Journal articles: 'Parent politics'

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Feuerstein, Abe. "Parental Trigger Laws and the Power of Framing in Educational Politics." education policy analysis archives 23 (August 24, 2015): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v23.1992.

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This paper examines the discursive strategies employed by advocates of Parent Trigger laws in the United States which allow parents of children in “failing” schools, in some states, to call for interventions in the operation of the schools via petition. The paper reviews the genesis of Parent Trigger laws, the network of conservative political organizations supporting Parent Trigger legislation, and the ways in which Parent Trigger advocates have promoted the concept through the deployment of both material and symbolic resources. The paper argues that Parent Trigger laws promote a “thin” form of democratic participation that equates democracy with consumer choice through the strategic representation of public schools as broken institutions and parent trigger laws as empowering parents to choose. Support for this position is developed through an empirical qualitative analysis of a sample of media texts produced by various organizations within the Parent Trigger policy network including the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), American Enterprise Institute, Heartland Institute, Parent Revolution, and others. By identifying frequently used framing devices such as metaphors, exemplars, catch-phrases, and depictions as well as reasoning devices such as root causes, consequences, and appeals to principle, the study reveals the dominant frames employed by Parent Trigger advocates and contributes to the development of a more critical perspective concerning the media produced by various interest groups.

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Manning, Kimberley Ens. "Attached Advocacy and the Rights of the Trans Child." Canadian Journal of Political Science 50, no. 2 (June 2017): 579–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917000592.

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AbstractOver the past five years transgender children and their parents have emerged as visible actors in public discussions about the rights of transgender people in Canada. In this article, I track the work of emotions in parent advocacy, showing how the enactment of filial (family) ties sheds new light on the gendered relationship between intimacy and political practice. I argue that an affective shift in parenting has opened up space for some cisgender parents to emerge as political actors in trans advocacy work. The affective politics of parent advocacy nonetheless operates through dominant frames of gendered, classed and racialized normativity, limiting both who can become a parent advocate and potentially narrowing the focus of the struggle.

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Lewis, Jane. "Lone Parent Families: Politics and Economics." Journal of Social Policy 18, no. 4 (October 1989): 595–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400001872.

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Littmarck, Sofia, Judith Lind, and Bengt Sandin. "Negotiating Parenting Support: Welfare Politics in Sweden between the 1960s and the 2000s." Social Policy and Society 17, no. 3 (January 31, 2018): 491–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746417000574.

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Parent education surfaced as a political question in Sweden in the 1960s and support for parents has since remained on the political agenda. Despite different views on the ideal relationship between the welfare state, the family and children, support for parents has been advocated by parties from all over the political spectrum. By tracing the political debate, this article addresses the question of how the notion of support for parents was adapted to different political ideas, ideologies and ways of defining the relationship between state, family and children from the 1960s until the 2000s in Sweden. We analyse the arguments that different political parties offered and the varying meanings attributed to terms like ‘parent education’ (föräldrautbildning) and ‘parenting support’ (föräldrastöd) during three different phases in the transformation of the Swedish welfare state: the final period of its expansion in the 1960s and 1970s; the economic crisis and retrenchments of welfare services in the 1990s; and the era of individual responsibility in the 2000s. Support for parents has been actualised as a solution to different social and political problems and the notions of parent education and parenting support have proven the capacity to accommodate different political ideas, ideologies and visions.

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Boonen, Joris. "Political equality within the household? The political role and influence of mothers and fathers in a multi-party setting." International Political Science Review 38, no. 5 (June 15, 2016): 577–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512116639745.

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This study aims to contribute new insights into the way ‘political labour’ is divided in the household. I use data from a large-scale panel study, the Parent–Child Socialization Study 2012–2013, conducted among adolescents and both their parents in Belgium, to analyse the different ways in which family members engage in politics and influence each other’s political preferences. First, I analyse differences in political engagement between fathers, mothers and adolescents. Second, I present a full triadic structural equation model to measure the political influence that fathers, mothers and adolescent children exert on one another. The findings suggest that fathers are (still) more engaged in politics, but when it comes to preferences for political parties, both parents influence their partners and their adolescent children in equal measure.

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Chew, Kenneth S. Y. "Is There a Parent Gap in Pocketbook Politics?" Journal of Marriage and the Family 52, no. 3 (August 1990): 723. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/352937.

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Gill, Brian P., and Steven L. Schlossman. "Parents and the Politics of Homework: Some Historical Perspectives." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 105, no. 5 (June 2003): 846–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146810310500502.

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Homework has been a topic of considerable controversy in 20th century American education, largely because it is a linchpin in the relationship between home and school. This essay examines parent opinions on homework between 1900 and 1960 in order to integrate parents’ elusive voices into the history of American education, and to shed new light on modern-day controversies regarding the school-family interface. The underlying question we explore is whether, in educational policymaking, the family ought to march to the beat of the school, or the school ought to march to the beat of the family? We conclude that if parents want homework, and if homework keeps parents in touch with the program of the school, then it is the abolition of homework -not its presence - that most threatens parents’ interests.

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Gill, Brian P., and Steven L. Schlossman. "Parents and the Politics of Homework: Some Historical Perspectives." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 105, no. 5 (June 2003): 846–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146810310500509.

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Homework has been a topic of considerable controversy in 20th century American education, largely because it is a linchpin in the relationship between home and school. This essay examines parent opinions on homework between 1900 and 1960 in order to integrate parents’ elusive voices into the history of American education, and to shed new light on modern-day controversies regarding the school-family interface. The underlying question we explore is whether, in educational policymaking, the family ought to march to the beat of the school, or the school ought to march to the beat of the family? We conclude that if parents want homework, and if homework keeps parents in touch with the program of the school, then it is the abolition of homework -not its presence - that most threatens parents’ interests.

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Ware, Felicity, Mary Breheny, and Margaret Forster. "The politics of government ‘support’ in Aotearoa/New Zealand: Reinforcing and reproducing the poor citizenship of young Māori parents." Critical Social Policy 37, no. 4 (October 3, 2016): 499–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018316672111.

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Despite the poor outcomes of early childbearing increasingly found to be equivocal, there remains a persistent pathologising of teen parenting, which structures government response. By applying a Foucauldian analysis to the recently introduced Young Parent Payment, this article examines the political rationalities that shape government responses and welfare assistance for young parents in Aotearoa/New Zealand. A biopolitical concern for the good economic citizen and right parent is found to inform the social investment approach, and exclude those who do not conform. Discourses about being Māori, young, a parent and needing financial assistance frame young Māori parents as at risk of long-term welfare-dependency and a threat to their own children. Welfare assistance is demonstrated to be a disciplinary practice to punish young Māori mother beneficiaries for deviating from the preferred normative life-course trajectory.

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Paredes Scribner, Samantha M., and Erica Fernández. "Organizational Politics of Parental Engagement: The Intersections of School Reform, Anti-Immigration Policies, and Latinx Parent Organizing." Educational Policy 31, no. 6 (July 14, 2017): 895–920. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904817719527.

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This article presents results from community-engaged research conducted with Latinx immigrant parents advocating for their students and themselves in and around an urban school engaged in multiple reforms, in a context affected by anti-immigrant policies and sentiments. The authors analyzed the intersection of organizing narratives related to formal school programs and activities of the parent group, examining the intersections, dissonances, and their micropolitical implications for authentic parental engagement. Results present elements of three distinct organizing narratives, as well as composite dialogues to demonstrate distinct narratives and the mechanisms by which parent interests are (re)positioned and/or evaded. This analysis reveals the ways in which the intersections of reform practices and local anti-immigration measures, which are disarticulated by school administrators, produce, at worst, mechanisms to marginalize immigrant parents and, at best, missed opportunities to authentically engage these parents.

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Lyon, Charlotte Haines. "Democratic parent engagement: Relational and dissensual." Power and Education 10, no. 2 (June 14, 2018): 195–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1757743818756913.

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In opposition to the discourse of silent compliance and the neo-liberal colonisation of voice, this article shares research with parents in an English primary school. Drawing on the work of Jacques Rancière and John Macmurray, the author argues that there is a need for a more relational but dissensual approach to parent engagement and voice, instead of parents being positioned by schools as support acts. Parent engagement, increasingly commodified over recent years within English school policy, has been relegated to responding to questionnaires, dutiful attendance of parents’ evenings, ensuring homework completion and choosing the correct school. Meanwhile, the social mobility agenda demands that parents inculcate aspirations in their children unquestioningly. Policies and pronouncements seek to ‘close the gap’ in attainment between the poorest children and their peers in England, Australia, the USA and other neo-liberalised countries. Hence a context is created in which parent engagement is now an exercise in creating ‘good’ pupils and successful economic beings. This article considers how parents have been rendered objects rather than agentic subjects within neo-liberal education systems and have lost their democratic voice. It concludes that there needs to be a reanimation of Dewey’s vision of education politics.

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Lasky, Sue. "The cultural and emotional politics of teacher–parent interactions." Teaching and Teacher Education 16, no. 8 (November 2000): 843–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0742-051x(00)00030-5.

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Sandin, Bengt. "The parent: A cultural invention. The politics of parenting." European Journal of Developmental Psychology 14, no. 6 (June 14, 2017): 733–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17405629.2017.1322952.

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Clear, Mike. "CARING CULTURE AND THE POLITICS OF PARENT/PROFESSIONAL RELATIONS." Australian Journal of Social Issues 34, no. 2 (May 1999): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1839-4655.1999.tb01073.x.

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Winton, Sue. "Coordinating Policy Layers of School Fundraising in Toronto, Ontario, Canada: An Institutional Ethnography." Educational Policy 33, no. 1 (October 23, 2018): 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904818807331.

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In this article, I report findings from an investigation into the politics and coordination of school fundraising in the Toronto District School Board (TDSB) in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. Theoretically grounded in institutional ethnography and critical policy analysis, the study began from the standpoint of parents asked to give money to their children’s school(s). I show how provincial and TDSB funding, parent involvement, fundraising, and school council policies organize parents’ experience of school fundraising. I also explore how participating in fundraising enables parents to meet neoliberal expectations of a “good parent” and how through their efforts to secure advantages for their children, fundraising parents are accomplices in the privatization of public education. I conclude by discussing possibilities for intervention into the social organization of school fundraising in TDSB schools.

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Bougher, Lori D., and Richard R. Lau. "The origins of information processing preferences in politics: Examining parental influence." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 8, no. 1 (April 7, 2020): 284–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v8i1.1057.

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Cognitive motivations (e.g., need for cognition and need to evaluate) and decision strategies (e.g., rational choice vs. heuristic-based) importantly shape political understanding, evaluations, and vote choice. Despite the importance of these cognitive factors, few studies have examined their origins. Adopting an exploratory framework with a primary focus on parental influence, we uniquely address this research gap by identifying potential pathways through which parents can affect this development. Using a convenience sample of college students who participated in a 10-week panel study with their parents, we reveal that, unlike many other political characteristics, there is little parent-child similarity in cognitive motivations and decision strategies. We, however, find some similarity in the information search behaviors parents and children exhibit during the mock election campaign. The findings highlight the need to further investigate not only additional parenting behaviors, but also the socializing role of the information environment itself.

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Maranto, Robert. "Won't Back Down Misfires on Parent Trigger, but Gets the Politics, Organizations Right." Public Voices 13, no. 1 (November 18, 2016): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/pv.55.

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This essay briefly discusses recent American films about urban public schools, citingresearch to suggest that the genre accurately captures the dysfunctions of many schools as bureaucracies. This sets up a lengthy review of the most talked about education drama of 2012, Won’t Back Down. On its artistic merits, Won’t Back Down is something of an after school special, with great acting wasted in the service of a melodramatic script. The education policy instrument portrayed, the “parent trigger” enabling parents to take over dysfunctional schools, has questionable utility. That said, the movie captures nonresponsive bureaucracies, school boards indifferent to the interests of children, how bureaucrats can make activist parents and teachers pay a heavy price, and the sort of organizing tactics that can outlast the educational establishment. Most notably, the film excels at explaining the tactics and motivations of union leaders and members. In short, while it fails as a work of art, Won’t Back Down works as work of social science, exploring dilemmas of bureaucracy and democracy.

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Hayman, Robert L. "Presumptions of Justice: Law, Politics, and the Mentally Retarded Parent." Harvard Law Review 103, no. 6 (April 1990): 1201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1341412.

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Kim, Yunhwan, and Håkan Stattin. "Parent-youth discussions about politics from age 13 to 28." Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 62 (May 2019): 249–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.appdev.2019.04.001.

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Cooper, Camille Wilson. "Parent Involvement, African American Mothers, and the Politics of Educational Care." Equity & Excellence in Education 42, no. 4 (November 10, 2009): 379–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10665680903228389.

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Adler, Patricia A., and Peter Adler. "Parent-as-researcher: The politics of researching in the personal life." Qualitative Sociology 19, no. 1 (March 1996): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02393247.

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Casalaspi, David. "Sound and Fury Signifying Something: The Political Consequences of the Opt-Out Movement." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 123, no. 5 (May 2021): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146812112300508.

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Background and Context Grassroots activism is on the rise in American education, leading some scholars to announce the arrival of a “New Politics of Education” in which political elites and grassroots actors clash over foundational questions of policy and power. However, little research has examined just how consequential grassroots education activism might actually be in this new era. This study takes up this area of inquiry by examining the political consequences of the opt-out movement, arguably the largest and most high-profile grassroots education movement in recent history. Purpose The purpose of this study is to examine the political consequences of the opt-out movement in four New York school districts. Specifically, this study addresses the following research questions: What impact has the opt-out movement had on local education politics and policies, and do these effects vary across communities with different levels of opt-out activism? Research Design This study takes the form of a mixed methods, comparative case study analysis of the opt-out movement in four New York school districts purposefully sampled to exploit variation in district opt-out rates and racial demographics. Within each district, five sources of original data were collected, including a survey of Grade 3–8 parents, focus groups with opt-out parents and non-opt-out parents, interviews with district elites, interviews with key activists, and documentary sources. Data analysis was both quantitative (descriptive statistics) and qualitative (inductive simultaneous pattern coding). Findings Results suggest that while the opt-out movement has not yet produced many substantive changes in state or local test-based accountability policies, it has significantly increased and transformed parent engagement with education politics in the four case districts. These engagement effects were particularly pronounced in the high-opt-out districts. Conclusions and Recommendations This study concludes by offering a tempered view of the opt-out movement's impact on education policymaking while simultaneously indicating potentially significant changes in the way parents participate in education politics. In doing so, it produces implications for the study of education politics, policy, and activism more broadly. Principal among these are the importance for grassroots movements to build alliances with institutional actors in order to effect meaningful policy change, and the value of considering alternative definitions of movement “success” in future research on education politics and activism.

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Gheaus, Anca, and Sabine Hohl. "Introduction to the Special Issue on Children’s and Adolescents’ Rights." Moral Philosophy and Politics 7, no. 2 (November 26, 2020): 191–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mopp-2020-0031.

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AbstractRecent philosophical work on children and childhood has revealed many new questions concerning minors’ rights. This special issue of Moral Philosophy and Politics offers new contributions to the topics of paternalism, the nature of the right to parent and children’s voting. It also contains articles about the so far less explored questions of adolescents’ parental rights, minors’ rights against the harms of parental imprisonment, and their right to veto their own parents’ decision to relocate.

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Widodo, Heru. "Legal Politics of Establishing a New Autonomous Region in the Shape of a City." International Journal of Social Science Studies 9, no. 5 (August 6, 2021): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v9i5.5290.

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The establishment of new autonomous regions aims to develop regions and bring public services closer. The formulation of the problem in this article is how the concept of regulating the expansion of new autonomous regions, how to overcome the gap in rights and obligations between the parent district and the new city, and how the legal politics of the formation of a new autonomous region in the form of a city. The method used is a legal approach, a conceptual approach, and a case approach, with a qualitative descriptive analysis. The conclusions of this study are first, there are differences in the special allocations for the division of new provinces and new districts with new cities, and impose obligations on the parent region to provide part of the regional budget and release assets. Second, the solution to the gap in rights and obligations between the parent district and the new city, assets that are handed over to special allocation funds, are collaborated, and assets in need. to be compensated. Third, the legal politics of forming new autonomous regions in the form of cities with legal reforms from existing norms, in the form of arrangements for the transfer of assets belonging to the parent regency that is in the new autonomous regions, the special allocation funds must be handed over entirely, but only to the assets needed.

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Soulsby, Anna, and Ed Clark. "Instability and Failure in International Joint Ventures in Post-Socialist Societies: Power, Politics and Strategic Orientations." Competition & Change 15, no. 4 (November 2011): 296–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/102452911x13135903675651.

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International business researchers have identified the tendency of international joint ventures (IJVs) to fail and recognized that explaining the process of failure can benefit from inductive qualitative research. This article offers a processual account of instability in and the dissolution of an IJV, taking the perspective of the local parent in an IJV with a powerful Western multinational corporation in order to understand more fully their experience of participating in the venture. The case study findings offer empirical support for an emergent theoretical framework that highlights the role of contextual factors and explores the internal process of dissolution and ‘failure’ as the socio-political enactment of parents' strategic orientations.

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Dinas, Elias. "Why Does the Apple Fall Far from the Tree? How Early Political Socialization Prompts Parent-Child Dissimilarity." British Journal of Political Science 44, no. 4 (March 12, 2013): 827–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000033.

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Children are more likely to adopt their family's political views when politics is important to their parents, and the children of politically engaged parents tend to become politically engaged adults. When these transmission dynamics are considered together, an important hypothesis follows: the children who are most likely to initially acquire the political views of their parents are also most likely to later abandon them as a result of their own engagement with the political world. Data from the Political Socialisation Panel Study provide support for this hypothesis, illuminate its observational implications and shed light on the mechanisms, pointing to the role of new social contexts, political issues and salient political events. Replications using different data from the US and the UK confirm that this dynamic is generalizable to different cohorts and political periods.

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Hughes, Patrick, and Glenda Mac Naughton. "Consensus, Dissensus or Community: The Politics of Parent Involvement in Early Childhood Education." Contemporary Issues in Early Childhood 1, no. 3 (October 2000): 241–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/ciec.2000.1.3.2.

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Carroll, Nicola. "Book Review: Tracey Jensen, Parenting the Crisis: The Cultural Politics of Parent-Blame." Sociology 53, no. 5 (March 18, 2019): 983–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038519834868.

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Kagan, Josh. "Empowerment and Education: Civil Rights, Expert-Advocates, and Parent Politics in Head Start, 1964–1980." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 104, no. 3 (April 2002): 516–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146810210400306.

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Much has been written about Head Start in the form of evaluations of the program's effectiveness, but little unbiased work about the program's politics has emerged. This essay asks how Head Start has survived and even thrived over thirty-five years when other Great Society programs have died. To answer this question, it explores the coalition that emerged between civil rights activists, intellectuals studying child development and social programs for children, and community action embodied in Great Society legislation. The essay traces the development of Head Start out of the emerging academic interest in “compensatory education for cultural depravation” and the New Left's desire to build a movement focused on civil rights and community action. These two groups, united in their support for Head Start and for broader reform of public education, fought over its treatment of parents of children enrolled in the program. However, neither side could correctly predict how parents actually experienced Head Start or how parents helped to ensure Head Start's political survival.

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Chan, Angel, and Paul Spoonley. "The politics and construction of identity and childhood: Chinese immigrant families in New Zealand." Global Studies of Childhood 7, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2043610617694730.

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Diverse immigrants have significantly transformed the ethnic make-up of New Zealand, and they have brought with them diverse identities to this country. Findings from a doctoral research project which involved exploring Chinese immigrant parents’ identity choices for themselves and their children highlight the complex politics of identity. Within the field of education, children’s acquisition of a positive identity is closely related to valued self-worth, and a sense of shared identity is further believed to promote beneficial relationships, sense of belonging and social cohesion. Identity theories, nonetheless, argue that contemporary individual identities are fluid and hybrid, and an over-emphasis on collective identity creates boundaries, exclusion and tension. This article applies some of these theoretical frames to critically examine the identity choices of Chinese immigrant parent participants and argues for the need to re-examine the notion of identity. The implications of these identity choices on their children’s childhood and social and education practices are also analysed.

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Johnson, Belinda Jane. "Daily life in National Disability Insurance Scheme times: Parenting a child with Down syndrome and the disability politics in everyday places." Qualitative Social Work 19, no. 3 (May 2020): 532–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473325020911691.

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Social inclusion for people with disability is bound up with experiences of place in everyday life. In Australia, the inclusion agenda has been recently propelled by the National Disability Insurance Scheme which promotes – and funds – the full inclusion of people with disability so that their lives are conducted in everyday settings. This article addresses what lies between the aspirational policy principles of full inclusion and the experience of family life with a young child who has Down syndrome. Through auto-ethnographic inquiry, a series of vignettes describe my own encounters in everyday places such as shops, childcare centres and public swimming pools. I focus on ‘sense of place’ which is generated through everyday practices and can shape individual identity and belonging. Using ideas from feminist poststructuralism and critical disability studies, I argue that ableist discourses on disability are produced by people in everyday places through their attitudes, actions and expectations, disrupting regular family life and imposing oppressive modes of subjectivity upon children with intellectual disability and their parent-carers. In response, parents of children with intellectual disability are challenged to undertake the political labour of everyday disability advocacy. It is important for social work to recognise that this labour can become a significant part of the contemporary parent-carer role.

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Berges, Sandrine. "Virtue Ethics, Politics, and the Function of Laws: The Parent Analogy in Plato's Menexenus." Dialogue 46, no. 2 (2007): 211–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300001724.

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ABSTRACTCan virtue ethics say anything worthwhile about laws? What would a virtue-ethical account of good laws look like? I argue that a plausible answer to that question can be found in Plato's parent analogies in the Crito and the Menexenus. I go on to show that the Menexenus gives us a philosophical argument to the effect that laws are just only if they enable citizens to flourish. I then argue that the resulting virtue-ethical account of just laws is not viciously paternalistic. Finally, I refute the objection that the virtue-ethical account I am proposing is not distinct from a consequentialist account.

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Moore, Alfred. "Conspiracies, Conspiracy Theories and Democracy." Political Studies Review 16, no. 1 (November 7, 2017): 2–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12102.

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Conspiracy theories are attracting increasing attention from political scientists, much of it negative. Three recent books, from the disciplines of political science, cultural history and social theory, provide a valuable critical corrective. Uscinski and Parent argue that conspiracy theories are connected to partisan distrust and are largely stable across the twentieth century. Michael Butter uses detailed historical cases from the Puritan witch trials to the Red Scare of the 1950s to show the central and influential role that conspiratorial beliefs have played in American history. Luc Boltanski focuses on conspiracy narratives in early detective and spy novels, but situates them in a broader account of the relation between the state, the social and political sciences, and popular representations of political power. Taken together, these books place the problem of conspiracy theory firmly in the context of democratic politics, opening important empirical and conceptual questions about partisanship, populism, publicity and secrecy. Boltanski, L. (2014) Mysteries and Conspiracies: Detective Stories, Spy Novels and the Making of Modern Societies. Translated by Catherine Porter. Cambridge: Polity Press. Butter, M. (2014) Plots, Designs and Schemes: American Conspiracy Theories from the Puritans to the Present. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Uscinski, J. E. and Parent, J. M. (2014) American Conspiracy Theories. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Kagan, Josh. "Empowerment and Education: Civil Rights, Expert-Advocates, and Parent Politics in Head Start, 1964-1980." Teachers College Record 104, no. 3 (April 2002): 516–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9620.00171.

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Dawdy, Shannon Lee. "Talking Trash and the Politics of Disregard." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 30, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 156–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774319000520.

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One of my favourite photos of my son is him as an over-tired, dishevelled and very disgruntled five-year-old. He stands, holding out two globs of unidentifiable rusted metal, and looks at the camera (at me), with an accusing, penetrating glare (Fig. 1). As a distracted, overextended parent trying to run an archaeological field project (the Rising Sun Hotel in New Orleans), I had sent him to play in the dirt—the back dirt of our discard pile. I thought that's where he couldn't get into any trouble. I didn't imagine that it would get me into trouble. He was mad because we had overlooked these obvious artefacts (he had already grasped the subtle nature/culture distinction of the archaeological sorting process). We had disregarded them. We had attempted to make them unworthy of notice. What my son, in his innocence, was enunciating is the intentionality of ignoring something—and with intentionality, there is always a potential politics. That is what I would like to focus on here: how can we approach Beiläufigkeit—the incidental and taken-for-granted—as indexical of politics?

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Zucker, Norman L., and Naomi Flink Zucker. "From Immigration to Refugee Redefinition: A History of Refugee and Asylum Policy in the United States." Journal of Policy History 4, no. 1 (January 1992): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600006503.

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Refugee policy in the United States is a recent offspring of American immigration policy. Like its parent, refugee admissions are firmly entangled in the thicket of national politics and are Janus-faced. One face presses for admission, the other urges restriction. While the gates of admission are always guarded, time and circumstance determine which face prevails.

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Blase, Joseph J. "The Politics of Teaching: The Teacher-Parent Relationship and the Joseph J. Blase Dynamics of Diplomacy." Journal of Teacher Education 38, no. 2 (March 1987): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002248718703800212.

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Wu, Chia-Rong. "From Detention to Devotion: Historical Horror and Gaming Politics in Taiwan." British Journal of Chinese Studies 12, no. 2 (August 6, 2022): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.51661/bjocs.v12i2.166.

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This article provides a theoretical review of Detention (Fanxiao 返校) and Devotion (Huanyuan 還願) by Red Candle Games. The international recognition received by these two horror video games is unprecedented in the history of Taiwan. The first part of the article surveys the design and production of the two horror-themed games, both set in the Martial Law period of the island-state. While Detention combines individual and collective memories of the White Terror and the dreadful atrocities committed by the Kuomingtang (KMT) government during the 1960s, Devotion is centred on the parent-child relationship and religious frenzy on the island in the early 1980s, with a focus on a small Taiwanese family. Both games insightfully capture the representation of horror in response to socio-political turmoil and cult culture in the specific historical contexts of the local community. In the second part, the article addresses the issue of how the two video games subtly speak to local and cross-Strait politics via the horror genre. Through a Sinophone lens, this article brings into focus the complex representation of gaming politics and examines how Red Candle Games repackages and revitalizes the horror genre in the videoludic world.

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Roda, Allison. "School Choice and the Politics of Parenthood: Exploring Parent Mobilization As a Catalyst for the Common Good." Peabody Journal of Education 93, no. 4 (August 8, 2018): 430–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0161956x.2018.1488400.

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Giuffre, Liz. "Are We All ‘BBC Dad’ Now? What Covid19 Restrictions Reveal About Comedy, Class, Paid Work, Parenting and Gender." Journal of Working-Class Studies 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 142–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.13001/jwcs.v5i1.6265.

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The meme ‘BBC Dad’ first emerged in 2017 in response to an ‘embarrassing’ moment where a Professor was interrupted by his family during a live interview with BBC news TV. At the time the incident was circulated around the world as a curiosity, as the worlds of work, domestic (family) life and gender politics combined in a way that was apparently so unacceptable that it was comedic. The expectation was that the ‘victim’, the Professor, should somehow be ashamed of how his two roles as ‘professional’ and ‘parent’ had been shown to be in competition in that moment. Although this competition is often played out, especially by women and working-class workers, it is rarely shown in public, let alone discussed. However, during the global pandemic in 2020 many workers and parents are being placed in this situation and forced to juggle their dual responsibilities often in the same space and in real time. By asking ‘Are we all ‘BBC Dad’ now?’, this article questions how we consider those who conduct paid work and parent simultaneously, noting how previously accepted class and gender divides have shifted culturally as a result of the physical restraints posed by COVID-19 restrictions. The ’comedy’ that the original meme provided, and the way its meaning has shifted, shows how expectations have changed and hopefully how attitudes to normally hidden workers may also shift.

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Maré, C. "Gesinspolitiek en die ouer-kind verhouding." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 1, no. 1 (July 10, 2017): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/1998/v1i1a2903.

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The family-unit did, in one form or another occur since the beginning of man’s existence. The aim of the unit was to sire children and to provide for them until they reached maturity. To realise this provisional aim, a decision making process was required. The child and her parents’ individual interests can generate conflict where decisions have to be made regarding various questions, for example: which church the child should attend and or whether she should attend any church; which school a child should be enrolled in; with whom the child may associate and with whom not; if the child may use contraceptives, and whether an adolescent female may of her free will request or reject an abortion. Henceforth it must be kept in mind that the decision making process, i.e. family politics, is unique for each parent-child relationship. Various social, economic and cultural factors can influence the handling of conflict in the decision making process. Furthermore, fundamental rights can influence the decision making process differently in respectively the common law parent-child relationship and the customary law parent-child relationship. Central to the latter situation is the fact that fundamental rights recognise individual rights, while customary law is founded in communalism. It is furthermore important to note that the nature of the parent-child relationship is not neutral, but is determined by historical and social elements within the community. There are various statutory provisions in terms of which courts can intervene in the exercise of parental authority and can even terminate it, over and above the fact that the courts possess a common law competence as upper guardian. However, no law expressly grants the court the power to intervene in the parent-child relationship where conflict arises within the decision making process. The courts only have the authority to intervene in the parent-child relationship in the event of physical maltreatment or molestation of a child, in divorce proceedings, and where consent must be granted for a minor’s marriage. Even the family advocate is employed as mediator only in divorce matters. The court as common law upper guardian of minors, will only intervene in the parent-child relationship if it is of the opinion that such a step is in the interests of the child and it will therefor not be done lightly. The current constitutional provisions regarding children in a multi-cultural society has brought about changes in the parent-child relationship. Reading together sections 9 and 28 of the 1996-constitution puts it beyond doubt that any child under the age of 18 years is a person possessing fundamental rights. The state is drawn in as a third party in the parent-child relationship and must ensure that the interests of the child, that is fundamental rights, are guaranteed. Section 28 of the 1996-constitution goes further than section 30 of the 1993-constitution and provides a description for the meaning of parental care. The reference to family care, parental care and appropriate alternative care in the 1996-constitution can be indicative of the fact that the changed relationships wherein children find themselves within the community (other than the nuclear family) are recognised. The constitutional provisions also causes a change of emphasis in the parent-child relationship. The emphasis changes from the parent’s rights and responsibilities to the rights that a child may claim. The child can enforce her rights against the state and her parents. The yardstick which determines whether the child is entitled to its constitutional rights, is in whether such a claim would be in the best interests of the child. If the child approaches the High Court as the common law upper guardian to enforce her rights, or to strike a balance in the decision making process, the state must supply the child with the necessary legal representation. Due to the relevant constitutional provisions, the parent-child relationship can no longer be considered to be regulated merely by rules of authority, but the emphasis has shifted to the promotion of the child’s interests. The best interest of the child must thus be the guiding principle in all legal proceedings. It implies further that the South African family law approach to balancing the decision making process within the parent-child relationship has also changed

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McGarry, Jennifer E., Justin M. Evanovich, Nneka A. Arinze, Kolin Ebron, and Jun Young Cho. "Power and Politics: A Case Study in Community Sport Partnerships." Case Studies in Sport Management 8, S1 (January 1, 2019): S50—S51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/cssm.2018-0031.

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Carmen Jackson directs West Jefferson’s Harris Center. Dissatisfied with the efforts of previous partners at the Center, she is looking to form connections with partners with whom she could work alongside to address the interests and needs of West Jefferson’s youth. Specifically, Ms. Jackson is concerned about the lack of structured programming and the low participation rates among girls. Dr. Snow, from nearby Paul Warner College (PWC), was referred to Ms. Jackson as a possible new partner. Dr. Snow saw the potential for college students in her Non-Profit and Community Sport course to engage in projects with the Harris Center. Summer conversations led to plans to begin partnering in the fall. The new school year has arrived. As Ms. Jackson posts flyers about the new partnership per a request from PWC’s media campaign, she is waiting to meet Dr. Snow’s students. Utilizing Parent and Harvey’s model for community-based sport initiatives, the emerging partnership between the Harris Center and PWC has established a mutually beneficial purpose. However, additional antecedents necessary for a successful project could be lacking (i.e., collaborative planning, understanding of the environments, and nature of partners), and not everyone realizes the issues with how the partnership is beginning.

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Curtis, Katy. "Including Infants: An Inter-Agency Model for Parent–Infant Mental Health and Well-Being in Rural Regions." Children Australia 37, no. 3 (August 9, 2012): 90–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cha.2012.26.

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There are well-recognised and articulated difficulties in the provision of health services to communities in rural and remote areas. These difficulties encompass practicalities and geography, economics and politics, as well as the personal and professional. This article describes a multi-level model developed by a group of regional services to address the mental health and well-being needs of infants and small children of rural and remote families, utilising existing resources creatively and collaboratively. The model draws on understandings from attachment theory about the nature and needs of humans as relational beings.

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Ballor, Grace A., and Aydin B. Yildirim. "Multinational Corporations and the Politics of International Trade in Multidisciplinary Perspective." Business and Politics 22, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 573–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bap.2020.14.

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AbstractFrom the technical analyses of wide ranges of scholars to the public discourse backlashes against globalization, there is a huge volume of work historicizing, quantifying, and problematizing the complex role of multinational corporations (MNCs) in international trade. The body of literature is so large that most readers rely on disciplinary boundaries to narrow the catalog, causing them to miss out on important synergies across fields. By bringing the work of historians, lawyers, and political scientists working on MNCs and international trade into conversation, we offer an expanded perspective. Our collective contribution highlights the political dimensions of MNCs within the frameworks of global economic governance, in which corporations seek to influence trade policies amid rising protectionism and coordinate their activities within industry associations while regulators struggle to hold MNC parent companies accountable to international human rights violations across their value chains. Especially in this moment of re-evaluation — and possible de-globalization following the shock of COVID-19 — our multidisciplinary analysis explains how MNCs exerted political power over trade regimes in the past, by what means they seek to shape regulatory frameworks in the present, and what the possible futures might be for big business operations in a more or less global economy.

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Hall, Richard L., and Bernard Grofman. "The Committee Assignment Process and the Conditional Nature of Committee Bias." American Political Science Review 84, no. 4 (December 1990): 1149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963257.

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The view that congressional committees tend to be biased subsets of their parent chambers provides the foundations for a substantial body of theoretical literature on distributive politics and legislative structure. More recent revisionist work suggests that committees composed of preference outliers are in fact rare. We reject the categorical account of preference outliers a priori and elaborate conditions under which committees should be unrepresentative of their parent chambers. We argue that the most widely available and frequently used data—floor roll call votes—are inappropriate to the task of assessing outlier predictions in any form. Finally, we conduct a differentiated set of hypothesis tests within one policy jurisdiction to illustrate the characteristics of evidence and analysis necessary to evaluate alternative theoretical accounts of legislative organization. The appearance of policy-relevant biases in congressional work groups, we conclude, is not so much rare as it is conditional, and we suggest several conditions on which future models of legislative organization should build.

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Cossyleon, Jennifer E. "“Coming Out of My Shell”: Motherleaders Contesting Fear, Vulnerability, and Despair through Family-focused Community Organizing." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 4 (January 1, 2018): 237802311773472. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023117734729.

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Women’s political engagements often look different from those of men, and they are also undertheorized and understudied. The author examines how participation in family-focused community organizing shapes women’s lives, self-perceptions, and relationships. Using 15 months of participant observations of organizing activities and 40 interviews with parent organizers the author calls motherleaders, the author demonstrates how family-focused community organizing shapes participants’ lives in ways that help them leave “shells” of fear, vulnerability, and despair within their often marginalized lives as women of color, recent immigrants, and low-income mothers. The personal narratives of motherleaders demonstrate how their collective action transcends publicly stated formal organizational goals and powerfully affects them in life-altering ways. It is important that scholars seriously consider the intersecting identities of collective action participants, the meanings participants construct of and through “politics,” and the power of collective action to transform the lives of marginalized groups.

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Bertilsdotter Rosqvist, Hanna, Charlotte Brownlow, and Lindsay O'Dell. "‘An Association for All’-Notions of the Meaning of Autistic Self-Advocacy Politics within a Parent-Dominated Autistic Movement." Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology 25, no. 3 (October 7, 2014): 219–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/casp.2210.

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Rusdi, Muhammad Ali, Deflan Partada, and Ismed Kelibay. "Community Participation in the Expansion Planning of Majonofmigi Village in the Mayamuk District, Sorong Regency." Jurnal Multidisiplin Madani 2, no. 11 (November 30, 2022): 4035–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.55927/mudima.v2i11.1736.

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This study aims to determine the extent of community participation in planning the expansion of Majonofmigi Village with the government to divide Majonofmigi Village into a definitive village so that all management of Majonofmigi Village no longer depends on Yeflio's parent village. the fields of Development (devlotment), Social Culture, Economics, and Politics. What is also expected by the government in this case is to accelerate the division of villages so that in the future there will be collaboration between the Sorong Regency Government, the Province and the central government to be more synergistic for a prosperous and prosperous Indonesia

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Schueler, Beth E. "A Third Way: The Politics of School District Takeover and Turnaround in Lawrence, Massachusetts." Educational Administration Quarterly 55, no. 1 (July 2, 2018): 116–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0013161x18785873.

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Purpose: School district superintendents say politics is the number one factor limiting their performance, yet research provides limited guidance on navigating the political dynamics of district improvement. State takeovers and district-wide turnaround efforts tend to involve particularly heated and polarized debates. Massachusetts’ 2012 takeover of the Lawrence Public Schools provides a rare case of state takeover and district turnaround that both resulted in substantial early academic improvements and generated limited controversy. Method: To describe the stakeholder response and learn why the reforms were not more contentious, I analyzed press coverage of the Lawrence schools from 2007 to 2015, public documents, and two secondary sources of survey data on parent and educator perceptions of the schools. I also interviewed turnaround and stakeholder group leaders at the state and district level regarding the first 3 years of reform. Findings: I find that the local Lawrence context and broader statewide accountability system help explain the stakeholder response. Furthermore, several features of the turnaround leaders’ approach improved the response and reflected a “third way” orientation to transcending polarizing political disagreement between educational reformers and traditionalists. Examples include leaders’ focus on differentiating district–school relations, diversifying school management, making strategic staffing decisions, boosting both academics and enrichment, and producing early results while minimizing disruption. Implications: The findings provide guidance for state-level leaders on developing accountability systems and selecting contexts that are ripe for reform. The results also provide lessons for district- and school-level leaders seeking to implement politically viable improvement of persistently low-performing educational systems.

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Allen, Peter, David Cutts, and Madelaine Winn. "Understanding Legislator Experiences of Family-Friendly Working Practices in Political Institutions." Politics & Gender 12, no. 03 (May 30, 2016): 549–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000040.

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Family-friendly (FF) working practices in political institutions have attracted scant attention from scholars, arguably reflecting the scarcity of their implementation. Using a survey of legislators and qualitative interviews, we examine for the first time how satisfied elected members of two new legislatures (the Welsh Assembly and the Scottish Parliament) are with FF working practices. We offer four possible explanations—parenthood, age of the legislator, sex, and the distance between the legislator's constituency and the legislature—for the variation in satisfaction. Our findings suggest that being a woman and having a greater distance between legislature and constituency exerted significant negative effects on legislators' satisfaction with FF working practices. In contrast, legislators over age 60 were significantly more likely to be satisfied with FF working practices in the new legislatures. We conclude by outlining future research avenues for comparative scholars of gender and politics interested in the effectiveness and resilience of FF working practices, in particular highlighting the importance of looking beyond the parent–child caring relationship to other caring and domestic obligations.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Parent politics'

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