UNCTAD. (2018). Circular Economy: The New Normal (Policy Brief No. 61). Retrieved from United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD): https://unctad.org/en/PublicationsLibrary/presspb2017d10_en.pdf
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Dumančić, Kosjenka. "THE EU REGULATORY ACTIVITIES IN THE AREA OF DIGITAL PLATFORMS AND SERVICES PROVISION." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18347.

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New and innovative ways of service provisions based on digital platforms have changed the ways in which doing business, communicating and connecting providers to users in the EU Internal Market are shaped and transformed. Since the adoption of the Directive 2000/31/EC (the E-Commerce Directive) in 2000 digital services have gained market dominance, and this has become especially evident during the Covid-19 virus crisis when the importance of digital technologies in all aspects of modern life became prominent. It has clearly shown the dependency of the economy and the society on digital services highlighting both the benefits and the risks that stem from the current framework for the functioning of the services provided by the digital platforms regardless of whether they are defined as digital services or not. In the European Commission (EC) Communication “Shaping Europe’s Digital Future” the EC committed to update the horizontal rules that define the responsibilities and obligations of digital service providers, and online platforms in particular. Additionally, the European Parliament’s “Report on the Digital Services Act and fundamental rights issues posed” highlights the need for legal clarity of platforms and users, as well as respect for fundamental rights in the light of the rapid development of technology. According to the current data, the digital platforms account for over 10% of the EU's 45 million users. These platforms are subject not only to the specific obligations in controlling their own risks, but also to a new oversight structure. In 2020 the EC initiative was finalized by the “Proposal for a Regulation on a Single Market for Digital Service” which addresses the negative consequences arising from certain behaviours on platforms. Since the EU Internal market is impacted significantly by platforms that serve as intermediaries for business users to reach their customers, sometimes these companies assume control over the entire platform ecosystems, which in turn can grant them the opportunity to regulate certain relations. The controlling power comes from the practices that platform companies exercise and from using the data of the businesses and users operating on these platforms. This paper aims to analyse the current regulation on digital platforms and digital service provisions in the EU Internal Market and offer some conclusions on its possible impact on the market’s functioning especially in the times of the Covid-19 pandemic and subsequently.
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Reports on the topic "Parliament Committees"

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Roger, Léa, and Gary S. Schaal. The Quality of Deliberation in Two Committees of the European Parliament: The Neglected Influence of the Situational Context and the Policymaking Stage. Librello, October 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.12924/pag2013.01020151.

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Hopkins, Anna, Sarah Foxen, Kathryn Oliver, and Gavin Costigan. Science Advice in the UK. Foundation for Science and Technology, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.53289/gutw3567.

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This report examines the science advisory system in the UK, how it has changed and how it may develop further in the future. It looks at structure and functions within the UK Government (including the Government Chief Scientific Advisor, the Government Office for Science, government departments, scientific advisory committees - including SAGE - and the Science and Engineering Profession). It also describes science advice in the UK Parliament. The report looks at the role of public research funders, particularly UK Research and Innovation and its research councils, and it discusses how universities are responding to incentives to improve the supply of evidence and expertise. There are brief sections discussing the role of other actors (such as national academies, charities and industry) and discussion of some cross-cutting themes.
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Gledhill, Igle, Richard Goldstone, Sanya Samtani, Keyan Tomaselli, and Klaus Beiter. Copyright Amendment Bill Workshop Proceedings Report. Academy of Science of South Africa (ASSAf), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/assaf.2022/0078.

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The genesis of the Copyright Amendment Bill was in 2009, when the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) initiated various studies and impact assessments. In July 2015, the DTI published a Draft Copyright Amendment Bill for public comment. The final 2017 version of the Bill was approved by Parliament in 2019 and it was sent to President Cyril Ramaphosa for action in terms of Section 79(1) of the Constitution. Section 79(1) states that “The President must either assent to and sign a Bill passed in terms of this Chapter or, if the President has reservations about the constitutionality of the Bill, refer it back to the National Assembly for reconsideration”. The President referred the Bill back to Parliament for review on 16 June 2020, on constitutionality issues. In response to the President’s reservations, Parliament’s Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry has invited stakeholders and other interested parties to submit written submissions on certain sections of the Bill by no later than 9 July 2021. The current copyright law is outdated and does not address the digital environment. The Academy of Science of South Africa seeks to take into account the status of the copyright legislation and the anticipated effects of the amendment Bill on different issues and thereafter, provide recommendations to the President.
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