Journal articles on the topic 'Papua New Guinea Politics and government 1975-'

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1

Robie, David. "Ross Stevens and Uni Tavur: A Kiwi publishing legacy among wantoks." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 10, no. 2 (October 11, 2019): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v10i2.811.

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A pilot training project for Papua New Guinean journalists in New Zealand in 1974 ended as a failure. This led to a five-year New Zealand Government aid scheme to establish the South Pacific's first journalism school at the national University of Papua New Guinea in 1975. New Zealand journalist and broadcaster Ross Stevens was the founding lecturer and his legacy included Uni Tavur, the region's first independent newspaper produced by student journalists under an innovative ownership editing model. The UPNG programme educated a generation of journalists in Papua New Guinea and today PNG journalists have the higest level of tertiary education and training in the Pacific. The experience also had a profound impact on the traditions of free speech and journalism training for the rest of the Pacific region. This article examines the contribution made by the late Stevens and how the country's political pressures have impacted on his legacy.
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2

MIKLOUHO-MACLAY, Niсkolay N. "DIGITALIZATION FORMATION OF THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA: CHALLENGES AND SOLUTIONS." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 4(57) (2022): 166–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-4-4-54-166-175.

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This article presents the main stages of the independent state of Papua New Guinea (PNG). It analyses the first steps in the formation of a democratic government in 1975 and subsequent political reforms, including the provincial government as a stabilization measure. The topic of crime (raskolism), the causes of corruption and intertribal conflicts that the young state faced, and the effectiveness of the fight against it are analyzed, as well as the reasons for restraining economic growth, the foreign policy of the state in the first decade of independent PNG and its relations with Australia.
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3

Eska-Mikołajewska, Justyna. "Znaczenie modelu westminsterskiego w kształtowaniu się pozycji ustrojowej parlamentu w Papui-Nowej Gwinei." Przegląd europejski 1 (October 5, 2019): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5173.

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The article presents the issues of the political position of the parliament in one of the largest states of the South Pacific subregion – Papua New Guinea. Shaping its legal and political system, the state profoundly derived from the British practice. This process was initiated in the first decade of the 20th century as a result of Australian rule, which had lasted by that time the state gained its independence in 1975. As a consequence, all the basic features of Westminster democracy were adopted, with the unitary form of government and the unicameral parliament. The analysis allowed to indicate that the character of Papuan democracy has evolved over the years, and therefore some elements of the Westminster model have become inadequate and not very effective. These changes concerned mainly superior state structures, including the parliament. It is a body increasingly controlled by the executive nowadays, that lost its original representative character. In this article, the author has adopted the following research methods: an analysis of legal sources and a critical analysis as well as a descriptive method. The text was divided into three main parts, the introduction and the conclusion.
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4

Megarrity, Lyndon. "Indigenous education in colonial Papua New Guinea: Australian government policy (1945‐1975)." History of Education Review 34, no. 2 (October 14, 2005): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/08198691200500009.

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5

MacWilliam, Scott. "Review: A PNG media era when development mattered." Pacific Journalism Review 20, no. 2 (December 31, 2014): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v20i2.178.

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Review of: Press, Politics and People in Papua New Guinea 1950-1975, by Philip Cass. Auckland: Unitec e-Press, 2014, 205pp. ISBN 978-1-927214-09-1Press, Politics and People should be required reading for people who are concerned with the history and current trajectory of Papua New Guinea. It is also a book with much to offer for university courses in journalism, history and social science methodology. Philip Cass shows in considerable detail how to research and write a detailed study about an important topic by employing a wide range of research methods, including interviews, content analysis of newspapers, analysing academic and popular literature, and engaging in archival searches. Significantly, he does not waste any time ‘interrogating the Other’, but sustains several arguments about the place of the press during a critical moment when major change was in the air for the people of Papua New Guinea.
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6

SCAGLION, RICHARD. "Conservation Is Our Government Now: The Politics of Ecology in Papua New Guinea:Conservation Is Our Government Now: The Politics of Ecology in Papua New Guinea." American Anthropologist 109, no. 2 (June 2007): 424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2007.109.2.424.

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7

Brett‐Crowther, Michael. "Conservation is Our Government Now: The Politics of Ecology in Papua New Guinea." International Journal of Environmental Studies 67, no. 1 (February 2010): 102–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207230601099538.

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8

Henshall, Peter. "The origins of journalism education at UPNG." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 4, no. 1 (November 1, 1997): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v4i1.625.

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Journalism education training was started at the University of PNG at the beginning of 1975, when the New Zealand Government agreed to fund a one-year Diploma in Journalism for an initial two-year period. Before this, the few national journalists employed in Papua New Guinea had been trained in-house by the two-principal employers of the time— the Office of Information and the National Broadcasting Commission.
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9

Golub, Alex. "Conservation Is Our Government Now: The Politics of Ecology in Papua New Guinea (review)." Contemporary Pacific 19, no. 2 (2007): 626–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2007.0051.

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10

Merrett, David. "Sugar and Copper: Postcolonial Experiences of Australian Multinationals." Business History Review 81, no. 2 (2007): 213–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680500003342.

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Between 1973 and 2002, three of Australia's largest multinational companies exited from postcolonial Fiji and Papua New Guinea. Although neither host government wished the companies to leave, the tensions that arose during the course of decolonization made their departure inevitable. Prior to independence, conflicts between Fijians and Indians and decisions about grants of land and mineral rights to foreign firms had been mediated by colonial administrators. After independence, these contentious issues were resolved through domestic political processes. Ultimately, the companies were unable to overcome the limitations of their shared administrative heritage, based on nationalistic chauvinism, that desensitized them to the importance of race relations and communal rights to land within their host countries.
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11

Walsh, Andrew. "Conservation Is Our Government Now: The Politics of Ecology in Papua New Guinea. Paige West." Journal of Anthropological Research 63, no. 3 (October 2007): 426–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.63.3.20479445.

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12

Beilin, Ruth. "Paige West, Conservation is our Government Now: The Politics of Ecology in Papua New Guinea." Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics 24, no. 1 (February 2, 2010): 75–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10806-010-9239-5.

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13

Keig, Gael, Robin L. Hide, Susan M. Cuddy, Heinz Buettikofer, Jennifer A. Bellamy, Pieter Bleeker, David Freyne, and John McAlpine. "CSIRO and land research in Papua New Guinea 1950–2000: part 2: post-Independence." Historical Records of Australian Science 30, no. 2 (2019): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hr18025.

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Following Papua New Guinea (PNG) Independence in 1975, the new administration approached Australia’s Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO) directly concerning the need to address issues related to food security and village-based agriculture. A subsequent series of collaborative research projects between CSIRO and PNG government departments built upon the existing survey information to provide PNG with one of the earliest national-level, computer-based resource information systems, with widespread applications, particularly in agriculture, forestry, environmental management and planning. Part 1 of this historical review discussed the evolution, conduct and outcomes of the CSIRO integrated surveys over the period 1950–75, while Part 2 describes the subsequent research projects that arose from the surveys and concluded in 2000. In addition, the legacy of CSIRO involvement in land research in PNG is examined in relation to advances made both within individual scientific disciplines and in other relevant technological fields, and to operational challenges and structural change within the organisation.
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14

HITCHNER, SARAH. "Conservation Is Our Government Now: The Politics of Ecology in Papua New Guinea, by Paige West." American Ethnologist 35, no. 1 (February 2008): 1050–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1425.2008.00026.x.

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15

Kusi, Newman Kwadwo, and John Asafu-Adjaye. "Tax Elasticities and the Impact of Discretionary Tax Measures on Government Revenue in Papua New Guinea, 1975-92." Asian Economic Journal 9, no. 1 (March 1995): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8381.1995.tb00024.x.

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16

Wright, Huntley. "Economic or Political Development: The Evolution of "Native" Local Government Policy in the Territory of Papua and New Guinea, 1945-1963." Australian Journal of Politics and History 48, no. 2 (June 2002): 193–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00258.

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17

Macintyre, Martha. "Difficult Relations in Papua New Guinea Rain ForestsReverse Anthropology: Indigenous Analysis of Social and Environmental Relations in Papua New Guinea. By Stuart Kirsch. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006.Conservation Is Our Government Now: The Politics of Ecology in Papua New Guinea. By Paige West. Durham, N.C., and London: Duke University Press, 2006." Current Anthropology 48, no. 6 (December 2007): 929–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/521538.

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18

Billings, Peter. "Irregular Maritime Migration and the Pacific Solution Mark II: Back to the Future for Refugee Law and Policy in Australia?" International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 20, no. 2 (2013): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02002007.

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Following a rise in the number of irregular maritime arrivals seeking refugee protection in Australia, and two successful legal challenges to their refugee processing policies, the Labor Government has resuscitated notorious aspects of the ‘Pacific Solution’ as part of a ‘no advantage’ policy. This strategy seeks to deter ‘irregular’ asylum seekers by treating them no more favourably than refugees seeking protection from overseas awaiting entry to Australia through regular refugee/humanitarian channels. In furtherance of this ‘no advantage’ policy, extra-territorial processing on Nauru and Papua New Guinea has been re-introduced and ‘excision’ provisions are to be extended to mainland Australia placing the continent outside of its ‘migration zone’ and, therefore, asylum seekers beyond the regular laws and processes for protection seekers. This article analyses the seismic shifts in asylum seeker policy that have occurred in Australia over the recent past and the politics underpinning them.
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19

Troath, Sian. "Prospects for Australian-Led Regional Cooperation On Asylum Seeker and Refugee Issues." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 5, no. 2 (November 1, 2016): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.5.2.105-128.2016.

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The nomination of former Refugee High Commissioner Antonio Guterres for Secretary-General, the ongoing and intensifying condemnations of Australia’s offshore detention centres on human rights grounds, and the ruling of the Papua New Guinea Supreme Court regarding detention centres on Manus Island, indicate that the Australian government needs a new policy on asylum-seekers. The domestic political demand for a deterrence-based, “no advantage”, tough on borders approach means that the only way to achieve this would be through regional cooperation, which would be impossible without the cooperation of Indonesia. Analysing why there is such strong involvement of domestic politics on this issue, even to the detriment of the bilateral relationship with Indonesia, is vital to understanding how to improve the relationship and foster regional cooperation on asylum seekers. While reaching a broad cooperative agreement on asylum seekers in general would be far too difficult, the Rohingya refugee crisis presents a specific case on which regional cooperation could be built. If successful, this would serve as a building-block for deeper and more sustained regional cooperation on asylum seekers
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20

Ritchie, Jonathan. "Documents on Australian Foreign Policy: Australia and Papua New Guinea: The Transition to Self‐Government , 1970–1972. Edited by Bruce Hunt and Stephen Henningham (Canberra: UNSW Press: Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, 2020), pp. liv + 932, 54 colour images, 3 b&w images, 2 tables. AU $89.99 (hb)." Australian Journal of Politics & History 68, no. 1 (March 2022): 137–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12834.

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21

Garnsey, Eliza. "The Right(s) to Remain: Art, Asylum and Political Representation in Australia." Pólemos 16, no. 2 (August 8, 2022): 205–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pol-2022-2014.

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Abstract Thinking about artistic representation as a form of political representation enables a better understanding of what can be seen and said, who has the ability to see it and say it, and how it is possible to know and do politics in different ways. In the case of Australia’s immigration system, this understanding is critical. Australia’s treatment of people seeking asylum and refugees is widely criticised by the international community as violating international human rights and humanitarian laws and norms. The legal and bureaucratic frameworks surrounding refugees in Australia not only render their stories largely invisible but continue to perpetrate harm and suffering which goes unaddressed. In the absence of state protection, artistic representation becomes an important intervention into the practices and narratives surrounding Australia’s treatment of people seeking asylum and refugees. In this article, I explore Hoda Afshar’s video and photographic artwork Remain (2018) which documents the experiences and struggles of a group of stateless men who were left to languish on Manus Island, Papua New Guinea, in the aftermath of the Australian government closing its Manus Regional Processing Centre. Remain is one of the only available avenues open to the men to share their stories and to communicate the harm caused by national policy and practices. I argue that the artistic representation of Remain becomes a crucial form of political representation in this aftermath; political representation which would not otherwise be possible.
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22

"Conservation is our government now: the politics of ecology in Papua New Guinea." Choice Reviews Online 44, no. 10 (June 1, 2007): 44–5801. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.44-5801.

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23

Hegarty, David. "Governance at the Local Level in Melanesia – Absent the State." Commonwealth Journal of Local Governance, May 14, 2009, 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/cjlg.v0i0.1099.

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At independence the three Melanesian states of the Pacific Islands region – Papua New Guinea (1975), Solomon Islands (1978) and Vanuatu (1980) – opted for decentralised systems of government. In all cases a three-tier system of national, provincial and local government was introduced, although the specific arrangements and allocation of powers differed substantially. Since that time there has been a good deal of analysis about the policy processes of decentralisation itself and about the effectiveness (or otherwise) of national-level governance in these countries; but until recently little has been written about the lower levels.This short article surveys some of the recent research and commentary on local-level governance relating particularly to Papua New Guinea (PNG) and Solomon Islands. It focuses on both the poor condition of formal local-level government as well as on the rise of informal governance-type activity at the local level which might be described as ‘civil society in formation’.
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24

Hamilton-Smith, Elery. "Review: Conservation is Our Government now: The Politics of Ecology in Papua New Guinea by Paige West." Electronic Green Journal 1, no. 25 (April 1, 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.5070/g312510712.

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25

Radomsky, Guilherme F. W. "WEST, Paige. 2006. Conservation is our government now: the politics of ecology in Papua New Guinea. Durham and London: Duke University Press." CAMPOS - Revista de Antropologia Social 10, no. 1 (June 30, 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/cam.v10i1.18585.

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