Academic literature on the topic 'Paris (France) History Siege, 1870-1871'

ABSTRACTDuring the Franco-Prussian War, Paris was besieged by the Prussians from the middle of September 1870 until the end of January 1871. During most of the period, the main means of transportation – railways, roads, telegraph, bridges, etc. – were cut off by the Prussians. This article shows that, given the elimination of the main means of diffusion of news, some novel strategies were used to preserve a democratic distribution of information. An analysis of the content of four illustrated periodicals – The Illustrated London News and The Graphic in London and L'Illustration and Le Monde Illustré in Paris – shows that innovative methods involving such things as the balloon and the carrier pigeon were used to circulate news inside and outside the fortifications of Paris and beyond the surrounding Prussian army. The article also demonstrates that while this distribution had a different form from that occurring in normal situations, it did not prevent the papers from reaching a balance among the various issues related to the war and covered by their content.

Following the balloon's invention in 1783, the French greeted the technology with enthusiasm, speculating extensively about its potential scientific and practical applications. However, the lack of progress in navigating against the winds discredited ballooning, and in the following decades it became the domain of spectacular forms of entertainment and of swindlers trying to defraud public subscriptions. All of this changed after the 1870–1871 Franco-Prussian War, during which balloons were used to breach the siege of Paris. This essay explores how the aeronautical community, led by the recently established Société Française de Navigation Aérienne, mobilized the memory of the war to transform the balloon into a symbol of a heroic republican science. Paramount in that process was the Zénith 's 1875 high-altitude ascent that killed two aeronauts—Joseph Crocé-Spinelli and Théodore Sivel. The tragedy reverberated beyond France's scientific community, and through popular acclaim the two aeronauts became the Third Republic's first scientific martyrs, anticipating the eventual apotheoses of figures like Claude Bernard and Louis Pasteur. The ballooning revival in the last third of the century helped strengthen the association between France and aeronautics, thus setting the stage for the country to acquire a central position in the field by the early twentieth century.

ABSTRACT The years 1870––71 marked the beginning of dramatic changes in French political and cultural life. A few short months witnessed defeat to Germany in the Franco-Prussian War and the fall of the Second Empire, as well as the rapid rise of the Paris Commune and its subsequent violent suppression through the establishment of republican government. The Parisian musical world, while severely affected by the events of war and deprived of performers and audiences, did not come to a standstill. Indeed, these years ushered in a remarkable increase in the number of institutions and concert societies dedicated to supporting French music and to making what would become the standard repertoire more accessible to the average citizen. Music heightened reactions to the turmoil of war and revolution in Paris at this crucial moment in France's history. Because of their stringent governmental control and largely middle- and working-class audiences, entertainments organized initially by wartime concert societies, and then under the aegis of the Commune, provide us with the greatest opportunity for understanding the political and social contexts in which music operated. Through investigation of the contemporary French press it can be shown that: (1) the perceived function of musical performance was adjusted to suit the practical and symbolic needs of a besieged city; (2) all the factions competing for power during the war and the post-war insurrection in Paris appropriated the connotations of civilization, social stability, and good taste that surrounded ““art music””; (3) the Commune's sudden rejection of the Austro-German musical tradition marked a brief but significant moment in which nationalistic preoccupations supplanted historically cosmopolitan attitudes toward foreign art. The study concludes with a meditation on Alfred Roll's painting of the execution of a Communard trumpeter, in which we find one of the strongest images relating war and rebellion to music in the France of 1871.

Publicamos una pequeña serie de monedas, relacionadas con las piezas conocidas inicialmente como de ejemplares “tipo Auriol”. Se trata de varias imitaciones greco-massaliotas, relacionadas con el ciclo numismático griego del Occidente mediterráneo. La importante novedad de las mismas se fundamenta en el lugar de hallazgo, pues este se ha producido en una zona interior de la Península Ibérica, donde hasta el momento no se había documentado el descubrimiento de numismas de este tipo. Palabras clave: moneda, imitaciones, edetanosTopónimos: Massalia, Emporion, AuriolPeriodo: Edetanos ABSTRACTThe text presents a small series of coins, similar to those initially known as "Auriol type". These are various Greek-Massalian imitations, related to the Greek numismatic cycle of the Western Mediterranean. What makes these coins particularly interesting is their place of discovery, since they were found in an inland area of the Iberian Peninsula, where the appearance of specimens of this type had not previously been documented. Keywords: coin, imitations, AuriolPlace names: Massalia, Emporion,Period: edetans REFERENCIASAmorós, J. V. (1934), Les monedes emporitanes anteriors a les dracmes, Barcelona, Gabinet Numismàtic de Catalunya.Arévalo González, A. (2002), “La moneda griega foránea en la Península Ibérica”, en Actas del X Congreso Nacional de Numismática, Madrid, Museo Casa de la Moneda, pp. 1-15.Babelon, E. C. F. (1901), Traité des monnaies grecques et romaine, vol. 1, Paris, Ernest Leroux Editeur.Benezet, J., Delhoeste, J. Lentillon, J.-P. (2003), “Une monnaie du “type d´Auriol” dans la plaine roussillonnaise”, Cahiers Numismatiques, 158, pp. 5-8.Blancard, M. (1870-1871), “Iconographie des monnaies du trésor d´Auriol acquises par le cabinet des médailles de Marseille”, en Mémoires del´Académie des Sciences, Belles-Lettre et Arts de Maseille, Marseille, Barlatier-Feissat Pére et fils, pp. 17-33.Blanchet, A. (1905), Traité des monnaies gauloises, vol. 1, Paris, Ernest Leroux Editeur.Campo Díaz, M. (1987), “Circulación de monedas massaliotas en la Península Ibérica (s. V-IV a. C.)”, en Mélanges offerts au docteur J. B. Colbert de Beaulieu, Paris, Leópard d`or, pp. 175-187.— (1997), “La moneda griega y su influencia en el contexto indígena”, en Historia monetaria de Hispania antigua, Madrid, Jesús Vico, pp. 19-49.— (2002), “Las emisiones de Emporion y su difusión en el entorno ibérico”, La monetazione dei Focei in Occidente, Atti dell´XI Convegno del Centro Internazionale di studi Numismatici, Roma, Istituto italiano di Numismatica, pp. 139-165.— (2003), “Les primeres imatges gregues: l´inici de les fraccionàries d´Emporion”, en VII Curs d´Història Monetaria d´Hispània. Les imatges monètaries: llenguatge i significat, Barcelona, Museu Nacional d´Art de Catalunya, pp. 25-45. Campo Díaz, M. y Sanmartí, E. (1994), “Nuevos datos para ña cronología de las monedas fraccionarias de Emporion: revisión del tesoro Neapolis-1926”, Huelva Arqueológica, 13, pp. 153-172.Chevillon, J. A. (2002), “Les monnaies archaïques d´Emporion dans le trésor d´Auriol”, Bulletin de la Société Française de Numismatique, 57, pp. 30-33.Chevillon, J. A., Bertaud, O. y Guernier, R. (2008), “Nouvelles données relatives au monnayage archaïque massaliète”, Revue Numismatique, 164, pp. 209-244.Chevillon, J. A. Ripollès, P. P. (2014), “The Greeck Far West: un exceptional adaptation of a design from Asia Menor with bull und lion foreparts”, Journal of the Numismatic Association of Australia, 25, pp. 44-46.Chevillon, J. A., Ripollès, P. P. y López, C. (2013), “Les têtes de taureau dans le mnnayage postarchaïque empuritain du V siècle av. J. C.”, OMNI. Revue Numismatique, 6, pp. 10-14. De Saucy, F., De Berthélemy, A. y Hucher, E. (1875), “Examen détaillée du trésor d´Auriol (Bouches-du-Rhone)”, en Mélanges de Numismatique 1, Paris, Le Mans, pp. 12-44.Furtwängler, A. E. 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Almonacid Clavería (coords.), Cuenca: historia en sus monedas, Cuenca, Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, pp. 55-84.— (2017a), “La ceca de Ikalesken y el problema de su localización”, Gaceta Numismática, 193, pp. 3-19.— (2017b), “Una pieza de Urkesken y la localización de la ceca”, Gaceta Numismática, 193, pp. 21-30.Gozalbes Fernández de Palencia, M. y Ripollès, P. P. (2002), “Nuevos hallazgos de monedas foráneas en el territorio de Arse-Saguntum”, en P. P. Ripollès y M. M. Llorens, Arse-Saguntum. Historia monetaria de la ciudad y su territorio, Sagunto, Fundación Bancaja, pp. 528-533.Gozalbes García, H. y Gozalbes Cravioto, E. (2017), “Une obole massaliote datant du Ve siècle av. J. C. sur le territoire de Cuenca (Espagne)”, Bulletin de la Société Française de Numismatique, 72.2, pp. 52-56.Guadán, A. M. (1968), Las monedas de plata de Emporion y Rhode vol. I, Barcelona, Ayuntamiento de Barcelona.— (1970), Las monedas de plata de Emporion y Rhode, vol. II, Barcelona, Ayuntamiento de Barcelona.Lambert, E. (1864), Essai sur la numismatique gauloise du Nord-Ouest de la France, Paris, Derache.Maurel, G. (2013), Corpus des monnaies de Marseille et Provence, Languedoc oriental et vallée du Rhone (520-20 av. notre ère), Montpellier, Omni, 2013.Omos, R. (1995), “Usos de la moneda en la Hispania prerromana y problemas de lectura iconográfica”, en M. P. García-Bellido y R. M. Centeno (eds.), La moneda hispánica. Ciudad y territorio, Madrid, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, pp. 41-52.Planas Palau, A. y Martí Mañanes, A. (1991), Las monedas de otras cecas encontradas en Ibiza, Ibiza, Puig Castellar. Ripollès, P. P. (1982), La circulación monetaria en la Tarraconense mediterránea, Valencia, Federico Domenech. — (1985), “Las monedas del tesoro de Morella, conservadas en la B. N de París”, Acta Numismàtica, 19, (1985), pp. 47-64.— (1989), “Fracciones ampuritanas. Estado de la investigación”, Archivo de Prehistoria Levantina, 19,pp. 303-317.— (2005), “Las acuñaciones antiguas de la península Ibérica: dependencias e innovaciones”, en C. Alfaro, C. Marcos y P. Otero (coords.), Actas del XIII Congreso Internacional de Numismática, vol. 1, Madrid, Ministerio de Cultura, pp. 187-208.— (2011), “Cuando la plata se convierte en moneda: Iberia oriental”, en Barter, Money and Coinage in the Ancienr Mediterranean (10th-1st Centuries B.C.). Actas del IV Encuentro Peninsular de Numismátic Antigua, Madrid, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, pp. 213-226.— (2013), “Ancient Iberian Coinage”, Documentos Digitales de Arqueología, 2, pp. 1-55.— (2015), “Los divisores ampuritanos con cabeza de carnero y puntos en el campo”, OMNI. Revue Numismatique, 9, pp. 13-16.Ripollès, P. P. Chevillon, J. A. (2013), “The Archaic coinage of Emporion”, The Numismatic Chronicle, 173, pp. 1-21.Ripollès, P. P. y Llorens, M. M. (2002), Arse-Saguntum. Historia monetaria de la ciudad y su territorio, Sagunto, Fundación Bancaja.Rodríguez Casanova, I. (2014), “El tesoro de Valeria: nuevas aportaciones sesenta años después”, en E. Gozalbes, J. A. Hernández Rubio y J. A. Almonacid (coords.), Cuenca: la Historia en sus monedas, Cuenca, Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, pp. 85-106.Savès, G. (1976), Les monnaies gauloises à la croix, Toulouse, Privat, 1976.Villaronga, L. (1987), “Les oboles massaliotes à la roue et leurs imitations dans la Péninsule Ibérique”, en Mélanges offerts au docteur J. B. Colbert de Beaulieu, Paris, Leópard d`or, 1987, pp. 769-777.— (1995), “L´emissió emporitana amb cap de be i revers de creu puntejada de la segona meitat del segle V a.C.”, Acta Numismática, 25, (1995), pp. 17-33.— (1997), Monedes de plata emporitanes dels secles V-VI a. C., Barcelona, Leandre, 1997.— (2003), “La troballa de l´Emporà”, Acta Numismàtica, 33, pp. 15-46.Villaronga, L. Benages, J. (2011), Ancient Coinage of the Iberian Peninsula. Greek, Punic, Iberian, Roman, Barcelona, Societat Catalana d´Estudis Numismàtics, 2011 (citado como ACIP).

Syriac and Syriac-Armenian Sources are much more than ‘just another source’ about the ancient and medieval history of Bulgarians. In their nature, they sometimes constitute the only extant source and in other cases they provide an alternative point of view, far beyond clichés, not subject to the ideology or the censorship of the Byzantine written records. Syriac and Syriac-Armenian sources in this study shall mean the Chronicle of Michael the Syrian by the Patriarch of the Syriac Orthodox Church, Michael the Syrian (1126–1159), Chronography of Gregory Bar Hebraeus (1226–1286) and the translation to Middle Armenian of the Chronicle of Michael the Syrian made in 1248 by the Armenian Vardan Areveltsi and the Syriac monk Iskhok (Isaac). The Middle Armenian translation was preserved in 8 manuscripts, only 2 of which had been published. The first one dating back to the 1273 was published in Jerusalem in 1871, and the second one, dating back to the 1480, was published in 1870 in Jerusalem again. The extracts from the Chronicle of Michael the Syrian were translated to Bulgarian from French from Chronique de Michel le Syrien Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche. Éditée pour la première fois et traduite en français par Jean-Baptiste Chabot. Tome II, Paris 1901 & Tome II², Paris 1905. The extracts from Gregory Bar Hebraeus were translated to Bulgarian from English from Bar Hebraeus’ Chronography. Translated from Syriac by Ernest A. Wallis Budge. Oxford University Press. London, 1932. The extracts from the Middle Armenian translation of the Chronicle of Michael the Syrian were translated from Middle Armenian by me from Reports about Bulgarians in Syriac sources were first found in the story from Michael the Syrian and from Gregory Bar Hebraeus about the migration of 30,000 ‘Scythians’ in the winter of 586/587 from ‘this side of the gorge of the Imæon mountain’. Michael and Bar Hebraeus narrate that reaching the lands of present-day South Russia, 10,000 of these ‘Scythians’ separated from and were accepted as military colonists or foederati by the Byzantine emperor Maurice, who settled them in present-day North Bulgaria. These colonists were called by the Byzantines with the name ‘Bulgarians’. Michael the Syrian and Bar Hebraeus reported that in 590–591 part of the Bulgarian foederati were included in the Byzantine armies sent to Mesopotamia in support of the dethroned Persian šahanšah Khosrow II; and in 602 (according to data by Michael the Syrian and his Middle Armenian translation) those Bulgarian military colonists rebelled in Moesia and attacked the Byzantine province of Thrace. However, what is even more valuable in the story of Michael and Bar Herbaeus was the localisation of the point wherefrom Bulgarian migration started in the winter of 586/587, namely the triangle between the city of Khujand in the Tajik Sughd Region, the city of Tashkent and the city of Jizzakh in the Jizzakh Region of Uzbekistan. The same departure point was also confirmed by two reports in the ‘Ashkharatsuyts’ Geography (1267) of Vardan Areveltsi, the Տեառն Միխայէլի Պատրիարք Ասորւոց Ժամանակագրութիւն . Յերուսաղէմ, 1870 and from Ժամանակագրութիւն Տեառն Միխայէլի Ասորւոց Պատրիարքի. Յերուսաղէմ, 1871. ութիւն. Պատրիարքի., 1871.Յերուսաղէմ, man of letters who made the Middle Armenian translation of the chronicle of Michael the Syrian. Those reports about the region wherefrom migration or migrations of Bulgarians towards East Europe and Caucasus had started, are so far the only particular sources about the lands inhabited by Bulgarians in Asia. The Khujand–Tashkent–Jizzakh triangle is located 2500 km southwestward from the Altai Mountains and Minusinsk, which has been persistently told to be the ancestral homeland of Bulgarians, as they were presumed (based on 20–30 uncertain lexical parallelisms) to be a Turkic people, and the Altai Mountains and Minusinsk were assumed to be the ancestral homeland of Turkic tribes. It was Michael the Syrian again, and his Middle Armenian translation and Bar Hebraeus, to whom historical science owes the most detailed and full description of the participation of Bulgarians as allies of the Byzantines in the repulse of the Arab attack during the siege of Constantinople in 717–718. Systematically and as a rule, Byzantine authors almost completely belittle Bulgarian contribution for saving Eastern Europe from the Islamic invasion, as important as Charles Martel’s victory in 732. Syriac sources, however, name Bulgarians as the third force defending Europe from the Islam, alongside Byzantines and Franks. Furthermore, Michael the Syrian (and his Middle Armenian translation) and Bar Hebraeus offer us an alternative story about the death of the Byzantine Emperor Nicephorus I in 811 in his war against Bulgaria. According to Michael, the emperor had been killed by a person of his suite, and this inference was referred to in the 12th century by Joannes Zonaras only, as one of the several accounts about Nicephorus’s death.The notice of the participation of Macedonian Bulgarians as part of the Byzantine armies, who seized the Arab frontier fortress Zapetra or Zibatra in 837 was amongst the most interesting reports by Michael the Syrian and Bar Hebraeus. This information was independently confirmed two centuries earlier by the Muslim author Al-Masudi (896 – 956) as well. Another piece of information having no parallel in other sources was both Michael the Syrian’s and Bar Hebraeus’s merit again. It had also been repeated in the Middle Armenian translation of Michael’s work, stating that ‘during the war against Bulgarians’ the Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Komnenos (1143 – 1180) would have been nearly killed by a Bulgarian warrior who, becoming aware of the fact that the Emperor himself had been asking for mercy, took pity on the Emperor. Manuel, in return, took the warrior with himself to Constantinople. The analysis of Michael the Syrian’s notice indicates that this incident took place not in the Balkans, but in Asia Minor in a region between South Cappadocia and Cilicia, where the Bulgar Dagh Mountain (Bulgar Dagh – ‘Bulgarian Mountain’) and a number of other toponyms related to Bulgarians were found. In May–June 1159, on his way back from Antioch, the Emperor would have been nearly killed. These and some other reports of Michael the Syrian and Bar Hebraeus are exemplary that speaking of foreign sources about the Bulgarian history, it is high time Syriac and Syriac-Armenian sources took their rightful and significant place in the array of mediaevalists.

Héritière des anciennes milices du royaume de France, la garde nationale a été officiellement créée en 1791 et était initialement chargée du maintien de l’ordre. Elle connut bien des vicissitudes au gré des régimes qui se sont succédé et fut dissoute en 1852. Devant la menace que la victoire prussienne de Sadowa, en 1866, faisait peser sur la France, Napoléon III créa la garde nationale mobile en 1868 et c’est elle qui, avec la garde nationale mobilisée et les francs-tireurs, suppléa l’armée française, défaite à Sedan et enfermée dans Metz, pour continuer la lutte contre l’envahisseur en 1870-1871. L’arrondissement de Beaune dut lever quatre bataillons et demi qui furent principalement appelés à participer à la défense de Paris et à la répression de la révolte kabyle. À l’instar des corps auxiliaires recrutés dans les autres départements, ces troupes, levées dans l’impréparation la plus totale, ont suscité l’espoir et n’ont pas démérité. À défaut d’avoir pu rétablir la situation en France, elles ont permis qu’à la défaite ne s’ajoute pas la déstabilisation en Algérie. Après la guerre, les anciens de ces corps ont pleinement imprégné la société et contribué à forger l’esprit de revanche
The National guard was established in 1791 as a direct descendent of the former militias in the Kingdom of France. The National guard was first tasked with policing, and, during the regimes that followed, experienced various ups and downs before disbanding in 1852. In 1868, however, Napoléon III created the garde nationale mobile to address the impending threat from the Prussian victory in Sadowa in 1866. In 1868, the garde nationale mobile supplemented the regular Army, which had suffered defeat in Sedan and had been pinned down in Metz. Alongside the mobilized garde nationale and the franc-tireurs, the garde nationale mobile continued fighting the invasion forces in the years 1870-1871. The arrondissement of Beaune had to form four battalions and a half through levée en masse. These were mainly tasked with the defense of Paris and the repression of the Kabyle revolt. Just like the corps auxiliaires recruited in the other départements, these conscripted troops were thoroughly unprepared, although they did raise hopes and fought bravely. Despite failing to restore the status quo in France, they did ensure that destabilization was not exacerbated in Algeria. After the 1870 war, the veterans of these forces were at the heart of the society and contributed to forge the spirit of revenge

La chute de l’empire, le 4 septembre 1870, puis le siège de Paris par l’armée prussienne cristallisent un ensemble de situations qui mobilise l’expérience, la culture et les fantasmes des Français du XIXe siècle : guerre d’invasion, révolution, libertés de la parole, justices sociales. Un genre hybride naît dans ce laboratoire obsidional, croisant une écriture diariste avec un compte rendu de la parole publique. Sous la forme du fragment journalier, ces ouvrages conjuguent l es faits collectifs et les faits intimes qu’ils soumettent à une investigation critique fondée sur l’exactitude et la prise sur le vif. Cette expression composée de soi et d’autrui, lecteur pris directement à témoin, est le fruit d’une transformation durab le des conditions de connaissance des hommes dans la cité moderne. Par l’amplitude du phénomène et l’intégration de son procédé aux genres littéraires majeurs (nouvelles, contes, romans, mémoires), elle constitue une expression de ce temps, un dire du présent. Ce projet collectif de déclaration de soi concrétise une conception de l’histoire renouvelée. Il est l’aboutissement d’un siècle de recherche romantique, la coïncidence d’un subjectivisme démocratisé avec les critiques positives, affirmation d’un nouv el homme de civilisation parvenu au premier terme de sa conscience d’être universel
The fall of the Second Empire, on the 4 th of September 1870, and the siege of Paris by the Prussian army crystallized some fundamental changes. This transformation evokes experiences, culture and the fantasies of the French population during the 19 th century including invasion warfare, revolution, freedom of talk and social justice. A kind of hybrid genre is born in the obsidional laboratory, blending a diaristic process and a personal selection of public proclamations. According to the method of daily, fragmentary writing, those texts combine intimate facts and public facts, all extracted from an investigation based on the loyalty to reality and a dynamic and immediate view. This self-expression meant for others who serve as witness and lecteur, was possible because of the conditions on general knowledge in the modern city. As the result of the extension of this writing phenomena and its integration into all literature (tales, short stories, novels, memoirs), it describes a time, a narrative of the present. This collective project of declaiming oneself materializes the new concept of history. It gives a conclusion to the romantic research, a gathering of the democratised subjectivism and positive criticisms. This is the affirmation of a new civilised person with a consciousness organised by his universal approach

The year 1870 proved momentous both in terms of French life and history and for Marmier personally. His joy at being elected to the Académie française was set against the grim backdrop of the Franco–Prussian War, the Siege of Paris, and the bloodbaths at the end of the Commune. Marmier suffered from pneumonia, which kept him in bed for two months. On 19 May, he was elected to fill the seat vacated by Pongerville in the Academy.