Journal articles on the topic 'Paris (France) History Restoration'

At the beginning of the Second Restoration, Paris was swept by a mania for roller coasters, which were dubbed montagnes russes after a Russian tradition of sledding on ice hills. Situating this phenomenon in the context of the military occupation of France following the defeat of Napoleon, this article analyzes one of the many plays featuring these “mountains,” Le Combat des montagnes (“The Battle of the Mountains”), and especially two of its main characters, La Folie (Folly) and Calicot (Calico Salesman). The “battle” over the roller coasters, it argues, was really a contest over how to redefine national identity around consumer culture rather than military glory. Through the lens of the montagnes russes, the article offers a new perspective on the early Restoration as an aftermath of war.

AbstractThe historicist approach is rarely challenged by art historians, who draw a clear distinction between art history and the present-centred pursuit of art criticism. The notion of the ‘period eye’ offers a relevant methodology. Bearing this in mind, I examine the nineteenth-century phase in the development of history painting, when artists started to take trouble over the accuracy of historical detail, instead of repeating conventions for portraying classical and biblical subjects. This created an unprecedented situation at the Paris Salon, where such representations of history could be experienced as a collective ‘dream-work’, in Freud’s sense. In France, this new pictorial language dates back to the aftermath of the Revolution, and the activities of the ‘Lyon School’. Two artists, Richard and Révoil, were its leading proponents. However their initial closeness has obscured the differences in their approach to the past. Substituting for Freud’s ‘condensation’ and ‘displacement’ the concepts of ‘Resurrection’ and ‘Restoration’, I analyse the pictorial language of the two painters, taking two works as examples. The conclusion is that Révoil, also a collector, was a precursor of the historical museum, which convinces through accumulating objects. Richard, however, employs technical and rhetorical devices to evoke empathetic reactions, and anticipates the illusionism of cinema.

The theatrical experience conducted by the Marquis de Sade (1803–1814) with the lunatics of the Charenton asylum is a known fact. This practice, which was considered scandalous though it attracted the “Tout-Paris”, was supposedly part of the so-called “moral treatment” initiated by the alienist-physician Philippe Pinel, founder of modern psychiatry in France. The transition period from the French Revolution to the Empire and the Restoration was, indeed, a time of many transformations in the treatment of mental illness. In its relation to mental illness, theatre may serve as a yardstick for measuring power issues related to divergent conceptions of man and his freedom. But this moment of history, observed through the prism of the problematic of theatre/mental illness, also makes it possible to question our constantly changing approaches to the French Revolution.

The history of plainchant in the nineteenth century is dominated by the various attempts at scholarly restoration both in Britain and abroad. Up to the middle part of the century these efforts were concentrated in France, although demands for revival were being voiced in Italy by Pietro Alfieri, and in Germany by Franz Xaver Witt, amongst others. The first scholarly attempt at the restoration of plainchant was made in 1846 as a result of Jean-Louis-Félix Danjou's discovery of the eleventh-century tonary of St Bénigne de Dijon. Like the Rosetta stone, it enabled scholars to decipher the meaning of symbols which had previously eluded them. In this case the manuscript is notated with both neumes and alphabetic script, so that for the first time the melodic ductus of ancient neumes could be interpreted with certainty. This manuscript became the source for the Rheims-Cambrai Graduale Romanum complectens missas, printed in Paris in 1851, later to be published under the auspices of Cardinal Sterckx of Mechelen and edited by Duval and Bogaerts. Despite the quality of the Mechlin Graduale, it did not fail to cause immense controversy. Louis Vitet, for example, ‘was astonished that a group of four notes in the Paris gradual of 1826 should be replaced in the Rheims-Cambrai edition with a melisma of 48 notes’. Other efforts at revival were equally plagued by controversy. Lambillotte's facsimile edition of St Gall 359, published, in 1851, proved to be ‘completely unreliable’, and the 1857 Parisian Graduale romanum upon which it is based ‘contained truncated melodies’.

In this paper, we first overview the French project on heritage called PATRIMA, launched in 2011 as one of the Projets d'investissement pour l'avenir , a French funding program meant to last for the next ten years. The overall purpose of the PATRIMA project is to promote and fund research on various aspects of heritage presentation and preservation. Such research being interdisciplinary, research groups in history, physics, chemistry, biology and computer science are involved in this project. The PATRIMA consortium involves research groups from universities and from the main museums or cultural heritage institutions in Paris and surroundings. More specifically, the main members of the consortium are the two universities of Cergy-Pontoise and Versailles Saint-Quentin and the following famous museums or cultural institutions: Musée du Louvre, Château de Versailles, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Musée du Quai Branly, Musée Rodin. In the second part of the paper, we focus on two projects funded by PATRIMA named EDOP and Parcours and dealing with data integration. The goal of the EDOP project is to provide users with a data space for the integration of heterogeneous information about heritage; Linked Open Data are considered for an effective access to the corresponding data sources. On the other hand, the Parcours project aims at building an ontology on the terminology about the techniques dealing with restoration and/or conservation. Such an ontology is meant to provide a common terminology to researchers using different databases and different vocabularies.

Abstract The retour des cendres, the commemorative return of Napoleon's remains in 1840, represented an important gesture of Napoleonic restoration in the July Monarchy, along with the creation of monuments, paintings, histories, plays, and encomiums to the defeated emperor. The monarchy's commemoration expanded to the stage of the Paris Opéra in 1841 with the appearance of La reine de Chypre, the five-act grand opera by Fromental Halévy and Henri de Saint-Georges, which reverberated with sonic, visual, literary, and political allusions to the Napoleonic legend and overt references to the ceremonial return of the emperor's ashes, including its use of the grandes trompettes from Napoléon's cortege and Invalides service. In its historical reframing of Catarina Cornaro's early fifteenth-century rise to power in Cyprus and defiance of Venetian tyranny, the nostalgic portrayal of exiled French chevaliers, particularly the dying king Lusignan, evoked France's fallen hero as it joined in the dynamic reshaping of imperial memory. Le retour des cendres, le rapatriement commémoratif de la dépouille de Napoléon en 1840, faisait partie d'un ensemble de gestes de restauration napoléonienne pendant la monarchie de Juillet : monuments, peintures, œuvres d'histoire, pièces de théâtre et panégyriques à l'empereur vaincu. La commémoration du règne impérial par la monarchie atteint la scène de l'Opéra de Paris en 1841, avec le début de La reine de Chypre, le grand opéra en cinq actes de Fromental Halévy et Henri de Saint-Georges. L'opéra fait résonner des allusions sonores, visuelles, littéraires et politiques à la légende napoléonienne et des références manifestes au retour des cendres, y compris l'utilisation des grandes trompettes du cortège de Napoléon et de la cérémonie d'inhumation aux Invalides. Dans son remodelage historique de la montée au pouvoir en Chypre de Catarina Cornaro au début du XVe siècle et de son mépris de la tyrannie vénitienne, le portrait nostalgique des chevaliers français exilés, en particulier le roi mourant Lusignan, évoque le héros déchu de la France tout en renouvelant la mémoire impériale.

Marc Fumaroli, Chateaubriand: Poésie et terreur (Paris: Fallois, 2003)Has the time come to revive François-René de Chateaubriand (1768–1848), author of Atala and René, the novels that defined romanticism in France and, above all, of the immense Mémoires d'outre-tombe (“Memoirs from beyond the grave”), perhaps the most ambitious of all French autobiographical projects? What does an eighteenth-century provincial nobleman's son, author of fanciful tales of encounters with North American “noble savages,” apologist for medieval Christianity, and unsuccessful proponent of a Bourbon restoration after 1815, have to say to twenty-first-century readers? The first important study of Chateaubriand's career, the nineteenth-century literary critic Sainte-Beuve's Chateaubriand et son groupe littéraire sous l'Empire, written in 1849, firmly assigned the great romantic author to an earlier phase of French letters. Commenting on the just-published posthumous Mémoires, Sainte-Beuve admitted that the work revealed Chateaubriand's “immense talent as a writer,” but damned the work by saying that “he reveals himself in all his egotistical nakedness.” The distinguished French literary scholar Marc Fumaroli has now set out to reverse these verdicts on the man and the Mémoires.

One of the main motives in “Odessa” part of I. A. Bunin’s “Okayannye dni” is connected with France. For the first time “Okayannye dni” was published in 1925 on the pages of Paris émigré newspaper “Vozrozhdenie”, and Bunin's text was addressed not only to Russian, but also to foreign audience, primarily French. The editorial circumstances of the first publication should be taken into account when explaining the significance of the “French” motives, but journalistic logic of 1925 follows the specific circumstances of life in Odessa and related author’s experience of 1919. “The French” appear in the first fragment of the “Okayannye dni”, published in the first issue of “Renaissance” on June 3, 1925. In the newspaper publication the starting point is the decision of the French troops to leave Odessa. Bunin does not directly accuse France of abandoning the city and its inhabitants, but then constantly returns to the motive of unfulfilled hopes associated with the French. The French navy destroyer becomes a symbol of the hopes and their collapse. Two other lines connecting Russia and France are also pointed in the first fragment of the “Okayannye dni”. Bunin writes about modern political events and about French history. Bunin constantly reminds the French of their historical responsibility for committing and canonizing their “great” revolution, thus setting an example of the Russian revolution. Among the semantic centers of the “Okayannye dni” in the newspaper publication are fragments about the leaders of the French revolution, in which Bunin refers to the book “Vielles maisons, vieux papiers” by G. Lenotre. References to Lenotr’s book help to avoid a negative assessment of the French revolution as a view of the Russian “from the outside”. Significant changes in the text of the “Okayannye dni” in the book edition in Berlin in 1935 also relate to French motives. Their significance is reduced both by removing fragments and by the restoration of the natural chronological structure, in which the “Okayannye dni” now begin in Moscow on January 1, 1918, not by departure of the French troops from Odessa in 1919.

In recent years much progress has been made in the study of the sanctuaries of the Cyclades, both in the field, with new excavations, as well as in restoration projects, and also towards their publication.A research project entitled Sanctuaries and Cults in the Cyclades was approved as part of a research grant attached to the Chaire Internationale Blaise Pascal for 2012/2013 awarded to me by the French state and the Regional Council of Ile-de-France. The project started in October 2012, in collaboration with the University of Paris 1 (Franis Prost) and the École pratique des hautes études (François de Polignac), and is still in progress. I have been assisted by Jean-Sébastien Gros, who designed the related website and database, Yannis Kalliontzis, who is responsible for the compilation of the written sources associated with the cults in the Cyclades (mostly the inscriptions referring to cult and cult places) and Olga Kaklamani who is responsible for compiling the basic bibliography and catalogues of cult places. The chronological scope of the project is restricted to the Geometric and Archaic periods, though the developments of the Classical era are largely taken into account. The Hellenistic and Roman periods have not been included in the compilation of the archaeological data, with the exception of late inscriptions which could refer to possible earlier cults. An interactive website and online database are in preparation and will be launched soon, hosted by the server of the Department of History, Archaeology and Social Anthropology of the University of Thessaly.

"Pharmacists have the ability to be chemists and that is the reason they possess the knowledge to make photographs. For that purpose, especially in the 19th century, some pharmacists were photographers, so the two professions are related to a certain extent. The daguerreotype was an invention that was brought to the attention of the public in the summer of 1839 in Paris by Louis Daguerre. Although it was a French invention, it enjoyed a huge success in the United States, and for that purpose the most numerous daguerreotypes derive from the American continent. Some daguerreotypes from the pharmaceutical and medical domain will be presented in this work: a picture of the pharmacist Martin (Gamas), of the physician Charles Abadie and of the physician Gustave Adolphe Raichon. The description of the daguerreotypes will include some other particular examples of empirical restoration from the collection of the author. Another type of photography, important for the history of photography, is the autochrome, one of the first colour photographic process available to the public. It was invented by the Lumière brothers. An example of medical photography from colonial France (Morocco), portraying a case of leprosy, will be presented as well. In the end, some examples from the European and Romanian photography will illustrate the role of the pharmacy and of the pharmacist in the 19th century-early 20th century, as a snapshot of the health professional of that period. In conclusion, the picture speaks for itself and somehow, it can be a vivid time machine for the reconstruction of the past, not only in the fields of pharmacy and medicine, but in any other field as well. Keywords: Daguerreotype, autochrome, pharmacy, medicine, old photography, photography collection. "

Study of French political history for the period of 1789 to 1851 is exceedingly complex. Not only must one possess knowledge of a succession of regimes (with their varying constitutions, institutions, laws, and conventions), one must also grasp the essentials of political traditions such as royalism, republicanism, and liberalism, all of which altered over time, and familiarize oneself with a plethora of groups or sub groups, such as Montagnards and Girondins, authoritarian and Revolutionary Bonapartists, moderate and ultra royalists, that often adjusted their beliefs and positions according to circumstance. Matters become further complicated when one takes foreign relations into account, assessing the impact of France abroad or the role of foreign relations in shaping French domestic politics.

AbstractAry Scheffer (1795-1858) is so generally included in the French School (Note 2)- unsurprisingly, since his career was confined almost entirely to Paris - that the fact that he was born and partly trained in the Netherlands is often overlooked. Yet throughout his life he kept in touch with Dutch colleagues and drew part of his inspiration from Dutch traditions. These Dutch aspects are the subject of this article. The Amsterdam City Academy, 1806-9 Ary Scheffer was enrolled at the Amsterdam Academy on 25 October 1806, his parents falsifying his date of birth in order to get him admitted at the age of eleven (fifteen was the oficial age) . He started in the third class and in order to qualify for the second he had to be one of the winners in the prize drawing contest. Candidates in this were required to submit six drawings made during the months January to March. Although no-one was supposed to enter until he had been at the Academy for four years, Ary Scheffer competed in both 1808 and 1809. Some of his signed drawings are preserved in Dordrecht. (Figs. 1-5 and 7), along with others not made for the contest. These last in particular are interesting not only because they reveal his first prowess, but also because they give some idea of the Academy practice of his day. Although the training at the Academy broadly followed the same lines as that customary in France, Italy and elsewhere (Note 4), our knowledge of its precise content is very patchy, since there was no set curriculum and no separate teachers for each subject. Two of Scheffer's drawings (Figs. 2 and 3) contain extensive notes, which amount to a more or less complete doctrine of proportion. It is not known who his teacher was or what sources were used, but the proportions do not agree with those in Van der Passe's handbook, which came into vogue in the 18th century, or with those of the canon of a Leonardo, Dürer or Lebrun. One gets the impression that what are given here are the exact measurements of a concrete example. Scheffer's drawings show him gradually mastering the rudiments of art. In earlier examples the hatching is sometimes too hasty (Fig. 4) or too rigidly parallel (Fig.5), while his knowledge of anatomy is still inadequate and his observation not careful enough. But right from the start he shows flair and as early as 1807 he made a clever drawing of a relatively complex group (Fig. 6) , while the difficult figure of Marsyas was already well captured in 1808 and clearly evinces his growing knowledge o f anatomy, proportion , foreshortening and the effects of light (Fig. 7). The same development can be observed in his portrait drawings. That of Gerardus Vrolik (1775-1859, Fig.8), a professor at the Atheneum Illustre (the future university) and Scheffer' s teacher, with whom he always kept in touch (Note 6), is still not entirely convincing, but a portrait of 1809, thought to be of his mother (Fig.9, Note 7), shows him working much more systematically. It is not known when he left the Academy, but from the summer of 1809 we find him in France, where he was to live with only a few breaks from 1811 to his death. The first paintings and the Amsterdam exhibitions of 1808 and 1810 Ary Scheffer's earliest known history painting, Hannibal Swearing to Avenge his Brother Hasdrubal's Death (Fig. 10) Notes 8-10) was shown at the first exhibition of living masters in Amsterdam in 1808. Although there was every reason for giving this subject a Neo-Classical treatment, the chiaroscuro, earthy colours and free brushwork show Scheffer opting for the old Dutch tradition rather than the modern French style. This was doubtless on the prompting of his parents,for a comment in a letter from his mother in 1810 (Note 12) indicates that she shared the reservations of the Dutch in general about French Neo-Classicism. (Note 11). As the work of a twelve to thirteen year old, the painting naturally leaves something to be desired: the composition is too crowded and unbalanced and the anatomy of the secondary figures rudimentary. In a watercolour Scheffer made of the same subject, probably in the 1820's, he introduced much more space between the figures (Fig. 11, Note 13). Two portraits are known from this early period. The first, of Johanna Maria Verbeek (Fig. 12, Note 14), was done when the two youngsters were aged twelve. It again shows all the characteristics of an early work, being schematic in its simplicity, with some rather awkward details and inadequate plasticity. On the other hand the hair and earrings are fluently rendered, the colours harmonious and the picture has an undeniable charm. At the second exhibition of works by living masters in 1810, Ary Scheffer showed a 'portrait of a painter' (Fig. 13), who was undoubtedly his uncle Arnoldus Lamme, who also had work in the exhibition as did Scheffer's recently deceased father Johan-Bernard and his mother Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme, an indication of the stimulating surroundings in which he grew up. The work attracted general attention (Note 16) and it does, indeed, show a remarkable amount of progress, the plasticity, effects of light, brushwork and colour all revealing skill and care in their execution. The simple, bourgeois character of the portrait not only fits in with the Dutch tradition which Scheffer had learned from both his parents in Amsterdam, but also has points in common with the recent developments in France, which he could have got to know during his spell in Lille from autumn 1809 onwards. A Dutchman in Paris Empire and Restoration, 1811-30 In Amsterdam Scheffer had also been laught by his mother, a miniature painter, and his father, a portrait and history painter (Note 17). After his father's death in June 1809, his mother, who not only had a great influence on his artistic career, but also gave his Calvinism and a great love of literature (Note 18), wanted him to finish his training in Paris. After getting the promise of a royal grant from Louis Napoleon for this (Note 19) and while waiting for it to materialize, she sent the boy to Lille to perfect his French as well as further his artistic training. In 1811 Scheffer settled in Paris without a royal grant or any hope of one. He may possibly have studied for a short time under Prudhon (Note 20) , but in the autumn of 1811 he was officially contracted as a pupil of Guérin, one of the leading artists of the school of David, under whom he mastered the formulas of NeD-Classicism, witness his Orpheus and Eurydice (Fïg.14), shown in the Salon of 1814. During his first ten years in Paris Scheffer also painted many genre pieces in order, so he said, to earn a living for himself and his mother. Guérin's prophecy that he would make a great career as a history painter (Note 21) soon came true, but not in the way Guérin thought it would, Scheffer participating in the revolution initiated by his friends and fellow-pupils, Géricault and Delacroix, which resulted in the rise of the Romantic Movement. It was not very difficult for him to break with Neo-Classicism, for with his Dutch background he felt no great affinity with it (Note 22). This development is ilustrated by his Gaston de Foix Dying on the Battlefield After his Victory at Ravenna, shown at the Salon of 1824, and The Women of Souli Throwing Themselves into the Abyss (Fig.15), shown at that of 1827-8. The last years of the Restoration and the July Monarchy. Influence of Rembrandt and the Dutch masters In 1829, when he seemed to have become completely assimilated in France and had won wide renown, Scheffer took the remarkable step of returning to the Netherlands to study the methods of Rembrandt and other Dutch old masters (Note 23) . A new orientation in his work is already apparent in the Women of Souli, which is more harmonious and considered in colour than the Gaston dc Foix (Note 24). This is linked on the one hand to developments in France, where numbers of young painters had abandoned extreme Romanticism to find the 'juste milieu', and on the other to Scheffer's Dutch background. Dutch critics were just as wary of French Romanticism as they had been of Neo-Classicism, urging their own painters to revive the traditions of the Golden Age and praising the French painters of the 'juste milieu'. It is notable how many critics commented on the influence of Rembrandt on Scheffer's works, e.g. his Faust, Marguérite, Tempête and portrait of Talleyrand at the Salon of 1851 (Note 26). The last two of these date from 1828 and show that the reorientation and the interest in Rembrandt predate and were the reasons for the return to the Netherlands in 1829. In 1834 Gustave Planche called Le Larmoyeur (Fig. 16) a pastiche of Rembrandt and A. Barbier made a comparable comment on Le Roi de Thule in 1839 (Note 27). However, as Paul Mantz already noted in 1850 (Note 28), Scheffer certainly did not fully adopt Rembrandt's relief and mystic light. His approach was rather an eclectic one and he also often imbued his work with a characteristically 19th-century melancholy. He himself wrote after another visit to the Netherlands in 1849 that he felt he had touched a chord which others had not attempted (Note 29) . Contacts with Dutch artists and writers Scheffer's links with the Netherlands come out equally or even more strongly in the many contacts he maintained there. As early as 1811-12 Sminck-Pitloo visited him on his way to Rome (Note 30), to be followed in the 1820's by J.C. Schotel (Note 31), while after 1830 as his fame increased, so the contacts also became more numerous. He was sought after by and corresponded with various art dealers (Note 33) and also a large number of Dutch painters, who visited him in Paris or came to study under him (Note 32) Numerous poems were published on paintings by him from 1838 onwards, while Jan Wap and Alexander Ver Huell wrote at length about their visits to him (Note 34) and a 'Scheffer Album' was compiled in 1859. Thus he clearly played a significant role in the artistic life of the Netherlands. International orientation As the son of a Dutch mother and a German father, Scheffer had an international orientation right from the start. Contemporary critics and later writers have pointed out the influences from English portrait painting and German religious painting detectable in his work (Note 35). Extracts from various unpublished letters quoted here reveal how acutely aware he was of what was likely to go down well not only in the Netherlands, but also in a country like England, where he enjoyed great fame (Notes 36-9) . July Monarchy and Second Empire. The last decades While most French artists of his generation seemed to have found their definitive style under the July Monarchy, Scheffer continued to search for new forms of expression. In the 1830's, at the same time as he painted his Rembrandtesque works, he also produced his famous Francesca da Rimini (Fig. 17), which is closer to the 'juste milieu' in its dark colours and linear accents. In the 1840's he used a simple and mainly bright palette without any picturesque effects, e.g. in his SS. Augustine and Monica and The Sorrows of the Earth (Note 41), but even this was not his last word. In an incident that must have occurred around 1857 he cried out on coming across some of his earlier works that he had made a mistake since then and wasted his time (Note 42) and in his Calvin of 1858 (Fig. 18) he resumed his former soft chiaroscuro and warm tones. It is characteristic of him that in that same year he painted a last version of The Sorrows of the Earth in the light palette of the 1840's. Despite the difficulty involved in the precise assessment of influences on a painter with such a complex background, it is clear that even in his later period, when his work scored its greatest successes in France, England and Germany, Scheffer always had a strong bond with the Netherlands and that he not only contributed to the artistic life there, but always retained a feeling for the traditions of his first fatherland. Appendix An appendix is devoted to a study of the head of an old man in Dordrecht, which is catalogued as a copy of a 17th-century painting in the style of Rembrandt done by Ary Scheffer at the age of twelve (Fig.19, Note 43). This cannot be correct, as it is much better than the other works by the twelve-year-old painter. Moreover, no mention is made of it in the catalogue of the retrospective exhibition held in Paris in 1859, where the Hannibal is given as his earliest work (Note 44). It was clearly unknown then, as it is not mentioned in any of the obituaries of 1858 and 1859 either. The earliest reference to it occurs in the list made bv Scheffer's daughter in 1897 of the works she was to bequeath to the Dordrecht museum. A clue to its identification may be a closely similar drawing by Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme (Fig. 20, Note 46), which is probably a copy after the head of the old man. She is known to have made copies after contemporary and 17th-century masters. The portrait might thus be attributable to Johan-Bernard Scheffer, for his wife often made copies of his works and he is known from sale catalogues to have painted various portraits of old men (Note 47, cf. Fig.21). Ary Scheffer also knew this. In 1839 his uncle Arnoldus Lamme wrote to him that he would look out for such a work at a sale (Note 48). It may be that he succeeded in finding one and that this portrait came into the possession of the Scheffer family in that way, but Johan-Bernard's work is too little known for us to be certain about this.

For Hegel’s German-Jewish disciples, the French Revolution marked the starting point of a history of freedom, which was to include legal and political emancipation. In many cases, however, the experiences of German-Jewish migrants in Paris were disappointing. The philosophical idea of “France” was not to be confused with its political reality. Nevertheless, the image of France served as a critical antithesis to the political situation in Germany throughout the 1820 and 1830s. The article discusses the impact of France on the political concepts of Jewish Hegelians with a focus on the jurist and political philosopher Eduard Gans.

Статья посвящена изучению эволюции кровельного искусства в архитектуре Франции XVII - начала XIX в. При всеобщем интересе к истории возникновения и расцвета французского классицизма, оказавшего существенное влияние на культуру всех стран, вопрос о роли новой формы кровли, причинах ее появления обычно остается за границами внимания исследователей. Переход от мансарды к плоской кровле, которую французские мастера называли «итальянской», сопровождался значительными конструктивными и инженерными новшествами. С целью их изучения в статье особое внимание было уделено анализу архитектурных увражей, многочисленных строительных трактатов, практических руководств, отражающих внимание архитекторов к развитию новой формы завершения зданий. Поиски новой модели идеальной кровли рассматриваются на конкретных архитектурных примерах Франции. К исследованию были привлечены не только реализованные постройки, но и проекты, оставшиеся неосуществленными, а также учебные проекты, исполненные в Королевской Академии архитектуры Парижа и в других образовательных центрах. Подобный подход позволяет учитывать процессы, разворачивавшиеся в официальных органах и в частных программах заказчиков разного уровня. Таким образом, наряду с конкретными вопросами, касающимися устройства плоской кровли, в статье затрагивается широкий круг общих проблем архитектуры французского классицизма и принципов его атрибуции, что представляется на редкость существенным. В работе последовательно прослеживается, каким образом эволюция формы кровли изменяла облик отдельных построек, архитектурных ансамблей и городского пространства. Широкое распространение строительного опыта французских кровельщиков при переносе знаний в другие страны претерпевало существенные метаморфозы. Это отражено в серии попыток реализовать проекты французского классицизма в России местными мастерами. Совершенно очевидно, что игнорирование особенностей кровли приводит к грубым ошибкам при современной реставрации памятников, а недооценка роли подлинных конструктивных элементов заканчивается их сносом или заменой. The article is devoted to the study of the evolution of roofing art in French architecture of the 17th - early 19th centuries. With general interest in the history of the origin and rise of the French classicism that much influenced the culture of all countries, the issue on the role of the new roof shape and the reasons for its appearance is usually not considered by researchers. Starting from the 17th century orientation to the Italian architecture resulted in the idea to reproduce flat roof - terraces. The refusal to use the mansards and the construction of a new type of roof, which the French masters called “Italian”, was accompanied by significant design and engineering innovations, taking into account local climate features. With the aim of studying the technological discoveries, this paper paid special attention to the analyses of illustrated architectural editions, numerous construction essays and practical manuals reflecting the attention of architects to the development of a new form of building completion. Actually the difficulty in constructing a false ‘flat’ roof with numerous slopes hidden behind the attic allows us to call it the ‘fifth façade’. The search for a new model of an ideal roof is examined with specific architectural examples from the era of classicism and neo-classicism in France. At the same time, not only realized constructions were involved in the research, but also inсomplete projects, as well as class designs executed at the Royal Academy of Architecture in Paris and other study centres. Such an approach allows us to take into account the processes unfolding within official bodies and in private programmes of numerous customers at different levels. In that way, along with specific issues relating to the construction of the flat roof, the paper addresses a wide range of general problems of the architecture of the French classicism, and the principles of its attribution. The paper consistently traces how the evolution of the roof shape has changed the appearance of individual buildings, architectural ensembles and urban space. When spreading the building experience of the French roofers in other countries, of particular interest are issues related to the attempts to reproduce the flat type of roof during the projects’ implementation in Russia, executed by Parisian architects, who have not travelled outside of France (J.-F. Blondel, Ch.-L. Clérisseau, Ch. de Wailly, L.J. Desprez, J.-J. Guerne, Cl.-N. Ledoux and many others). Often it was exactly the lack of feasibility of the repetition of complex structures that caused stylistic metamorphoses in the Russian buildings. It is this analysis which reveals the route through which the construction school principles spread and allows tracing the peculiarities of the French classicism infiltration into the architectural culture of numerous countries (like neighboring countries Austria, Belgium, Germany, Poland and many others), both neighbouring and very distant ones (USA, Russia and many others). Studying the technology of construction of a new roof, invented in France, was necessary as a form of introduction to the achievements of the European culture of the Age of Enlightenment. However, nowadays, ignoring research on the features of roofing art results in blunders during the restoration and reconstruction of historical monuments, and underestimating the role of genuine structural elements ends with their demolition or replacement.

RESUMENLa historia del cristianismo no se entiende sin el complejo fenómeno mariano. El culto mariano ha afianzado la construcción de identidades colectivas, pero también individuales. La figura de la Virgen María estableció un modelo de conducta desde cada contexto histórico-cultural, remarcando especialmente los ideales de maternidad y virginidad. Dentro del imaginario católico, la Europa contemporánea ha estado marcada por la formación de una cultura aparicionista que se ha generadoa partir de diversas apariciones marianas que han establecido un canon y un marco de interpretación que ha alimentado las guerras culturales entre secularismo y catolicismo.PALABRAS CLAVE: catolicismo, Virgen María, cultura aparicionista, Lourdes, guerras culturales.ABSTRACTThe history of Christianity cannot be understood without the complex Marian phenomenon. Marian devotion has reinforced the construction of collective, but also of individual identities. The figure of the Virgin Mary established a model of conduct through each historical-cultural context, emphasizing in particular the ideals of maternity and virginity. Within the Catholic imaginary, contemporary Europe has been marked by the formation of an apparitionist culture generated by various Marian apparitions that have established a canon and a framework of interpretation that has fuelled the cultural wars between secularism and Catholicism.KEY WORDS: Catholicism, Virgin Mary, apparicionist culture, Lourdes, culture wars. BIBLIOGRAFÍAAlbert Llorca, M., “Les apparitions et leur histoire”, Archives de Sciences Sociales des religions, 116 (2001), pp. 53-66.Albert, J.-P. y Rozenberg G., “Des expériences du surnaturel”, Archives de Sciences Sociales des Religions, 145 (2009), pp. 9-14.Amanat A. y Bernhardsson, M. T. (eds.), Imagining the End. Visions of Apocalypsis from the Ancient Middle East to Modern America, London and New York, I. B. Tauris, 2002.Angelier, F. y Langlois, C. 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In 1978, some 40 years after the practice of opinion polling first arrived in France, the country’s newspapers and magazines informed their readers that 76% of the French approved of Charles de Gaulle’s role in World War II, that 77% did not consider the pope’s moral instructions binding, that 83% never participated in winter sports, and that 36% thought Michel Rocard would be a good finance minister. Anyone who could not remember those findings for long might be forgiven, for they were but drops in an ocean of polling data, a tidal wave of information that swept over France each year. For many, this onslaught of polling data is deeply disturbing, given their belief that opinion polls have undermined elected representatives’ ability to use their judgment in making political decisions and have silenced other, more authentic expressions of popular opinion (for example, see Champagne 1990). Even those who welcomed les sondages d’opinion as a new means of bringing the people’s voice into arenas of power might still have felt overwhelmed by the sheer number of them published in France by that time–well over 500 in a typical year, according to one 1984 estimate–and many began to characterize the country’s apparently insatiable appetite for polls as sondomanie, or “poll mania” ( Jaffré 1985). Perhaps it was only to be expected that France, one of the pioneers in the creation of modern democracy, would be among the countriesmost interested in using polls to proclaim the will of the people to the humble and the powerful alike.

This work proposes sustainability criteria for the selection or design of restoration mortars based on their physical and mechanical properties, durability, price in the French market, and the environmental impact estimated by the global warming potential. A score is assigned to the mortars based on normalized values of their physical and mechanical properties. A total of 24 formulations of restoration mortars were characterized, and their scores were compared. A case study showing the application of the proposed selection method is presented, focused on the restoration of historical monuments in Paris, France, built with Lutetian and Euville stones. In this case, hydraulic lime mortars were the most sustainable options. The application of the method is also projected for global application, as showcased for the restoration of Mayan stones in Southern Mexico.

The Impossible Ancien Régime colonial: Postcolonial Haiti and the Perils of the French Restoration This article discusses the consequences of Napoleon's downfall for the world's first modern post-slavery state, Haiti. It focuses on the interplay between the French colonial office's diplomatic missions that were lobbied by dispossessed planters to recover the lost colony and the Haitian propaganda to guarantee national independence. These relations ultimately contributed to a shift in French colonial politics towards Haiti, from military conquest and re-enslavement to financial indemnification. Taking the rhetoric of pacification beyond Europe, French diplomacy presented racial hierarchies as an extension of the 1814 compromise between old and new elites in metropolitan France. The Haitian side, however, insisted on the sharp contradiction between the supposed reconciliation in France and a quasi-restoration of the Ancien Régime colonial. Drawing on Haitian, French and British source material, this article analyses how Haitian propaganda attacked the precarious political legitimacy of Restoration France from an extra-European viewpoint to exert pressure on European colonial politics. Relying on Haiti as a model for slave emancipation, British abolitionists significantly contributed to excluding the option of the Ancien Régime colonial. The debate on Haiti's future forced Louis XVIII's government to ponder the political risks of colonial restoration. In the outcome, financial indemnification became France's primary condition for recognising Haitian independence in 1825.

Félix Duban's restoration of the Château de Blois (1843-1870), one of the most ambitious and celebrated of the nineteenth century in France, has been neglected by historians more concerned with the restoration of medieval monuments and with the activity and influence of Eugène-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc. This study interprets some of Duban's archaeologically unjustified alterations to this complex monument in the light of the historicist architectural theory associated with Duban and the other Romantic architects Labrouste, Duc, and Vaudoyer. The château is an accretion of buildings from several centuries in a variety of styles, and Duban's restoration of the medieval segment, the Salle des États-Généraux, is shown to be particularly crucial. It emerges from this study that Duban was concerned to highlight specific, politically meaningful aspects of the long and rich history of the monument, and to illustrate the Romantics' views about the dependence of architectural style on the evolution of human society. Duban's restoration presents a sharp counterpoint to the idealist theories of restoration associated with Viollet-le-Duc, and shows that restoration could be a powerful polemical weapon. The reading presented here places the restored château in the thick of the theoretical conflicts that characterized contemporary architectural debate.

For French political commentators and polemicists of the Bourbon Restoration period (1814–30), England's history of revolution and of royalist restoration between 1640 and 1688 offered striking and suggestive similarities to the trajectory of France's own political experience since 1789. Elaborated not just in the historical writings of men like Villemain, Guizot, and Carrel, but in a host of political speeches and pamphlets and other forms of ephemeral literature, allusions to Stuart and Cromwellian history carried a potent charge in debates and polemics over France's own political prospects. Drawing on statements by politicians and writers as diverse as François-René de Chateaubriand, Louis de Bonald, and Benjamin Constant, this article explores the meanings that were read into the comparison or juxtaposition of French and English histories, the ways in which these meanings were argued and contested, and the political uses to which they were put, both by critics and by supporters of the Restoration regime. If references to the Stuarts, to Cromwell, or to 1688 were sometimes politically opportunistic, they also sometimes reflected an aspiration to comprehend France's political destiny by relating its present position to broader frameworks of historical understanding – a point which the later parts of the article seek to develop by scrutinizing the ways in which French and English histories are connected in specific writings by Augustin Thierry, Guizot, and Chateaubriand.

Abstract In margine – Annotations in codex Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 4417. This paper deals with Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 4417, a 9th century manuscript containing quite a few annotations, especially in the margin. Within the text of the Epitome Aegidii, five nota signs clearly indicate a user's special interests. The annotations will be analysed regarding their functions, and it will be emphasized that the reception of a text can be clearly understood based on the evidence in the manuscript itself.

It has long been recognised that the French revolution of 1848 had a profound effect on the rest of Europe. The overthrow of the Orleans monarchy and the establishment of the second republic were seen as heralding the dawn of a new age. Established governments, most of which had recognised that the Continent was approaching a period of crisis, anxiously expected the spread of the revolutionary contagion and the outbreak of a major European war, whilst the discontented elements found encouragement and inspiration from the events in Paris. In Great Britain the reaction to the events across the English Channel reflected this trend. This is the beginning', noted one member of the cabinet, recalling 1792; who will live to see the end?' The Chartists were jubilant, declaring that the time was now ripe to achieve their demands.

The paper briefly describes a history of establishing Russian Public Library in Paris, 1875, by an initiative of Russian politician German Lopatin; now, the Library is considered as the oldest Russian language book collection formed outside Russia. Ivan Turgenev's personal library took as a basis of the memorial document collection that gradually became a center of cultural life for the first wave of Russian revolution emigration to France. The article discloses content of the document collection by type of issues, calls its sources until it was seized by Nazi occupational administration in 1940, outlines the history of its “travelling”. Also, the general description of several examples of books and magazines that previously belonged to Ivan Turgenev's Russian Public Library and now is stocked in Vyacheslav Shishkov Altai Regional Universal Scientific Library (Barnaul, Russia) is given.

This article investigates the nature and prevalence of aristocratic liberalism in post-revolutionary France. Defenders of the aristocracy, it argues, departed from a specific conception of liberty, which can be distinguished both from a purely negative definition of liberty as the ability to do what one wanted to do, and from a republican conception of liberty as something that could be guaranteed through self-government alone. To legitimate the role of the aristocracy in post-revolutionary France, publicists and politicians developed a conception of liberty as a condition that could be guaranteed only through the existence of ‘intermediary powers’ between the central government and the people. Although this conception of liberty was severely criticized by Restoration liberals such as Benjamin Constant, it had a considerable impact on the debate about the best way to safeguard liberty in nineteenth-century France, as appears from texts by important political thinkers such as Tocqueville and Dupont-White.

The article presents a chronicle of personal meetings between I.A. Bunin and K.M. Simonov in Paris in the summer of 1946. K. Simonov was sent by the Soviet government to France in order to influence the decision of some Russian emigrants to return to Russia. The first number in this short list, of course, was I.A. Bunin. The beginning of the return of emigrants was the Decree of the USSR Supreme Council for the restoration of citizenship of the USSR citizens of the former Russian Empire, released in June 1946, Many Russian immigrants want to come back, started to issue a Soviet passport. I.A. Bunin at first hesitated, he really wanted to return to his homeland, but at the same time he perfectly understood the whole situation that had developed there. It was precisely to “push” the first Russian Nobel laureate to return to Russia that K.M. Simonov arrived in Paris. However, his mission, in the end, was not crowned with success, I.A. Bunin remained in exile with a Nansen passport.

AbstractBetween the inauguration of the Tomb of the Unknown Jewish Martyr in 1956 in Paris and the opening of the Shoah Memorial in Drancy in 2012, the narration of the Shoah in France has evolved through the use of archives, discussions, commemorations and exhibitions. In the immediate post-war period, a small group of people worked on the construction of a dedicated place to document the genocide of Jews in Europe in order to ensure that the memory of the Shoah would be impregnated into the collective consciousness. This project, which later evolved into the Paris and Drancy Shoah Memorials, could be seen as an expression of what remembrance is in France today.

Although the matter I am about to take up might normally be relegated to a footnote, it is so important that I prefer to present it in the text as an introduction. Alec Stone is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Washington completing a dissertation on the Conseil Constitutionnel. During a year in which I was teaching in Paris we conferred a number of times about the dissertation and, subsequent to the return of both of us to the States, I have become a sort of unofficial dissertation advisor.

ABSTRACTThis paper examines female libertinism in eighteenth-century France, highlighting the hybrid identity of actress, courtesan and prostitute of female performers at the Paris Opéra. The main focus is on the celebrated singer, Sophie Arnould. She and others like her achieved celebrity by moving seamlessly between these three facets of their identity. Their celebrity also allowed them to circulate within the highest social circles. Feminists of the 1790s such as Olympe de Gouges and Théroigne de Méricourt had pre-Revolutionary careers that were very similar to those of Arnould. It is suggested that understanding this kind of individual in Ancien Régime France can help us to identify a neglected libertine strand within Enlightenment culture, that merged into proto-feminism in the French Revolution. The paper offers a new approach to some of the origins of modern French feminism.

The first thing that will strike the seasoned watcher of France when he lands in Paris this winter is the general air of uncertainty. Frenchmen who used to be so articulate are this time keeping their voices low. For they simply don’t know what to think. The financial crash, Gorbachev’s openings, the decline of the dollar, the Japanese invasion, the powerlessness of Europe and above all the upcoming presidential election makes them all the more perplexed. Ask anyone, even one of those ferocious Paris taxi drivers and even if they share their preferences with you, at the same time they will not be able to give you a serious argumentai classic French opinion. Don’t be mistaken about the meaning of this elusiveness however. This is neither disarray nor indifference. French men and women will vote in due time. But somehow puzzlement has made them more relaxed.

The first thing that will strike the seasoned watcher of France when he lands in Paris this winter is the general air of uncertainty. Frenchmen who used to be so articulate are this time keeping their voices low. For they simply don’t know what to think. The financial crash, Gorbachev’s openings, the decline of the dollar, the Japanese invasion, the powerlessness of Europe and above all the upcoming presidential election makes them all the more perplexed. Ask anyone, even one of those ferocious Paris taxi drivers and even if they share their preferences with you, at the same time they will not be able to give you a serious argumentai classic French opinion. Don’t be mistaken about the meaning of this elusiveness however. This is neither disarray nor indifference. French men and women will vote in due time. But somehow puzzlement has made them more relaxed.

Abstract Traces of reception in codex Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 4419 (Epitome monachi). This short article deals with the manuscript Paris lat. 4419, which contains the Epitome monachi and was written at the end of the 9th or at the beginning of the 10th century. Some interesting annotations in the margin show the reception and interaction of users with the text. Selected annotations are discussed and analysed and an appendix with all marginal annotations of the codex is given.

In the closing years of the eighteenth century, France and Britain enjoyed a period of external peace that their scientific communities put to good use by finding an objective common to the leading academic institutions: the Académie royale des sciences in France, and the Royal Society in England. This was not an entirely new concept; the novelty was that the objective would be brought about by teams from each side working outside their own borders. It was part of both nations' long-running search for a means of establishing longitudes on land and at sea. The specific objective, however, was confined to establishing the accurate difference in longitude between the meridian of Greenwich Observatory and that of the Observatoire de Paris. Previous astronomical measurements, derived from the times of certain eclipses or transits as recorded at each observatory, were acknowledged to be inaccurate.

Although France is known as the country of museums, it has yet to inaugurate a museum of French history. At a time of mounting tensions between an increasingly multiracial and multicultural French population, on the one hand, and an inherently problematic model of French Republican integration on the other, one wonders whose history would be represented. In the wake of one of France’s worst cases of social unrest – the 2005 riots – Paris opened two new national museums (the Musée du Quai Branly and the Cité Nationale de l’Histoire de l’Immigration), which held great promise of leading France toward postcoloniality. Unfortunately, neither site advanced the nation’s largely silenced conversation about its colonial history, its enduring effects and its contemporary manifestations. Against a backdrop of increased Islamophobia, exacerbated as much by the 2015–17 terrorist attacks in Paris and Nice as by the anti-’immigration’ rhetoric during the 2017 presidential elections, I examine the call for a new museum and its potential to bring France closer to postcoloniality.