Journal articles on the topic 'Parisian theaters'
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1
White, Kimberly. "Female Singers and the maladie morale in Parisian Lyric Theaters, 1830-1850." Women and Music: A Journal of Gender and Culture 16, no. 1 (2012): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wam.2012.0027.
2
Romey, John. "Songs That Run in the Streets." Journal of Musicology 37, no. 4 (2020): 415–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2020.37.4.415.
Abstract:
In the second decade of the eighteenth century, the Parisian théâtres de la foire (fairground theaters) gave birth to French comic opera with the inception of the genre known as comédie en vaudevilles (sung vaudevilles interspersed between spoken dialogue). Vaudevilles were popular songs that “ran in the streets” and served as vessels for new texts that transmitted the latest news, scandals, and gossip around the city. Already in the seventeenth century, however, the Comédie-Italienne, the royally funded troupe charged with performing commedia dell’arte, began to create spectacles that incorporated street songs from the urban soundscape. In the late seventeenth century all three official theaters—the Comédie-Italienne, the Comédie-Française, and the Opéra—also infused the streets with new tunes that transformed into vaudevilles. This article explores the contribution of the nonoperatic theaters—the Comédie-Française and the Comédie-Italienne—to the vaudeville repertoire to show the ways in which theatrical spectacle shaped a thriving popular song tradition. I argue that because most theatrical finales were structured around many repetitions of a catchy strophic tune to which each actor or actress sang one or more verses, a newly composed tune used as a finale had an increased probability of transforming into a vaudeville. Some of the vaudevilles used in early eighteenth-century comic operas therefore originated in newly composed divertissements for the late seventeenth-century plays presented at the nonoperatic theaters. Other vaudevilles began as airs from operas that were also absorbed into the tradition of street song. By the early eighteenth century, fairground spectacles drew from a dynamic repertory of vaudevilles amalgamated from the most voguish tunes circulating in the city. The intertwined relationship of the popular song tradition and theatrical spectacle suggests that the theaters helped to mold the corpus of vaudevilles available to street singers, composers, and playwrights.
3
Pesic, Andrei. "The Flighty Coquette Sings on Easter Sunday." French Historical Studies 42, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 563–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-7689170.
Abstract:
Abstract French colonists in Saint-Domingue brought a variety of entertainments from the metropole to the island's theaters during the later eighteenth century. This included the Parisian Concert Spirituel, which replaced theatrical entertainments with performances of religious and instrumental music during religious holidays. Yet these concerts never caught on in earnest and began to diverge significantly from the metropolitan institution: the Easter concert in Port-au-Prince entirely composed of opera arias would have been unthinkable in the metropole. Linking developments in the colony's entertainments with the understudied subject of religious practices among France's Caribbean colonists, this article argues that strong market pressures overrode weaker religious constraints in Saint-Domingue, making opera arias acceptable for Eastertide. It presents a new fine-grained approach for studying how cultural practices are transformed when traveling within an empire, with implications beyond the history of the arts. Les colons français ont importé une grande variété de divertissements de la métropole à Saint-Domingue durant la deuxième moitié du dix-huitième siècle. Le Concert spirituel de Paris, qui remplaçait les spectacles profanes pendant les fêtes religieuses, a été l'une de ces institutions. Néanmoins ces concerts n'ont jamais entièrement pris dans le contexte colonial et ont peu à peu divergé de leurs homologues métropolitains : un concert de Pâques à Port-au-Prince entièrement constitué d'airs d'opéra aurait été inimaginable dans l'Hexagone à cette époque. Liant l'histoire des divertissements coloniaux et le sujet peu étudié des pratiques religieuses des colons, cet article développe l'idée que de fortes pressions commerciales ont primé sur de faibles contraintes religieuses à Saint-Domingue, rendant des airs d'opéra acceptables au moment des fêtes de Pâques. L'analyse souligne la façon dont les pratiques culturelles évoluent lorsqu'elles voyagent au sein d'un empire colonial, tirant des implications qui vont au-delà de l'histoire des arts.
4
Noordegraaf, Julia, Loes Opgenhaffen, and Norbert Bakker. "Cinema Parisien 3D." Alphaville: Journal of Film and Screen Media, no. 11 (August 17, 2016): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/alpha.11.03.
Abstract:
In this article we evaluate the relevance of 3D visualisation as a research tool for the history of cinemagoing. How does the process of building a 3D model of cinema theatres relate to what we already know about this history? In which ways does the modelling process allow for the synthesis of different types of archived cinema heritage assets? To what extent does this presentation of “content in context” helps us to better understand the history of film consumption? We will address these questions via a discussion of a specific case study, our visualisation of Jean Desmet’s Amsterdam Cinema Parisien theatre, one of the first permanent cinemas of the Dutch capital. First, we reflect on 3D as a research tool, outlining its technology and methodological principles and its usefulness for research into the historiography of moviegoing. Then we describe our 3D visualisation of Cinema Parisien, discussing the process of researching and building the model. Finally, we evaluate the result against the existing knowledge about the history of cinemagoing in Amsterdam and of this cinema theatre in particular, and answer the question to what extent 3D as a research tool can aid our understanding of the history of cinema consumption.
5
Schumacher, Claude. "Would You Splash Out on a Ticket to Molièe's Palais Royal?" Theatre Research International 25, no. 3 (2000): 248–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300019702.
Abstract:
Little by little we are building up a reliable picture of what a seventeenth-century Parisian theatre looked like. In Theatre Research International we published an important article by Graham Barlow's on the Hôtel de Bourgogne in our first volume, and we return to the subject with the eye-opening reconstruction of the Palais Royal by Christa Williford in this, our last issue. In the intervening twenty-five years we have published articles on the problem of law and order in the auditorium, on actors and acting in seventeenth and eighteenth-century France; on the interaction between tragedy and the emerging opera, on theory, on dramatic literature, on the morality of actors and actresses, even on publicity; but nothing, specifically, on the identity of the spectator. And without a clearer impression of who patronized the Parisian theatres, we are in danger of missing important clues, not only concerning the theatrical performance, but also in our reading of the dramatic text—which will inform our theatrical decisions.
6
Williford, Christa. "A Computer Reconstruction of Richelieu's Palais Cardinal Theatre, 1641." Theatre Research International 25, no. 3 (2000): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300019696.
Abstract:
A small, anonymous grisaille(Figure 1)from the collection of the Musée des Arts Décoratifs in Paris is among the more familiar images of seventeenth-century French theatre history. It depicts Cardinal Richelieu, Louis XIII, and other members of the royal family at the theatre. The setting for the scene is the Grande Salle of Richelieu's Parisian home, the Palais Cardinal. Designed by the palace architect Jacques Lemercier and completed in 1641, this theatre was among the first purpose-built proscenium theatres in France. In the 1660s it became the site of the public performances of Molière's most successful plays; after the playwright's death, it housed the Paris Opéra until a fire destroyed it in 1763.
7
Kang, Yingzheng. "Jean Rémusat's Musical and Educational Activity in the Context of Forming European Orchestral Traditions in Shanghai." Часопис Національної музичної академії України ім.П.І.Чайковського, no. 1(54) (March 21, 2022): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.31318/2414-052x.1(54).2022.255430.
Abstract:
The author considered the main stages of creative formation and musical-educational as well as concert-performance activities of Jean Rémusat (J. Rémusat) in Europe and China. J. Rémusat's achievements as a flutist are examined in the context of his orchestral practice in Parisian and London theaters. Concert programs of J. Rémusat's performances as a soloist and member of ensemble groups on the basis of music-critical publications of Shanghai periodicals of 1860-1870 were analyzed. The main directions of his creative collaboration with other European musicians (G.B Fentum, J. C. H. Iburg) is highlighted in the cultural leisure of Shanghai in the western sector of the city. The author identified the role of the French musician in the founding of the Shanghai Philharmonic Society and the Wind Music Association to intensify the concert and performance activities of local amateur groups and professional musicians and hold their regular performances in front of citizens. It is emphasized that the organization of J. Rémusat's concerts is based on European experience, offering various forms of performances by artists with a repertoire available to the local public. The work of J. Rémusat, conductor and musician-educator, is described in view of his founding of private orchestral groups and his close cooperation with military musicians on the way to creating an amateur group "Shanghai Volunteer Brass Band". The process of professionalization of the amateur orchestra and the development of instrumental composition with the involvement of qualified musicians on the way to its transformation into a symphonic ensemble is highlighted. The orchestra repertoire based on works by classical and romantic composers is described. The representative functions of the orchestra in the celebration and participation in various citywide cultural events in Shanghai is clarified. The principle of formation of the instrumental composition of the municipal orchestra by professional musicians is revealed. It has been found that in the selection of orchestras, J. Rémusat preferred Filipino instrumentalists, who after a three-hundred-year period of Spanish colonial dependence were more familiar with Western orchestral culture than local Chinese musicians. The decisive role of Jean Rémusat as an active propagandist of European orchestral traditions in the creation of the official municipal "Shanghai Public Brass Band" (Shanghai Public Band) has been proved.
8
Ustinov, A. B. "Mstislav Dobuzhinsky and His Cabaret Companions: 1926 Parisian Season of the “La Chauve Souris”." Studies in Theory of Literary Plot and Narratology 15, no. 2 (2020): 490–595. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2410-7883-2020-2-490-595.
Abstract:
The essay is dedicated to collaboration of Mstislav Valerianovich Dobuzhinsky (1875‒1957) with the Parisian theater “Chauve-Souris,” or “The Bat,” under the direction of the actor, entertainer, stage director and inspirer of the Russian cabaret Nikita Balieff (real name: Mkrtich Balyan, in Armenian: Նիկիտա Բալիեւ; 1877 (?) ‒ 1936). He invited Dobuzhinsky, who was in Berlin at the time, to become the Artistic Director and the lead designer for a new show of his theatre in the season of 1926. Balieff had already established himself as a successful European entrepreneur, and his cabaret theater had three successful tours on Broadway over six years. Dobuzhinsky accepted his invitation, hoping to improve his financial situation, as after more than a year spent in Europe he could not achieve that stability either in Riga, Kaunas, or Berlin. At the end of May, he began preparing the program for the new Paris season in alliance with choreographer Boris Romanov and playwright Piotr Potemkin. Also Dobuzhinsky invited collaboration of his son Rostislav and his wife Lidia Kopnyaeva in designing the sets for Balieff’s interludes. The premiere of the new program took place on October 1, and it gained success and accolades in Paris and later in Berlin. The season of 1926 was perhaps the most significant in the history of “The Bat,” but at the same time decisive for Baliev, since it marked the exhaustion of the very idea of Russian cabaret theater abroad. Despite the fact that the American tour was then canceled, “The Bat” still ended up on Broadway in late autumn of 1927. This program was the last for Balieff’s theater, as to how it was greeted and loved in America. It was already a completely different “Chauve-Souris,” the “Continental”, as American critics called it, of little interest to both Parisian and Broadway audiences.
9
Smith, Frances. "Femininity, ageing and performativity in the work of Amy Heckerling." Alphaville: Journal of Film and Screen Media, no. 10 (December 16, 2015): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/alpha.10.03.
Abstract:
In this article we evaluate the relevance of 3D visualisation as a research tool for the history of cinemagoing. How does the process of building a 3D model of cinema theatres relate to what we already know about this history? In which ways does the modelling process allow for the synthesis of different types of archived cinema heritage assets? To what extent does this presentation of “content in context” helps us to better understand the history of film consumption? We will address these questions via a discussion of a specific case study, our visualisation of Jean Desmet’s Amsterdam Cinema Parisien theatre, one of the first permanent cinemas of the Dutch capital. First, we reflect on 3D as a research tool, outlining its technology and methodological principles and its usefulness for research into the historiography of moviegoing. Then we describe our 3D visualisation of Cinema Parisien, discussing the process of researching and building the model. Finally, we evaluate the result against the existing knowledge about the history of cinemagoing in Amsterdam and of this cinema theatre in particular, and answer the question to what extent 3D as a research tool can aid our understanding of the history of cinema consumption.
10
EVERIST, MARK. "Theatres of litigation: Stage music at the Théâtre de la Renaissance, 1838–1840." Cambridge Opera Journal 16, no. 2 (July 2004): 133–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095458670400182x.
Abstract:
From 1807 to 1864, Parisian music drama was governed by a system of licences that controlled the repertory of its three main lyric theatres: the Opéra (variously Académie Royale, Nationale and Impériale de Musique), the Théâtre-Italien and the Opéra-Comique. Between 1838 and 1840, the Théâtre de la Renaissance gained a licence to put on stage music, and quickly succeeded in establishing a reputation for energetic management, imaginative programming together with artistically and financially successful performances. It could do this only by exploiting what were effectively newly invented types of music drama: vaudeville avec airs nouveaux and opéra de genre. The invented genres however brought the theatre into legal conflict with the Opéra-Comique and Opéra respectively, and opened up a domain of jurisprudence –associated with repertory rather than copyright – hitherto unsuspected.
11
Sala, Emilio. "Verdi and the Parisian boulevard theatre, 1847–9." Cambridge Opera Journal 7, no. 3 (November 1995): 185–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586700004560.
Abstract:
A number of scholars have drawn attention to the importance of Parisian popular theatre for an understanding of Verdian dramaturgy, especially in the operas leading up to Rigoletto, Il trovatore and La traviata. According to Giovanni Morelli, in Paris, Verdi frequented the popular theatre not for the sake of participating in the active milieu of Romantic cultural thought (Milanese circles had adequately fulfilled that need), but in order to mingle with a typical metropolitan theatre audience in the venues dedicated to the dissemination of a watered-down, middlebrow form of Romanticism.
12
CONNON, DEREK. "Music in the Parisian Fair Theatres: Medium or Message?" Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 31, no. 1 (March 2008): 119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-0208.2008.00007.x.
13
Chekalov, Kirill A. "Rocambole’s theatrical mission." Vestnik of Kostroma State University, no. 3 (2019): 72–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2019-25-3-72-78.
Abstract:
The article deals with the influence of theatrical aesthetics on Pierre Alexis Ponson du Terrail – the famous writer of the French popular literature of the second half of the 19th century. The great connoisseur of the theatre, Viscount of Ponson du Terrail filled his novels – and first of all, an extensive cycle of works about Rocambole – with allusions to the scenic practices of his time (first and foremost, he speaks about Parisian pulp theatres) and plays that had won favour with the commonalty: "Le Chiffonnier de Paris" by Félix Pyat and "La Tour de Nesle" by Alexandre Dumas. On the other hand, performability is a paradigmatic feature of feuilleton. Viscount of Ponson du Terrail was the leading representative of this genre. Particular attention is paid to the production of the play "Rocambole" by Auguste Anicet-Bourgeois and Ernest Blum (1864) and the transformations that the novel text underwent in the stage version.
14
Mazzoleni, Elena. "Les fourberies de la Foire : une révolution sociopolitique et théâtrale." Romanica Wratislaviensia 67 (July 23, 2020): 159–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0557-2665.67.12.
Abstract:
Between the 17th and 19th centuries, the competition between the official Parisian theatres and the popular trestles, such as the lodges of the fairs and the stages of the Boulevard, contributed to the development of an experimental dramaturgy characterised by theatrical crossing and the primacy of the actor’s gesture. To circumvent the prohibitions imposed by the Comédie-Française and the Opera, the impresarios of the Fair elaborate dramaturgical strategies full of invention, based on shows with simple units suitable for the combination of different genres. This theatre is thus able to develop into a stable artistic system, while remaining in a context of marginality and uncertainty; and to inspire some twentieth-century theories on the actor’s body, such as those of Edward Gordon Craig and Jacques Copeau. Focused on documentary archive evidence, this paper aims to bring out the main aspects of the unofficial repertoires, which turn out to be places of socio-political confrontation and, at the same time, systems of propagation of aesthetic reforms.
15
Connon, Derek. "The Theatre of the Parisian Fairs and Reality." Romance Studies 30, no. 3-4 (July 2012): 186–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0263990412z.00000000017.
16
Jensen, Claudia R., and John S. Powell. "‘A Mess of Russians left us but of late’: Diplomatic Blunder, Literary Satire, and the Muscovite Ambassador's 1668 Visit to Paris Theatres." Theatre Research International 24, no. 2 (1999): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300020757.
Abstract:
In October 1672, a highly select audience in Moscow witnessed the court's first theatrical production, a setting of Artakserksovo deistvo (The Play of Ahasuerus) based on the biblical story of Esther. A month later, in contrast, Parisians would witness the escalating rivalry between Molière and Lully—as the former continued to capitalize on their tragédie-ballet, Psyché (with Lully's music), while the latter prepared to launch his first French opera, Les Fêtes de l'Amour et de Bacchus (with Molière's lyrics).1 At first glance there would seem to be little connection between the fledgling Muscovite theatre at Tsar Aleksei Mikhailovich's court, which in the event was to be closed down at his death only four years later, and the public theatres of Paris with their lyrical offerings of comédies-ballets, tragédies-ballets and, most recently, pastoral opera. Yet the two are linked in many ways, some subtle and some obvious, and the influences are both mutual and unexpected.
17
Lavoie, Bernard. "Theatre in Translation in Montreal: Respecting the Playwright, Challenging the Audience." Canadian Theatre Review 102 (March 2000): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.102.001.
Abstract:
Before 1968, foreign plays brought to Montreal’s audiences were always produced in their European French translation. Actors and directors of that time had mainly been trained, whether in France or in Québec, by French actors. The artistic models advocated followed Copeau’s, Dullin’s, Jouvet’s and Pitoeff’s views of the theatre. Montreal theatre artists felt they had succeeded only when audiences believed that the show they had witnessed was as good as a Parisian one. The local theatre milieu of that time took the posture of a colonized subject, fearful of the master’s disapproval.
18
Russell, Barry. "The Form That Fell to Earth: Parisian Fairground Theatre." L'Esprit Créateur 39, no. 3 (1999): 56–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/esp.2010.0448.
19
Jeong, Dong-Jun. "Historical Research on the Parisian Café Procope." Korea Association of World History and Culture 64 (September 30, 2022): 179–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2022.09.64.179.
Abstract:
The visit of Soliman Aga(1669) is the starting-point of the development of coffee culture in Paris. As the ambassador of Ottoman Empire, he was granted an audience with Louis XIV in Versailles. His task was to read the king’s thoughts : If my empire attacks Vienna, Louis will intervene in the war? But Soliman Aga did not accomplish his mission. He went and stayed in Paris for 10 months with more than two dozen attendants. During that time, in a Turkish room he served Turkish coffees very carefully to the ladies of Paris high society. Soliman Aga could infer information about Louis’s mind from their ongoing conversation in the room. Not long after that he left the city, Parisians fell deep into coffee drinking. One of the attendants of Soliman Aga, a person named Pascal, remained in Paris. With a large amount of coffee beans that his superior left, he started up coffee peddling in the Saint-Germain market and at the Quai de l’École. Pascal is a historical figure because of the relationship between Soliman Aga and the owner of Café Procope (Procopio), but innumerable and unidentified coffee peddlers of Levantine origins worked in the streets of European cities like London, Oxford, Paris etc. Pascal did not succeed in coffee business. He thought he could benefit from conducting his business in a market as people gathered there. But the temporary function of Saint-Germain market, like every market throughout France, was Pascal’s Achilles heel. His other business at Quai de l’École finally ended up getting no attention from Parisians. Nonetheless, Francesco Procopio dei Coltelli, an ex-employee of Pascal, returned to the Saint-Germain Market in order to sell coffee. He made money in that place and also obtained several licenses from the French government relevant to sale of coffee, tea, lemonade and alcoholic beverages. And he was planning new-concept coffeehouse that would far surpass Pascal’s peddling. Wide spaces, tapestried walls, chandeliers hanging from the ceiling, marble tables... he tried to make his Café Procope a center of brilliant social life. This coffeehouse was well located on the rue des Fossés-Saint-Germain, very close to the Théâtre-Français. The effect of people flocking to the theater was wonderful. Wealthy theater-goers, many famous actors, play writers became regular frequenters of that coffeehouse. It was critical factor directly connected to the success of Café Procope. If I may add one more thing, there is an extensive menu including tea, hot chocolate, wine, l’eau de cédrat, ices, sorbets, barvaroise etc. So, Café Procope was to be the first modern coffeehouse in Paris and would serve as a model to the Parisian coffeehouses that would follow in the years to come.(Daejin University)
20
Day, David A., Nicole Wild, and Philip H. Highfill. "Dictionnaire des theatres parisiens au XIXe siecle." Notes 48, no. 1 (September 1991): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/941801.
21
Kristinsdóttir-Urfalino, Guðrún. "The Popular and the Academic: The Status of the Public’s Pleasure in the Quarrel of Le Cid." Nordic Theatre Studies 29, no. 2 (March 5, 2018): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/nts.v29i2.104604.
Abstract:
The unprecedented success of Le Cid (1637) triggered a ferocious literary quarrel about the value of the judgement of the least “considerable” part of the theatre audience – the people. This article explains how the social and gendered distribution of the audience in the few Parisian theatres of the period could reveal the difference of the appreciation of various categories of the audience. The article then develops that at this time in France, the notion of the “public” does not refer to the audience but to the res publica, the edifying character of the plays meant to serve the public good. Indeed, the theatre was given a moral dimension, as an heritage to Horace’s Ars poetica in which the role of theatre was to please and instruct.This is followed by a discussion of two aspects of the quarrel. It was first set off by the fact that Corneille with his attitude disrupted the rules of the economy of cooptation in vigour in the Republic of letters, thus deeply shocking his peers. The second aspect of the quarrel pertained to the dramatic rules which were being established at the time. Le Cid transgressed some of these rules, in particular the rule of decorum. But the condemnation of the transgression of these rules put in question their purpose and their value. Corneille maintained that like Aristotle, he was concerned with the public’s pleasure and that Horace’s precept of moral instruction was secondary in theatre.The conjunction of the criticism of peers concerning the non-respect of the dramatic rules and the actual success with the public posed the question of the valid tribunal of literary works – peers or the public. Ultimately, the fact that the play had touched all categories of the audience – the people and the courtiers – facilitated the valorization of the people’s pleasure and the people’s judgement vis-à-vis the peers.
22
Hargrove, Nancy D. "T. S. Eliot and the Parisian Theatre World, 1910-1911." South Atlantic Review 66, no. 4 (2001): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3202059.
23
Quitin, José. "Le théâtre liégeois de Jean-Noël Hamal, feu d'artifice ou comète périodique ?" Bulletin de la Classe des Beaux-Arts 2, no. 1 (1991): 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/barb.1991.20080.
Abstract:
The Liegeois Theater is a set of four operas composed in 1757-1758 by Jean-Noël Hamal (Liège 1709-1778), singing master at the Liege Cathedral, on libretti in Walloon dialect due to four aristocrats of the country. They took the operas buffas in Napolitan dialect by Pergolesi and Latilla as models, but introduced into them such modern tendencies as truthfulness, naturalness, actuality of theme called by Diderot for the French theater about 1750. Faithful to his Italian patterns, Hamal uses recitativo secco, aria da capo and ensembles at the end of an act, all of them being accompanied by a simple string quartet. On occasion pastiches of Parisian sentimental songs and ariettes, but also real tunes in the French fashion are inserted into the theatrical action. The success of the Liegois Theater was abruptly annihilated by that of the new opera with spoken dialogue precisely in 1769 after the first performance in liège of Le Huron by Grétry (Liège 1741-Montmorency 1813). Yet, just like a recurrent comet, it reappears on playbills for the greatest enjoyment of those who love the lyrical dialect theater.
24
Kaltenecker, Martin. "Festival d'Automne 2013." Tempo 68, no. 268 (March 20, 2014): 85–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040298213001782.
Abstract:
Since 1972, the Parisian Festival d'Automne has organised dozens of events every year in the field of theatre, dance and music. The list of premieres is impressive, and comprises all the major names in the realm of contemporary art. The concerts represent a kind of anthology of recent outstanding achievements, combined with commissions from younger composers, and a recapitulation of important works of twentieth-century music which may be mentioned in every music history but are rarely performed: this year, for instance, featured Karlheinz Stockhausen's Trans. Offering a precious and vital complement to the other various Parisian seasons, the Festival has no venue of its own, so that, as quite a number of the concerts are co-produced with other institutions, the ‘visibility’ of the festival stems only from the quality of the programming, the excellence of the musicians, and the interaction with the overall artistic project.
25
Doe, Julia. "Opéra-comique on the Eve of Revolution: Dalayrac's Sargines and the Development of “Heroic” Comedy." Journal of the American Musicological Society 68, no. 2 (2015): 317–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2015.68.2.317.
Abstract:
This article draws upon archival evidence to trace the development of opéra-comique—and its broader political import—in the final years of the ancien régime. It focuses in particular on the opening of the Salle Favart, the first new and custom-built theater for the Comédie-Italienne, in 1783. This change in venue attracted elite crowds to France's second lyric stage, solidifying a prominent rift between the generic status of opéra-comique and the social status of its audiences. The patronage of wealthy Parisians, in turn, enabled the company to augment its staging resources and present works on an increasingly expansive scale. On the eve of the Revolution, the theater's programming committee supported the production of operas on heroic, historical subjects. Not only did such patriotic tales inspire fantastical scenery and effects, but they also enhanced the prestige of opéra-comique, which came to challenge its tragic counterpart as a legitimate, and legitimately national, lyric form. An examination of Sargines (1788), by Nicolas-Marie Dalayrac and Jacques-Marie Boutet (known as Monvel), demonstrates how such “heroic” works played into disputes over the traditional limitations of the genre. It also underscores how the aesthetic we now associate with the turbulent 1790s was, in many cases, created out of materials developed in the previous decade, shedding light on the complex relationship between ancien-régime culture and revolutionary art.
26
Sherr, Richard. "Offenbach, Pépito and the Théâtre des Variétés: Politics and Genre in the First Year of the Second Empire." Cambridge Opera Journal 32, no. 2-3 (July 2020): 154–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586721000033.
Abstract:
AbstractOffenbach's first commercially performed dramatic work, the opéra comique Pépito, premiered in Paris at the Théâtre des Variétés on 28 October 1853. This article examines it from historical and musical perspectives. First, I argue that its production at the Théâtre des Variétés is an example of what Mark Everist has called ‘the politics of genre’, in this case the attempts by managers of Parisian boulevard theatres to circumvent the hierarchical system of genre imposed on them by the government. Offenbach may have been directly complicit by offering an opéra comique to a theatre that was legally not allowed to perform the genre and by supplying a musical element – ‘local colour’ – as part of the political strategy by which the manager of the Variétés sneaked the opéra comique past the authorities. The subterfuge did not work, however: I argue that Pépito was recognised by audiences as an opéra comique primarily through the character of its music. A discussion of the score, and the musical competence of the original cast and orchestra of the Variétés, allows a partial reconstruction of the actual sound of the first performance of Pépito. Finally, I consider the later history of Pépito, and in a postscript suggest that a faint memory of Offenbach's Spanish opéra comique may have resurfaced twenty-two years later when Georges Bizet, who became part of Offenbach's circle in the late 1850s, was composing his own Spanish opéra comique, Carmen.
27
Levenson, Erica P. "‘Theatre as a Nursery of Language’: Learning French through Vaudeville Tunes in Eighteenth-Century England." Eighteenth Century Music 20, no. 1 (February 8, 2023): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478570622000343.
Abstract:
AbstractThis article examines how French vaudeville tunes circulated in England through both theatrical performances and French-language textbooks (or ‘grammars’). My central concern is to consider how audiences in London – who had little exposure to the rich satirical and cultural connotations that these tunes had acquired over years of performance in Paris – might have been able to grasp their significance within staged works performed by visiting Parisian troupes between the years 1718 and 1735. I suggest that in tracing the transmission of tunes from France to England, scholars should consider a wider range of print sources, since vaudevilles had a social life extending beyond the plays in which they were performed. To this end, I focus on analysing vaudevilles found in French ‘grammars’. The pedagogical nature of these sources explicitly puts on display how French culture was translated for an English readership. By comparing the tunes found in grammars with plays that used the same tunes, I reveal both how Londoners could have become acquainted with the Parisian understanding of French tunes and how the grammar books could have shifted the meanings of these tunes for English readers and audiences. Ultimately, the circulation of French tunes abroad through grammars directs our attention to the material and cultural practices undergirding the mobility of eighteenth-century musical culture.
28
Milchina, Vera A. "1817: Parisian Everyday Life in Vaudeville and in the Novel." LITERARY FACT, no. 1 (27) (2023): 131–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-8297-2023-27-131-156.
Abstract:
The article deals with two reflections of the everyday life of Paris in 1817: in the vaudevilles “Living Calendar” and “Battle of the Mountains,” composed and staged exactly in this year, and in Victor Hugo’s novel Les Misérables, which was published in 1862. The whole chapter of the novel is devoted to listing the heterogeneous and petty facts of the daily life of Paris in 1817. It turns out that the optics of direct observers (half-forgotten vaudeville artists) and the famous novelist, who described events after four decades, differ very much. The everyday life of vaudeville and the everyday life of the novel present two different images, although they are dated by the same 1817. Hugo tries to simulate everyday trivia of 1817, but in fact he paints an extremely subjective and biased picture by increasing dates and facts blunders and diligently looking for such details that can compromise the Bourbon Restoration era as much as possible. We can hardly judge what trivia really interested the people of 1817 from the chapter “1817.” We could learn much more about it from the ephemeral vaudevilles, since they had captured a picture of everyday life in 1817 on fresh tracks. Hugo does not say a word about the clever dog Munito, the opening of the special storage chambers for canes in theatres, the appearing of new social type clerks-“calicos” etc., but forgotten vaudevilles remind of that.
29
Lewis, Hannah. "The singing film star in early French sound cinema." Soundtrack 12, no. 1 (November 1, 2020): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ts_00010_1.
Abstract:
In the early years of synchronized sound film, cinema’s relationship to live theatre was a topic of debate. Many stars from the Parisian stage successfully transitioned to the screen, becoming important figures in establishing a French national sound film style at a time when the medium’s future remained uncertain. Not only did French audiences take pleasure in hearing French stars speak on-screen, but the French singing voice also had an equally influential, if less examined, effect. Songs performed on-screen by stars from the French stage bridged theatrical traditions and sound cinema’s emerging audio-visual aesthetics. This article examines the singing star in early French sound cinema. Drawing on scholarly approaches to stardom in France and abroad by Richard Dyer and Ginette Vincendeau, I focus on musical numbers in early French sound films that feature three singers already famous on the Parisian stage: Fernandel, Henri Garat and Josephine Baker. I consider how these songs are visually structured around the singing star’s stage presence, and how the soundtrack was likewise constructed around their voices familiar to audiences from recordings and stage performances. Through my analysis, I show how the singing star contributed to a broader acceptance of sound cinema in France.
30
Scott, Virginia. "Saved by the Magic Wand of Circé." Theatre Survey 28, no. 2 (November 1987): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400000454.
Abstract:
The story of Molière and his theatre has been told a thousand times, the archives and libraries of France sifted again and again for the smallest nuggets of information. The story of the Comédie-Française after the union of 1680 has been almost as thoroughly studied. But the struggle of the survivors of the Troupe of the Palais Royal after Molière's death in 1673 has not attracted very much attention. Merged with the “better” actors of the Théâtre du Marais, Molière's widow and seven others were nearly lost in the murky political and economic seas of the 1670s and saved themselves, not with a new star or a new playwright, but with the most amazing display of spectacle ever seen on a Parisian public stage. The magic wand of Circé transformed the Troupe of the Hôtel Guénégaud into the profitable and secure enterprise which was to serve as the foundation of the French National Theatre.
31
Needell, Jeffrey D. "Rio de Janeiro and Buenos Aires: Public Space and Public Consciousness in Fin-de-Siècle Latin America." Comparative Studies in Society and History 37, no. 3 (July 1995): 519–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500019794.
Abstract:
The Parisian Faubourg Saint Germain and perhaps the Rue de la Paix and the boulevards seemed the adequate measure of luxury to all of the snobs. The old colonial shell of the Latin American cities little approximated such scenery. The example of Baron de Haussmann and his destructive example strengthened the decision of the new bourgeoisies who wished to erase the past, and some cities began to transform their physiognomy: a sumptuous avenue, a park, a carriage promenade, a luxurious theater, modern architecture revealed that decision even when they were not always able to banish the ghost of the old city. But the bourgeoisies could nourish their illusions by facing one another in the sophisticated atmosphere of an exclusive club or a deluxe restaurant. There they anticipated the steps that would transmute “the great village” into a modern metropolis.—José Luis Romero
32
Hemmings, F. W. J. "Applause for the Wrong Reasons: The Use of Applications for Political Purposes in Paris Theatres, 1780–1830." Theatre Research International 14, no. 3 (1989): 256–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300008968.
Abstract:
John Moore, the Glasgow physician and friend of Tobias Smollett, after attending a few performances at the Théâtre-Fran¸ais during a visit to the French capital in 1779, commented as follows on the surprisingly subversive behaviour of the Parisian parterre at that date: ‘By the emphatic applause they bestow on particular passages of the pieces represented at the theatre, they convey to the monarch the sentiments of the nation respecting the measures of his government.’ Moore gives no precise instances, but it is clear what he is referring to, and there were plenty of other contemporary observers to testify to the growing habit of making applications, and using this method to express opposition to certain government policies which, in the prevalent atmosphere of political repression, it might have been dangerous to contest too openly anywhere else. The theatre auditorium was the ideal place for voicing anonymous criticism with impunity. The guard in the theatre, entrusted with the task of preserving law and order, was powerless to prevent the parterre applying a maxim or simple phrase spoken from the stage to some matter of burning political import, and showing, by their vociferous applause, where exactly their sympathies lay.
33
Bajagić, Dušan. "Serbia and other participants in the Balkan theatre of war according to French newspaper Le Petit Parisien in 1917." Зборник радова Филозофског факултета у Приштини 50, no. 2 (2020): 215–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp50-26818.
34
Underwood, Nick. "The Yiddish Art Theatre in Paris after the Holocaust, 1944–1950." Theatre Survey 61, no. 3 (July 27, 2020): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557420000277.
Abstract:
Almost as soon as Paris was liberated from Nazi Occupation on 25 August 1944, Yiddish actors took back the stages on which they had once performed. In fact, on 20 December 1944, while war and the Holocaust still raged, a small cohort of actors produced what they advertised in the Naye prese as the “first grand performance by the ‘Yiddish folks-bine.’” This performance was to take place at the four-hundred-seat Théâtre Lancry, a performance space located in Paris's 10th arrondissement, not far from the Place de la République and the Marais. “Lancry,” as it was known, had played host to Yiddish theatre as early as 1903 and, during the interwar years, it was the center of Parisian Yiddish cultural activity: dozens of theatre performances occurred there and it was where the Kultur-lige pariz was based, among other institutions. During the postwar years, it also went by the name Théâtre de la République after 1947 and Théâtre du Nouveau-Lancry after 1951, but many still referred to it simply as “Lancry.”
35
Wellmann, Janina. "Science and Cinema." Science in Context 24, no. 3 (July 26, 2011): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889711000135.
Abstract:
This issue of Science in Context is dedicated to the question of whether there was a “cinematographic turn” in the sciences around the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1895, the Lumière brothers presented their projection apparatus to the Parisian public for the first time. In 1897, the Scottish medical doctor John McIntyre filmed the movement of a frog's leg; in Vienna, in 1898, Ludwig Braun made film recordings of the contractions of a living dog's heart (cf. Cartwright 1992); in 1904, Lucien Bull filmed in slow motion a bullet entering a soap bubble. In 1907 and 1908, respectively, Max Seddig and Victor Henri recorded Brownian motion with the help of a cinematograph (Curtis 2005). In 1909, the Swiss Julius Ries was one of the first to film fertilization and cell division in sea urchins (Ries 1909). In that same year in Paris, Louise Chevroton and Frédéric Vlès used a film camera to observe cell division in the same object (Chevroton and Vlès 1909). As early as 1898, the Parisian surgeon Eugène-Louis Doyen began filming several of his operations, among them the spectacular separation of the Siamese twins Doodica and Radica (Bonah and Laukötter 2009). And in England, the scientist and zoologist Francis Martin Duncan produced an array of popular-scientific films for Charles Urban: “The unseen world: A series of microscopic studies” was presented to the public in the Alhambra Theatre in London for the first time in 1903 (see Gaycken in this issue).
36
Rauer, Selim. "The Racial Unconsciousness of the Parisian Public Theatre: Borders and Demotions in Francophone Contemporary Drama." Modern Drama 61, no. 3 (September 2018): 411–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/md.s0918.
37
Philips, Dougal. "Capitalist Realism and the Refrain: The Libidinal Economies of Degas." Synthesis: an Anglophone Journal of Comparative Literary Studies, no. 3 (May 1, 2011): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/syn.16921.
Abstract:
This article looks to the work of Degas as an exemplar of a kind of Capitalist Realism, a kind of second generation realism following on from the earlier work of Courbet and Manet. It is posited here that Degas took up the mantle of a ‘corporeal’ realism distinguished from the Impressionists by its nuanced approach to the realism of the body, in particular to its place in the Parisian network of capital and desire. Degas’s paintings and his experiments with photography mapped two spaces: the space of the libidinal and capitalist exchange (theatre, café, stock-exchange) and the space of the production of painting. Further, Degas attempts to represent his own disappearance into both these spaces. Degas continued the politicised social project of realism but with a personalised, modernised vision that prefigures the realisms of the twentieth century.
38
Heathcote, Owen. "Balzac Between Work and Play: Les Comédiens sans le savoir." Nottingham French Studies 51, no. 2 (July 2012): 136–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2012.0015.
Abstract:
This article explores the interplay between work and play in one of Balzac's late works, Les Comédiens sans le savoir (1846). On the one hand, the characters in this text are all performers, whether in politics, art, law, finance, fashion or theatre. On the other hand, the characters’ performances are integral to their work, both in Parisian (in one case, provincial) society and at a particular moment of historial time – the July Monarchy. What is the effect of this overlap or this dichotomy between work and play? Does the emphasis on play undermine Balzac's realism or does it, by showing characters’ alienation from each other and from themselves, underpin the ‘vérité suffocante’ of La Comédie humaine? In addressing these questions, the article examines the moral, social, political and gender implications of Balzac's representation of la société du spectacle.
39
Newark, Cormac, and Ingrid Wassenaar. "Proust and music: The anxiety of competence." Cambridge Opera Journal 9, no. 2 (July 1997): 163–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586700005243.
Abstract:
Propped up in his bed, for all the world the quintessential fin-de-siècle invalid, Marcel Proust listened to the perplexing sound of music far away. He heard it from beyond the walls of his room, through a connecting tube: the famous théâtrophone, a permanent subscription telephone line that could connect Proust's apartment in the boulevard Haussmann to a number of Parisian theatres, opera houses and concert halls. The operatic scenes that succeeded in penetrating those walls were not scenes at all: they were disembodied voices, issuing instructions for the visual imagination. Those moments that progressed further — onto the pages of A la recherche du temps perdu — were of course even less corporeal: both invisible and soundless. In the passage from opera house to author to novel, who can say how much was lost? All that remains are words, hundreds of thousands of them, pouring noiselessly into a space where the music has sunk without trace; the fevered patient added reams more supplementary material (inflations, substitutions, emendations) as fast as the opera came in through the wall, papering — soundproofing — the room with words.
40
Stilwell, J. "A New View of the Eighteenth-Century 'Abduction' Opera: Edification and Escape at the Parisian 'TheaTres de la foire'." Music and Letters 91, no. 1 (January 29, 2010): 51–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ml/gcp080.
41
Van Drie, Melissa. "Hearing through the théâtrophone: Sonically constructed spaces and embodied listening in the late nineteenth-century French theatre." SoundEffects - An Interdisciplinary Journal of Sound and Sound Experience 5, no. 1 (March 9, 2016): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/se.v5i1.23310.
Abstract:
This article presents a historical and theoretical reflection of the théâtrophone, a late nine- teenth-century telephone broadcast service that allowed users at a distance to listen in live to local theatre performances (spoken theatre, opera and musical concerts). Often cited as the first binaural experience in 1881, the théâtrophone’s much longer history as a subscription service, which operated in Paris from 1889 through the mid-1930s, is relatively unknown. This article considers what hearing through a théâtrophone meant to nineteenth- and twentieth- century users beyond its initial 1881 prototype. To hear through the théâtrophone means adopting a methodology mirroring the artefact itself: moving between social, professional, artistic, sensory registers. In doing so, the ways in which the théâtrophone was attuned to dis- course and practice emerge, as do more subtle processes involved in new nineteenth-century constructs of hearing and listening. Precisely the théâtrophone’s development is examined in relation to its particular social context: its installation on the spectacular Parisian boulevards and its relation to fin de siècle theatre culture. The article first investigates how theatrophonic listening was accorded to existent practices of theatre-going. Second, the article explores the more radical propositions of the théâtrophone in relation to important aesthetic and prac- tical changes occurring simultaneously in theatre culture. The théâtrophone’s virtual sonic experience multiplied the forms of a performance and its modalities of creation and recep- tion. Through accounts of ‘listening in’ the aspects of the new sonically constructed space are described, as are postures of early mediatised listening. The article posits that new modalities of listening are articulated through the théâtrophone, with certain users, including Proust, defining it as a monitoring and creative tool. In this capacity, ‘theatrophonic’ listening contrib- uted to the development of a refined ear, capable of detecting sonic nuance, which was central to artistic sensibilities at the time.
42
Kreft, Lev. "Hook to the Chin." Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 46, no. 1 (December 1, 2009): 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10141-009-0005-1.
Abstract:
Hook to the ChinWithin historical avant-garde movements from the beginning of the 20th century, a curious taste and fascination for boxing burst out, and developed later into the claim that art must become more similar to boxing, or to sport in general. This fascination with pugilism in the early stage of its popularity on the continent included such charismatic figures of the Parisian avant-garde as Arthur Cravan, who was Oscar Wilde's nephew, a pretty good boxer and an unpredictable organizer of proto-dada outrages and scandals.After WWI, the zenith of artists' and intellectuals' love for boxing was reached in Weimar Germany. One of the well known examples connecting boxing with art was Bertolt Brecht with his statement that we need more good sport in theatre. His and other German avant-garde artists' admiration for boxing included the German boxing star May Schmeling, who was, at least until he lost his defending championship match against Joe Louis, an icon of the Nazis as well. Quite contrary to some later approaches in philosophy of sport, which compared sport with an elite art institution, Brecht's fascination with boxing took its anti-elitist and anti-institutional capacities as an example for art's renewal.To examine why and how Brecht included boxing in his theatre and his theory of theatre, we have to take into account two pairs of phenomena: sport vs. physical culture, and avant-garde theatre vs. bourgeois drama. At the same time, it is important to notice that sport, as something of Anglo-Saxon origin, and especially boxing, which became popular on the European continent in its American version, were admired by Brecht and by other avant-garde artists for their masculine power and energy. The energy in theatre, however, was needed to disrupt its cheap fictionality and introduce dialectical imagination of Verfremdungseffect (V-effect, or distancing effect). This was "a hook to the chin" of institutionalized art and of collective disciplinary morality of German tradition.
43
HIBBERD, SARAH. "‘Dormez donc, mes chers amours’: Hérold's La Somnambule (1827) and dream phenomena on the Parisian lyric stage." Cambridge Opera Journal 16, no. 2 (July 2004): 107–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586704001818.
Abstract:
Ferdinand Hérold's 1827 ballet-pantomime La Somnambule, written for the Paris Opéra, is generally remembered today only as a source for Bellini's 1831 opera La sonnambula. However, Hérold's work – which also inspired a series of popular vaudevilles on the same theme – illustrates the strong, voyeuristic appeal of the trance phenomenon at the end of the Bourbon Restoration. It can be viewed as encapsulating wide-ranging contemporary ideas about the relationship between sleepwalking, mesmerism, madness and the supernatural. The aims of this article are twofold. First, it seeks to introduce important nuances into the received and often generalised claims usually made about the containing nature of trance scenes in nineteenth-century theatre, positing an alternative model to that of the unhinged heroine of Italian opera familiar from recent feminist writing on opera. Second, it illuminates the musical practices specific to late Restoration Paris that were so crucial to the aesthetic – and the success – of these sleepwalking heroines. A web of visual and musical allusions conjured up an entranced figure who, although related to the Italian operatic madwoman, has a personality and social implications all her own.
44
Blaszkiewicz, Jacek. "Chez Paul Niquet: Sound, Spatiality, and Sociability in the Paris Cabaret." 19th-Century Music 45, no. 2 (2021): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2021.45.2.147.
Abstract:
Years before Montmartre’s cabarets artistiques took Europe by storm, the Cabaret Paul Niquet thrived as a Right-Bank tavern popular among Paris’s laborers, vendors, and criminals during the early nineteenth century. It became notorious not only for its clientele, but also for its vivid representations in travel literature, fiction, popular song, and vaudeville. Even after its demolition by Baron Haussmann during the Second Empire, the cabaret remained a fixation among Paris’s musical and literary class. The interest in this lowly tavern reveals a sustained middle-class preoccupation with the spatial and sonic practices of the most destitute of Parisian citizens. Yet this preoccupation was not merely a condescending fascination with the poor. Niquet’s cabaret serves as a lens through which to examine social and sensory changes brought on by urbanization. Bringing urban geography into conversation with the historiography of French theater, this article contends that the city’s proletarian leisure spaces offered a relational form of sociability that was at odds with the spectacular aesthetic of Haussmannization. The sounds emanating from Niquet’s cabaret, from clanging glasses to spontaneous songs, defined the cabaret institution spatially: not merely in acoustic terms, but also as a democratized site of leisure for workers and literati alike.
45
Johnson, Janet. "Donizetti's first ‘affare di Parigi’: an unknown rondò-finale for Gianni da Calais." Cambridge Opera Journal 10, no. 2 (July 1998): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586700004912.
Abstract:
Donizetti's involvement with Paris has been understood to date from February 1834, when Rossini, acting as the Théâtre Italien's music director, commissioned Marino Faliero for performance the following winter. Though written in Italy, the work was substantially revised in Paris during the two months Donizetti spent there before the première on 12 March 1835, hence William Ashbrook's assertion that Donizetti ‘wrote for the first time for Paris, absorbing the musical tastes of that city, when he presented Marino Faliero at the Théâtre Italien’. While this opera unquestionably remains the one that officially launched the composer's Parisian career, new manuscript and printed musical sources reveal that Donizetti's ties to the city actually date back to 1833, when plans were laid for productions of two of his earlier operas: Gianni di Parigi (1831) and Gianni da Calais (1828). Like Marino Faliero, the first of these works was composed in Italy with a Paris (or a London) première in mind, Donizetti having hoped diat Giovanni Battista Rubini would introduce it at one of his benefit performances soon after rejoining the Italiens (part of the troupe spent spring and summer seasons at the King's Theatre). A close study of the work might shed light on the composer's understanding (or ignorance) of operatic practice in the city at this point in his career; indeed, it was precisely because Gianni di Parigi was so French at least in terms of its libretto (Felice Romani's adaptation of Claude Godard d'Aucour de Saint-Just's libretto for Boieldieu's classic and closely protected Jean de Paris, in the repertory of the Opéra-Comique since 1812) that the comic melodramma was never mounted in Paris. But it was the second work, composed for the Teatro del Fondo in Naples (where it was premièred on 2 August 1828), and performed at the Théâtre Italien twice, on 17 December 1833 and 4 January 1834, that Donizetti actually helped adapt to Parisian taste.
46
Kiebuzinski, Ksenya. "Dancing theKolomyikaat the Opéra-Comique: Léo Delibes's Galician OperaKassya." Austrian History Yearbook 46 (April 2015): 134–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237814000149.
Abstract:
In the spring 1893, the following statement appearedin a theater review in one of the Parisian dailies: “Mais, dans ce diable de pays de Galicie, on n'est jamais tranquille et il faut toujours craindre pour le lendemain [But, in this hell of a land Galicia, it's never quiet, and one must always fear for tomorrow].” These words were written in response to the first, and perhaps the only, opera produced in Western Europe about the Austrian province of Galicia. The work's plot centered on a love triangle between a count, a gypsy girl, and a peasant, and was set against the historical backdrop of the Galician peasant uprising of 1846. The opera in question,Kassya, was the swan song of French composer Léo Delibes, written after a trip he took to Hungary and Austrian Galicia. The critic who penned the above words, Georges Street, certainly knew something about intrigue and conspiracy within the Austrian Empire. He was the grandson of Metternich's master spy, Georg Klindworth, and the son of Agnes Street-Klindworth, who gathered intelligence for her father about refugees of the 1848 upheavals living in Weimar. Delibes's opera and Street's biography interconnect only circumstantially—the former composed the music toKassya;the latter attended a performance and wrote a review—yet this coincidence suggests an interesting avenue for investigation regarding French contacts with East Central Europe.
47
Dutsch, Dorota. "Gestures in the manuscripts of Terence and late revivals of literary drama." Gesture 7, no. 1 (April 18, 2007): 39–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/gest.7.1.04dut.
Abstract:
Several manuscripts of Terence feature a cycle of miniatures depicting masked actors. The miniatures mark scene-headings and on this account have often been dismissed as merely decorative and irrelevant to the history of ancient theater. Nevertheless, the pictures project an illusion of theatricality so irresistible and lively, that it is hardly possible that the illustrated Terence does not reflect some sort of performance practice. This paper focuses on the code of gesture depicted in the miniatures and examines its relationship with late revivals of literary drama. I first discuss the iconographic and textual evidence pertaining to the date of the prototype of the miniatures; I then examine Quintilian’s remarks on dramatic gesture in order to outline the code he associated with the stage. This outline serves as a comparandum for the typology of gestures depicted in the Parisian codex of Terence (B.N. 7899), which is based on an analysis of the set of hand positions used to illustrate the Andria. (A glossary decoding the gestures of the Andria and comparing them with both hand positions from Quintilian’s catalogue and those known from earlier iconography is appended to the end of this paper.) The results of this comparison, along with some observations on the artist’s technique, suggest an answer to the question of which (if any) performance practice the miniatures could reflect.
48
Callaway, David W., Christopher R. Peabody, Ari Hoffman, Elizabeth Cote, Seth Moulton, Amado Alejandro Baez, and Larry Nathanson. "Disaster Mobile Health Technology: Lessons from Haiti." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 27, no. 2 (April 2012): 148–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x12000441.
Abstract:
AbstractIntroductionMobile health (mHealth) technology can play a critical role in improving disaster victim tracking, triage, patient care, facility management, and theater-wide decision-making.ProblemTo date, no disaster mHealth application provides responders with adequate capabilities to function in an austere environment.MethodsThe Operational Medicine Institute (OMI) conducted a qualitative trial of a modified version of the off-the-shelf application iChart at the Fond Parisien Disaster Rescue Camp during the large-scale response to the January 12, 2010 earthquake in Haiti.ResultsThe iChart mHealth system created a patient log of 617 unique entries used by on-the-ground medical providers and field hospital administrators to facilitate provider triage, improve provider handoffs, and track vulnerable populations such as unaccompanied minors, pregnant women, traumatic orthopedic injuries and specified infectious diseases.ConclusionThe trial demonstrated that even a non-disaster specific application with significant programmatic limitations was an improvement over existing patient tracking and facility management systems. A unified electronic medical record and patient tracking system would add significant value to first responder capabilities in the disaster response setting.Callaway DW, Peabody CR, Hoffman A, Cote E, Moulton S, Baez AA, Nathanson L. Disaster mobile health technology: lessons from Haiti. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2012;27(2):1-5.
49
Polovinkina, Olga I. "The “Montage of Attractions” in T.S. Eliot’s The Waste Land." Literature of the Americas, no. 13 (2022): 207–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-7894-2022-13-207-223.
Abstract:
The article deals with the importance of the music hall for The Waste Land by T.S. Eliot. This form of entertainment art, at first glance, does not fit well with the deep religious and philosophical message that is traditionally seen in the poem, but it is attracting more and more attention from researchers. The term “music hall” in the article refers to a type of theater that was represented by the English music hall, the American minstrel shows, vaudeville and musical comedy of Eliot's youth, the Parisian variety theater which he came to know intimately in the early 1910s, and revue. The English music hall was chosen to refer to the phenomenon because it was the one that occupied Eliot's imagination at the time when The Waste Land was being written. The article describes T.S. Eliot as a music hall habitué in the 1910s — early 1920s, his essays on the music hall in the magazines Dial and Tyro are analyzed. The author proves that the importance of the music hall song for The Waste Land is not limited to the usage of the rhythm and any kind of musical technique. The songs are not important in themselves, but as part of the performance. The fragment that opens the first version of the poem is a striking revelation of the music hall. The fragment is read as representing the music hall performance, starting with the motive of a “hot night” and ending with quotes from various music hall songs. From the same point of view, the original title of the poem is analysed. The presence of the music hall in the final version of The Waste Land is shown in connection with the characters from the working class and the image of Tiresias. The general principle on which the artistic whole is built in The Waste Land is presented as reproducing the structure of a music hall performance; the author takes the name “montage of attractions” for it from S. Eisenstein.
50
Bischin, Maria-Roxana. "Choreographing Kandinsky’s ‘Spiritual’ in Sergei Diaghilev’s Ballets Russes." Sæculum 47, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 153–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/saec-2019-0015.
Abstract:
AbstractThe purpose of this article is to demonstrate that Wassily Kandinsky’s geometrical paintings were inspired by the ballet world, and by the body movements of the ballerina. Moreover, painting and ballet communicate with each other. And geometry has helped that. Then, the idea of this article starts with the necessity in relating Kandinsky’s Spiritual theory on non-materiality exposed in Über das Geistige in der Kunst with Sergei Diaghilev’s Ballets Russes brought on Parisian scene between 1909s and 1929s. Ballets Russes is the term which names all the ballet representations thought and designed by Sergei Diaghilev after his musical-cultural conflict with Nikolai Rimski Korsakov. Starting with 1907s, Kandinsky had initiated Der Blaue Reiter group and he starts with various drawing techniques. Were favourable years in which Kandinsky’s evolution from simple drawings to sophisticated Compositions got up. We are witnessing a cultural increasement. So, the ballet, the music, the theatre and the painting can not be separated any more or, at least, or, at least, cannot be thought of separately as systems of aesthetic theory. The aesthetic evolution from ballet and theatre had influenced the evolution in painting. What we will try to show as novelty in our investigation, is the kinetic and spiritual relation between Kandinsky’s Compositions and some representations from Ballets Russes by Sergei Diaghilev, especially with the «L’Oiseau de feu». In conclusion, we want to show how the lines designed by Wassily Kandinsky are describing ballet’s movements. The methods used in our research have consisted in the inter-artistic comparison between Wassily Kandinsky’s theory of painting and the ballets designed by Sergei Diaghilev. We also brought a philosophical and personal perspective on both worlds.