Journal articles on the topic 'Paris (France) History Commune'

Abstract In Marxist circles it is common to refer to Karl Marx’s The Civil War in France for a theoretical analysis of the historical significance of the Paris Commune, and to Prosper-Olivier Lissagaray’s History of the Commune of 1871 for a description of the facts surrounding the insurrection of the Paris workers and its repression by the National Assembly led by Adolphe Thiers. What is less well-known is that Marx himself oversaw the German translation of Lissagaray’s book and made numerous additions to it. In this article we describe Marx’s addenda to Lissagaray’s work, showing how they contribute to concretising his analysis of the Paris Commune and how they relate to the split in the International Working Men’s Association between Marxists and anarchists that took place after the Commune’s defeat. We also show how Marx’s additions to the German version of Lissagaray’s book were linked to his involvement with the recently created Socialist Workers’ Party of Germany and to his criticism of the programme it had adopted at the congress celebrated in the city of Gotha.

Ce texte est le dernier que nous ait donné Denis Richet, quelques mois avant sa mort, survenue brusquement en septembre dernier. Il témoigne du projet qui l'animait : comprendre les ruptures du tissu politique et social de la France moderne. Comme tel il témoigne d'une attitude, que Denis Richet a su enseigner : « Aimer l'histoire pour elle-même… ». Sa chaleur nous manque.Isoler le fait-barricades de l'histoire générale de Paris est une nécessité et une gageure. Les barricades ne sont pas comme un élément chimiquement pur ; elles supposent une convergence de données historiques qu'il serait fastidieux de rappeler. Je note seulement que la Commune de 1871 a joué un grand rôle dans l'intérêt porté au 12 mai 1588. Dans la Revue des Deux Mondes, dès septembre 1871, A. Maury publiait un article sur «La commune de Paris de 1588». Et Paul Robiquet, en écrivant de 1884 à 1904 ses trois volumes de l'Histoire municipale de Paris, qui demeure la meilleure synthèse accessible, ne manque pas de faire allusion, avec une certaine prudence, au printemps tragique de 1871. Il est, à mon sens, intéressant de constater que l'historiographie actuelle — disons : trentenaire — de la journée du 12 mai 1588 s'est enrichie grâce à des recherches menées par des historiens français et non français. En Union Soviétique, à Lvow plus précisément, en cette partie de la Biélorussie naguère polonaise, où le professeur Lozinsky a mené un travail d'autant plus exemplaire qu'il n'a jamais pu bénéficier du contact direct avec les archives parisiennes; en Israël, où Elie Barnavi, après un long séjour en France, a pu éclairer l'histoire de la Ligue ; aux États-Unis, grâce aux recherches des professeurs Salmon et Ascoli; en France même, les recherches de Robert Descimon ont largement déblayé le terrain.

Le 7 septembre 1789, Sieyès proposait à l'Assemblée nationale de nommer un comité pour préparer « un plan de municipalités et de provinces tel qu'on puisse espérer de ne pas voir le royaume se déchirer en une multitude de petits États sous forme républicaine; et qu'au contraire la France puisse former un seul tout, soumis uniformément, dans toutes ses parties, à une législation ou une administration commune». Ce plan, élaboré en trois semaines fut présenté le 29 septembre par Thouret à l'Assemblée nationale. On en connaît la teneur. La France devait être partagée, selon le modèle proposé quelques années plus tôt par le géographe Robert de Hesseln en 81 «carrés uniformes ». Le découpage devait s'effectuer en direction des frontières terrestres et maritimes à partir de Paris, et il était prévu que la capitale devrait former un département particulier.

For contemporary political theorists, the events of nineteenth-century France – the "bourgeois" revolution of 1830, the revolutionary eruption of 1848 with its dénouement in Bonapartism, and the "heroic" moment of the Paris Commune – have entered the domain of reflection on modern politics through Marx. Not only for Marxists, but for those who learned political theory in a Marxist tradition or whose primary acquaintance with nineteenth-century France came from Marx's trenchant dissection of its class struggles, this was a story fraught with universal significance. Indeed, French historical events have long functioned as dramatic signs or markers of the modern relationship between state and civil society, and between democracy and revolution.

ABSTRACT The years 1870––71 marked the beginning of dramatic changes in French political and cultural life. A few short months witnessed defeat to Germany in the Franco-Prussian War and the fall of the Second Empire, as well as the rapid rise of the Paris Commune and its subsequent violent suppression through the establishment of republican government. The Parisian musical world, while severely affected by the events of war and deprived of performers and audiences, did not come to a standstill. Indeed, these years ushered in a remarkable increase in the number of institutions and concert societies dedicated to supporting French music and to making what would become the standard repertoire more accessible to the average citizen. Music heightened reactions to the turmoil of war and revolution in Paris at this crucial moment in France's history. Because of their stringent governmental control and largely middle- and working-class audiences, entertainments organized initially by wartime concert societies, and then under the aegis of the Commune, provide us with the greatest opportunity for understanding the political and social contexts in which music operated. Through investigation of the contemporary French press it can be shown that: (1) the perceived function of musical performance was adjusted to suit the practical and symbolic needs of a besieged city; (2) all the factions competing for power during the war and the post-war insurrection in Paris appropriated the connotations of civilization, social stability, and good taste that surrounded ““art music””; (3) the Commune's sudden rejection of the Austro-German musical tradition marked a brief but significant moment in which nationalistic preoccupations supplanted historically cosmopolitan attitudes toward foreign art. The study concludes with a meditation on Alfred Roll's painting of the execution of a Communard trumpeter, in which we find one of the strongest images relating war and rebellion to music in the France of 1871.

As the first proletarian regime in human history, the Paris Commune put "people" on its banner for the first time, turning Marx's idea of the people's subject from science to reality. In The Civil War of France, Marx scientifically defined the scope of the people's subject and elaborated the concrete embodiment and practical principles of the people's subject in social life from economic, political and cultural aspects. In the new era, it is of great value to dig deeper into the idea of the people's subject contained in The French Civil War, clarify its evolution and connotation, and to deeply understand this idea and implement the concept of "people first".

Henri Marmottan (1832–1914), Friend and Correspondent of Władysław Taczanowski (1819–1890) and Antoni Waga (1799–1890). A Contribution to the History of the Warsaw Zoological Cabinet The article presents Henri Marmottan and his cooperation with the Warsaw Zoological Cabinet. Marmottan, a correspondent of Antoni Waga and Władysław Taczanowski, sent bird specimens to Warsaw. From Poland, he received both birds and insects for his collections. The text also includes an analysis of Marmottan’s correspondence with Konstanty Branicki. In the collections of the National Museum of Natural History in Paris, where the Marmottan collections are kept, the authors found specimens sent from Poland, and in the collections of the Museum and Institute of the Polish Academy of Sciences, specimens sent by him from Paris. Marmottan’s scientific cooperation with Polish zoologists is presented in the context of the epoch, the Russian occupation of Warsaw, the Franco-Prussian war, and the Paris Commune.

L’œuvre d’Albert Hirschman est aujourd’hui internationalement reconnue. Que La Revue Tocqueville lui consacre un numéro spécial en est un nouveau témoignage. Pour ce numéro, il m’a été demandé de traiter de sa réception en France. Aussi examinerai-je comment cette œuvre s’est frayée un chemin dans la ville capitale à partir du milieu de la décennie 1960. Les livres d’Hirschman ont été traduits et édités par différents éditeurs.

The stated theme lies at the intersection of two areas of research, namely the industrial revolution in France and the history of contemporary Parisian suburbs. Methodologically, it is a multidisciplinary study combining economic history, social anthropology and historical geography. In terms of sources, it is dominated by local history. The author explores three interrelated aspects of the topic: industrialisation, urbanization, and multiculturalism. The typology of the Parisian suburbs as a socio-historical phenomenon, drawn from many years of observation, is focused on Aubervilliers, an economically developed commune with a predominantly impoverished immigrant population in the Seine-Saint-Denis department, known for its left-wing influence, Islamic groups and youth crime. The case of Aubervilliers shows the belated nature of the industrial revolution in France, its protracted character aggravated by the shortage of labour and minerals, which led to the intensive use of immigration and raw materials of “animal origin”. The progressive transformation of the old rural burg into an industrial city reveals the sustainability of rural-urban symbiosis as a feature of the country's development after the eighteenth century revolution. The author emphasises the importance of the link to Paris and the metropolitan authorities' policy of removing harmful industries and the working population from the city in the formation of industrial suburbs. In the integrity of the formation of industrial suburbs the author reveals the particularities of the urban economy and habitat, characterises the working and living conditions of workers, notes the formation of immigrant neighbourhoods and the specific features of the integration of different immigrant communities into French society.

Il y a peut-être une gageure à vouloir confronter l’œuvre de Jules Ferry, homme d’état républicain de la Fin du XIXe siècle, à un « Modèle américain », qui avait été plus en vogue au début du siècle. A la différence de Chateaubriand ou Tocqueville. Jules Ferry qui a été un grand voyageur en Europe ou en Afrique du Nord, n’a pas traversé l’Atlantique. Pire encore, quand il en a eu l’occasion, en 1872, il l’a refusée. En effet, pour le reposer de la double tragédie du Siège et de la Commune de Paris où il avait failli perdre la vie. Monsieur Thiers lui avait proposé un poste d’ambassadeur à Washington. C’est Athènes qu’il préféra, tant l’Amérique lui paraissait lointaine, éloignée des « grandes affaires », où se jouait le destin de l’Europe des nouvelles nationalités. A l’heure des guerres balkaniques, il préférait se rapprocher de Constantinople et des grandes cours européennes où, après le désastre de Sedan et la chute de l’Empire, il espérait pouvoir œuvrer en faveur de la bonne la réputation d’une France républicaine, devenue paisible.

A l'époque médiévale, l'accueil réservé par les villes aux souverains apparaît comme un usage dont les modalités et les symboles varient au gré des régions, des coutumes et des influences. Depuis Vadventus impérial de la fin de l'Antiquité, tous les rituels d'accueil des souverains cherchent à mettre en valeur cet événement, en sortant de la routine quotidienne, et à exprimer symboliquement les idéaux de la communauté. Au cours de la renaissance urbaine du XIIesiècle, on a fréquemment relaté ces réceptions de monarques ou de seigneurs. A partir du XIVesiècle, en Europe, les cérémonies publiques destinées à accueillir les princes prennent une place importante dans les rituels et ne cessent de se développer. En France, à cette époque, le mot « entrée » commence à désigner un rituel aussi bien qu'une action, et des cérémonies de ce type se déroulent fréquemment jusqu'au XVIIesiècle ; elles perdent alors leur éclat et oublient l'héritage symbolique et rhétorique du Moyen Age. A l'époque médiévale, elles servent de support à la créativité et à l'expression de la communauté urbaine ; des innovations surgissent à chaque nouvelle cérémonie.

Abstract In the last decades of the nineteenth century the Paris Exchange was the second largest in the world, and engagement in financial markets had become popular on a previously unknown scale. How ordinary people encountered, thought about, and navigated this new financial landscape has nevertheless proved elusive. This article analyzes everyday financial practice in the first age of global capital from the vantage of letters written by ordinary individuals concerning their investments. As the numbers of investors and bondholders in France grew, “investor letters”—missives to financial, legal, and governmental authorities—proliferated. Their existence and concerns offer rich insights into how and with what effect France's financial markets were evolving at the end of the nineteenth century. These letters prompt us to reconsider the place of routine business correspondence in our studies of epistolary culture and allow reflection on economic life as modest investors “wrote upwards” and across the wealth gap of late nineteenth-century France. Vers la fin du dix-neuvième siècle, la Bourse de Paris était la deuxième place financière la plus importante au monde, et ses marchés étaient devenus « populaires » à une échelle sans précédent. La manière dont les gens ordinaires ont réussi à s'orienter dans ce nouveau paysage se révèle difficile à saisir. Cet article analyse la pratique financière quotidienne de l’âge d'or de la globalisation du capital selon les particuliers écrivant à propos de leurs investissements. A mesure que le nombre d'investisseurs et d'obligataires a augmenté, ces « lettres d'investisseurs » adressées aux autorités financières, juridiques et gouvernementales se sont multipliées. Leur existence et leurs sujets de préoccupation offrent de riches informations sur l’évolution des marchés financiers français de la fin du dix-neuvième siècle. Ces lettres nous incitent à reconsidérer la place de la correspondance commerciale dans la culture épistolaire, et en nous montrant comment de modestes investisseurs écrivent « vers le haut » de la hiérarchie économique et sociale, nous permettent d'accéder à des aspects méconnus de la vie économique de la fin du dix-neuvième siècle français.

Abstract This article demonstrates how the history of Kassav, the French Caribbean music group founded in 1979, sheds light on the cultural politics of French Caribbean music and the history of “global France.” It argues that Kassav's music represents an inventive cultural and commercial response to patterns of neocolonial and capitalist exclusion in the French Caribbean, one that drew on the islands' own cultural resources to fashion a new musical form, called zouk, that has had lasting influence. Kassav owes its commercial success in part to a global music industry hungry for new musics from postcolonial peripheries and to Paris's role as a world music capital. That Kassav was seen in metropolitan France as “Caribbean” or “world” music, rather than “French,” speaks to the historical and racial fault lines that obscure the Frenchness of the French Caribbean to many in the Hexagon. Cet article analyse comment l'histoire de Kassav, le groupe musical antillais fondé en 1979, permet de mieux comprendre la politique culturelle de la musique des Antilles françaises ainsi que l'histoire « mondiale » de la France. La musique de Kassav représente une réponse culturelle et commerciale inventive à des structures d'exclusion néocoloniales et capitalistes dans les Antilles françaises, une réponse qui puisait dans les ressources culturelles propres aux îles, afin de façonner un nouveau genre de musique (le zouk) qui a exercé une influence importante. Kassav doit son succès commercial en partie à une industrie musicale mondialisée à l'affût de musiques issues des périphéries postcoloniales et au rôle de Paris comme capitale de la « musique du monde ». Que la musique de Kassav ait été perçue en France métropolitaine comme « antillaise » ou « du monde », plutôt que « française », témoigne des lignes de faille historiques et raciales qui occultent l'appartenance française des Antilles aux yeux de nombreux habitants de l'Hexagone.

Peu avant sa mort, survenue en 1910, Louis Bourgault-Ducoudray, professeur d'histoire de la musique au Conservatoire de Paris, reçut un jour la visite d'un invité peu commun. Celui-ci, raconte Bourgault-Ducoudray dans une lettre non datée, était membre de l'Action française, mouvement monarchiste pour lequel le professeur, quoique officiant dans une institution républicaine, éprouvait une sympathie voilée. Le but de cet émissaire singulier ? Consulter le musicien sur un projet de soirée associant littérature et musique, et ce au bénéfice de la ligue nationaliste Si le professeur multiplia d'abord les mises en garde, soulignant les risques de l'entreprise dans une saison déjà largement surchargée et où les nombreuses manifestations se faisaient concurrence, il en vint peu à peu à livrer le fond de sa pensée sur le projet et le principe même du concert mis au service de l'idéologie nationaliste:Selon moi, l'Action francaise, comme la Patrie francaise, devrait chercher dans Fart et particulièrement dans l'art musical moins un moyen de recette qu'un moyen de propagande par le sentiment. Puisque l'idée de patrie est battue […] il importe de formuler avec toute la puissance qu'il comporte les augures du sentiment national. Je lisais dans le Gaulois, cette définition du nationalisme : le sentiment profond, les traditions, les rêves, les énergies de toute une race. Savez-vous l'unique moyen de formuler cela ? C'est la musique chorale […]. Organisez un culte musical de la patrie et de la tradition franchise et donnez une audition de musique patriotique au Trocadéro […]. Vous affirmerez avec une puissance de rayonnement incomparable l'idée que nous servons.

RésuméDans la France partiellement alphabétisée des XVIe-XVIIIe siècles, la coexistence des maîtres écrivains jurés et des écrivains publics reflète les tensions vécues par une société toujours plus soumise à l’écrit conquérant, connaissant de ce fait un besoin accru et diversifié de l’écrit, lors même que l’aptitude à écrire demeurait largement déficiente, aussi limitée qu’anarchique, particulièrement dans les franges inférieures de la population. La corporation des maîtres écrivains, experts en calligraphie, vit le jour en 1570 et jouit dès lors du double monopole des écoles publiques d’écriture et des expertises judicaires en matière manuscrite. Les maîtres œ uvraient à normaliser, consacrer et promulguer les graphies, entretenant à cette fin une certaine religiosité du corps écrit. Étrangers à l’art et à la dignité des maîtres, les écrivains publics évoluaient librement dans la rue, où ils offraient leurs services aux personnes qui ne savaient pas ou trop peu écrire, mais qui, en diverses circonstances, avaient recours à un texte écrit. Leurs champs de compétences s’inscrivaient dans deux espaces irréductibles de la lettre — le savoir peindre avec art et beauté, et le savoir dire par écrit — où, dans une lutte silencieuse, se livrèrent concurrence la lettre calligraphique et la graphie du commun, la norme souhaitée et l’usage déviant, le talent d’une minorité et la capacité d’expression élémentaire du plus grand nombre.

On February 26, 1794, Louis Narcisse Baudry des Lozières arrived at the port of Norfolk, Virginia, from Le Havre on the coast of France. His journey had not been an easy one. Shortly after leaving France, the ship carrying Baudry, his wife, their 13-year-old daughter, and a Norman servant girl was caught in a terrible storm. The family endured a harrowing four-month Atlantic crossing, but they had experienced far worse. Just two years earlier, Baudry had discovered his wife and daughter “wandering in the woods” of St. Domingue, after rebels had forced them to abandon their home in the early days of the Haitian Revolution. Baudry, a distinguished French military officer, had himself been wounded fighting the insurgents near Léogane, and the majority of the soldiers under his command had been slaughtered. Fearing for his life, Baudry fled the colony in March 1792. In Paris, he briefly reunited with his more famous brother-in-law, the lawyer and writer Médéric Louis Élie Moreau de Saint-Méry. However, both were soon forced into exile, and he eventually settled in Philadelphia. There, Baudry worked as a clerk, bookseller, and editor. He also used his exile as an opportunity to travel North America, spending time with his wife and in-laws in New Orleans. Eventually, Baudry presented himself as an expert on the natural history of the French colonies, delivering lectures to the American Philosophical Society in Philadelphia and publishing several articles on “scientific” topics.

Portrait of a not so common ‘Romanist’: Jean Acher (1880–1915) – Jean Acher, known to only a few specialists in Medieval Roman law, was an unusual scholar of Roman law. He was born in Lodz (Poland) in 1880. He studied first at St Petersburg, then in Berlin, where he attended B. Kübler’s teaching, and continued his studies at Montpellier, where he was awarded a law degree. He obtained a licence in law in 1904. At the same time, Acher also studied Romanic languages and literature. Legal and Romanic studies were the subjects of the many articles and reviews he then started publishing in several distinguished journals. In 1906, he settled in Paris. Acher became involved in the (at the time, highly controversial) issues around the methods of legal teaching, appearing as a harsh critic of the then prevailing approach to Roman law teaching. A great admirer of H.H. Fitting, he criticised specifically the exclusive focus on classical Roman law. In turn, Acher was the target of criticism by V. Arangio Ruiz and Ch.L. Appleton, which led to a confrontation with legal scholars. J. Bédier, professor at the Collège de France, supported him and, as a result, Acher devoted his work almost exclusively to the study of Romanic philology and literature. He obtained French citizenship in September 1914 and died the following year as a soldier on the frontline.

RESUMENEl objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre los mecanismos de financiación y de control de las instituciones religiosas por los laicos en las primeras décadas de la conquista y colonización de Hispanoamérica. Investigar sobre la inversión laica en lo sagrado supone en un primer lugar aclarar la historiografía sobre laicos, religión y dinero en las sociedades de Antiguo Régimen y su trasposición en América, planteando una mirada desde el punto de vista de las motivaciones múltiples de los actores seglares. A través del ejemplo de restituciones, donaciones y legados en losAndes, se explora el papel de los laicos españoles, y también de las poblaciones indígenas, en el establecimiento de la densa red de instituciones católicas que se construye entonces. La propuesta postula el protagonismo de actores laicos en la construcción de un espacio cristiano en los Andes peruanos en el siglo XVI y principios del XVII, donde la inversión económica permite contribuir a la transición de una sociedad de guerra y conquista a una sociedad corporativa pacificada.PALABRAS CLAVE: Hispanoamérica-Andes, religión, economía, encomienda, siglos XVI y XVII.ABSTRACTThis article aims to reflect on the mechanisms of financing and control of religious institutions by the laity in the first decades of the conquest and colonization of Spanish America. Investigating lay investment in the sacred sphere means first of all to clarifying historiography on laity, religion and money within Ancien Régime societies and their transposition to America, taking into account the multiple motivations of secular actors. The example of restitutions, donations and legacies inthe Andes enables us to explore the role of the Spanish laity and indigenous populations in the establishment of the dense network of Catholic institutions that was established during this period. The proposal postulates the role of lay actors in the construction of a Christian space in the Peruvian Andes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when economic investment contributed to the transition from a society of war and conquest to a pacified, corporate society.KEY WORDS: Hispanic America-Andes, religion, economics, encomienda, 16th and 17th centuries. BIBLIOGRAFIAAbercrombie, T., “Tributes to Bad Conscience: Charity, Restitution, and Inheritance in Cacique and Encomendero Testaments of 16th-Century Charcas”, en Kellogg, S. y Restall, M. (eds.), Dead Giveaways, Indigenous Testaments of Colonial Mesoamerica end the Andes, Salt Lake city, University of Utah Press, 1998, pp. 249-289.Aladjidi, P., Le roi, père des pauvres: France XIIIe-XVe siècle, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2008.Alberro, S., Les Espagnols dans le Mexique colonial: histoire d’une acculturation, Paris, A. Colin, 1992.Alden, D., The making of an enterprise: the Society of Jesus in Portugal, its empire, and beyond 1540-1750, Stanford California, Stanford University Press, 1996.Angulo, D., “El capitán Gómez de León, vecino fundador de la ciudad de Arequipa. Probança e información de los servicios que hizo a S. M. en estos Reynos del Piru el Cap. 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In 1871, citizens of the war torn arrondissements of Paris, in the face of traumatic political and military turmoil, established a new local form of government. The Paris Commune, as this government became known as in the English world, attracted attention for its alternative political-economic organization. One notable commentator was Karl Marx who, while living in England at the time, commentated on the Commune as a test of the bourgeoning field of critical theory. This paper traces Marx's work on the Commune, specifically in The Civil War in France, to examine how his work on this historical event underpins crucial concepts for critical pedagogy in contemporary adult education. While the trajectory between Marx's writings on the Commune and critical adult education is underrepresented and often unacknowledged, I argue that there is an important connection: The Civil War in France revises Marx's theory of dialectics in such a way that it allows us to understand informal learning as a process for possible critique.

Review of the book Commun-Commune: penser la Commune de Paris (1871), published on the 150th anniversary of the Paris Commune. The author of the publication aims to reconstruct the entire spectrum of political ideas circulating in “Free Paris” in the spring of 1871. The analysis is carried out from the perspective of the political practices and participants of events. The content of the studied ideas is considered only through the methods of their use and the consequences which influenced history. In the review this is interpreted as a manifestation of thinking close to the theoretical concept of the “social history of ideas”. Another important aspect of the reviewed book is the reflections on the politics of memory and legends, i.e. a mythologized approach to the past understood as a source of cognitive errors that hinder the proper understanding of events.

The results of Khrushchev&apos;s foreign policy can be considered, albeit not in everything and even more modest than planned, on the whole quite successful. To resolve the 2nd Berlin crisis (1958–1963), Khrushchev in 1960 reduced the Soviet ground forces by a third, thereby trying to encourage the United States to reduce its military presence in Europe. However, at the Paris Summit of the heads of the 4 powers (1960), due to the active opposition of France and Germany, he failed to push through an agreement on West Berlin on Soviet terms. Mao Zedong, who himself dreamed of leadership among socialist countries after Stalin&apos;s death, took advantage of the convenient situation to start a conflict with Moscow. In such an environment, Khrushchev escalated the Berlin crisis by threatening to conclude a peace treaty with the GDR and block Western powers&apos; access to West Berlin (at the same time he conducts command and staff exercises “Storm”, 5–15.10.1961, together with the armies of the ATS countries). He hoped that the United States would not dare to start a war because of West Berlin, and this, in turn, would help to break off Western European states from NATO, showing them that the United States is not a reliable defender for them. His plan partially succeeded: in 1966, France will withdraw from NATO. In order to divert the attention and forces of the United States from West Berlin, the USSR has been actively creating distracting situations around the world since 1961. One of these situations was the Caribbean crisis, which almost led to a nuclear war (1962) and was a heavy defeat for the USSR, which had to fulfill all the conditions of the United States, but in return received Kennedy&apos;s promise to remove missile bases from Turkey. It will be possible to remove them only in 1963 in exchange for Turkey&apos;s support in its war with Greece over Cyprus. From Iran, due to the harsh Anglo-American pressure on the Shah, the USSR was able to achieve only an obligation not to deploy foreign missiles on its territory, but not to withdraw from the Baghdad Pact, nevertheless, the latter&apos;s activities were paralyzed. Under Brezhnev, despite the rejection of Khrushchev&apos;s tactics of nuclear bluff, the main directions and strategic goals of foreign policy remained the same as under Khrushchev: ensuring security on the western and southern borders of the USSR by splitting the opposing military blocs and establishing ties with Western European countries, especially France, improving relations with Turkey, Iran and Pakistan, linking them economically. The program of naval construction and the permanent presence of the Soviet Navy in all oceans, begun in 1959, continued.

This article clarifies several points related to the Ottoman entry into the First World War. First, the Young Turk leaders mistrusted deeply Great Britain which had occupied Egypt in 1882, and appeared disposed to satisfy French and Italian ambitions at the Ottoman expense. Yet, most of the Unionists, not to speak of the public and Parliament, were opposed to war. Indeed, the British and French tacitly agreed to divide the Ottoman state. For this reason, Cemal paşa, a friend of the French, even tried to conclude an alliance with Paris but was unsuccesful. Second, the decision to enter the war came as the consequence of stiff German pressure upon the Unionists leadership and became immediately a fact after the fleet under admiral Souchon's command bombarded the Russian ports. Only four Unionist leaders at most were informed about the German plans to attack Russia. Leading Ottoman officials such as Kazım Karabekir, Hafız Hakkı and many others were against early Ottoman entry into the war. Most of them wanted to wait until spring so as to have time to complete the necessary preparations for the battlefield. Probably, if the Ottoman entry into the war had been postponed for six months or so, Istanbul would have not entered the war at all since by then the hopes for a quick German victory would have vanished. Indeed, after the German offensive in France was stalled at Marne the Unionists seemed to develop second thoughts about the wisdom of fighting on Berlin's side. Consequently, the German diplomatic mission in İstanbul increased its pressures on Enver paşa, who acceded to Kaiser's war demands, still under the illusion that a German victory was imminent. In sum, the Ottoman entry into the war was not the consequence of careful preparation and long debate in the Parliament (which was recessed) and press. It was the result of a hasty decision by a handful of elitist leaders who disregarded democratic procedures and lacked long range political vision and fell easy victim to German machinations and their own utopian expectations of recovering the lost territories in the Balkans. The Ottoman entry into war prolonged it for two years and allowed the Bolshevik revolution to incubate and then explode in 1917 which in turn impacted profoundly the twentieth century world history and the Republican Turkey.

For Bernd Niebling and his colleagues at the Lesesaal Altes Buch of the Universitätsbibliothek München While the earliest complete manuscripts of Catullus to survive today were written in the fourteenth century, it is well known that poem 62 already appears in an anthology from the ninth century, the Codex Thuaneus (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Parisinus lat. 8071). However, the Thuaneus may once have contained one more poem of Catullus. In his commentary on the poet, which appeared in 1684 but had been written decades earlier, the Dutch scholar Isaac Vossius makes the following comment on the last two lines of poem 11: Praetereunte postquam Tactus aratro est ] Vetustissimum exemplar Thuanæum in quo hoc Catulli carmen variorum epigrammatis subjungitur, legit fractus, non tactus. Et hoc probo, nisi malis stratus, nam in quibusdam libris tractus legebatur. It is surprising to find a reference to a lost part of such a well-known manuscript in a source from the seventeenth century. One may well ask whether Vossius really read this poem in the Codex Thuaneus. Could he have seen this manuscript? Can he be relied on to report its contents truthfully? And could a part of the volume have been lost since the seventeenth century? I will argue that the answer to all these questions is yes, and that it is very likely that the Thuaneus once contained Catullus 11 as well as 62. I will set out the consequences of this for our understanding of Catullus' manuscript tradition. Next, I will discuss another ancient manuscript of Catullus that Vossius claims to have read, namely his ‘vetus liber Mediolanensis’. The article will close with an appendix on the history of the Thuaneus before it was studied by Vossius.

Throughout the nation's history, Americans have used foreign events as a screen upon which to project their own domestic hopes and fears. European revolutions in particular have become the occasion for airing homespun anxieties about social (and religious) upheaval. The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798 and the Red Scare of 1920 are simply the most prominent examples of how revolutions abroad can stir the fears of American conservatives. According to some historians, the American reaction to the Paris Commune of 1871 was just as swift and negative as the reaction to the French and Russian Revolutions. An examination of clerical response to the Commune, however, suggests a very different picture: that of a community of public spokesmen trying to make sense of a foreign upheaval for their American audience while offering hope that similar events were avoidable on this side of the Atlantic.

ABSTRACTFollowing the Paris Commune of 1871, around 3,500 Communard refugees and their families arrived in Britain, with the majority settling in the capital. This article is an exploration of these exiled Communards within the geography of London. The spatial configurations of London's radical and exile communities, and the ways in which Communards interacted with those they crossed paths with, is vital in understanding how some of the ideas that came out of the Commune permeated London's radical scene. Too often British political movements, particularly British socialism, have been presented as being wilfully impervious to developments on the continent. Instead, this article argues that in order to find these often more affective and ancillary foreign influences, it is important to think spatially and trace how the exile map of London corresponded with, extended, and redrew parts of the existing radical mapping of the city. In carving out spaces for intellectual exchange, Communard refugees moved within and across various communities and physical places. The social and spatial context in which British sympathizers absorbed and appropriated ideas from the Commune is key to understanding how the exiles of the Paris Commune left their mark on the landscape, and mindscape, of London.

ABSTRACTThe dominant memory of the Paris Commune has been of disproportionate violence wreaked on the Communards by a brutal government. However, accounts of the extent of the bloodshed rest on flimsy foundations. A range of archival evidence suggests that the death toll has been greatly exaggerated, and a revised estimate is here proposed. How and why the number of deaths became crucial to the history of the Commune from an early date is explored. If the killing was in reality on a far less apocalyptic scale, how does this affect the narrative of nineteenth-century French politics and its ‘memory’?

Les fortunes de la France Antarctique du Brésil sont sans commune mesure avec la brièveté d'une expérience coloniale d'un lustre à peine, de novembre 1555 à mars 1560, restreinte de surcroît à un îlot et à l'immédiate proximité du littoral de la baie de Rio de Janeiro. Je partirai du jugement de l'abbé Prévost, l'auteur de l'immortelle Manon Lescaut, mais aussi de l'Histoire générale des voyages pour retracer la mémoire de la France Antarctique dans l'historiographie française.