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Journal articles on the topic 'Panarabismo'

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Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Hernández-Justo, Tatiana. "Principales corrientes ideológicas en el Túnez colonial: del reformismo islámico a los movimientos de izquierda." Estudios de Asia y África 58, no. 1 (December 22, 2022): 65–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v58i1.2805.

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En un momento histórico tan crucial para Túnez como el del protectorado francés, el ambiente cultural era un crisol donde multitud de ideologías, internas e importadas, pugnaban por ganar el terreno intelectual y político. Por una parte, teorías como la salafiyya, el reformismo islámico y el panarabismo entraron con fuerza desde territorios de mayoría islámica; por otra, llegaron de Europa, con los colonos y los trabajadores, numerosas ideologías de izquierda, como el marxismo, el anarquismo o el socialismo. En este artículo se analiza el ambiente intelectual y político de Túnez durante la primera mitad del protectorado francés, con especial atención a estos dos grupos de ideologías.
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2

Méndez, Salua Youssef. "Aproximación al modelo de desarrollo nasserista. Posibilidades y límites de la experiencia de modernización económica." Papeles de Europa 32, no. 1 (June 21, 2019): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/pade.64470.

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La experiencia nasserista durante el período 1952-1970 permitió formas alternativas de desarrollo económico a las que existían hasta ese momento en la región, constituyendo, además, la génesis del panarabismo entendido como la expresión de un deseo de desarrollo independiente y nacional que rompiera con la dominación occidental e imperialista a la que estaban sujetos la mayoría de los países árabes durante estos años. A lo largo de esta investigación abordamos el análisis de la experiencia nasserista en términos de posibilidades y límites, así como sus especificidades a nivel económico. A partir del marco teórico del paradigma de la modernización y mediante el examen de las principales estrategias implementadas, defendemos la existencia de una forma egipcia de intentar superar el subdesarrollo. Lejos de ser un modelo de desarrollo perfecto, su impacto en la economía fue positivo pero limitado: permitió un proceso de modernización económica, pero no logró un cambio estructural de la economía.
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3

Mosquera Cetre, Gerson Stiven. "Aproximación al Panarabismo: Una idea inmanente en el pensamiento de las gentes o un fenómeno de coyuntura. Auge y Declive. 1955-1967." TEMPUS Revista en Historia General, no. 6 (November 16, 2017): 174–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.17533/udea.tempus.n6a07.

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4

Stegagno, Carlotta. "Mīšīl ʿAflaq’s Thought between Nationalism and Socialism." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 154–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340143.

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This article analyses and describes the political thought of Mīšīl ʿAflaq, the founder—together with Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Bīṭār—and the main ideologue of the Arab Baʿṯ Socialist Party (Ḥizb al-Baʿṯ al-ʿarabī al-ištirākī).1 Mīšīl ʿAflaq was an atypical figure in his contemporary Middle Eastern society, who differ from the strongmen that typified his era such as Ǧamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣer and Qaḏḏāfī. He was an intellectual, a philosopher, who, with his ideas of Panarabism and Arab socialism affected more than a generation of Arab youth. His dream of Arab Unity became a reality from 1958-1961 with the merger of Egypt and Syria into the United Arab Republic, and the Panarabist Party he created became one of the key players in Middle East from the 1940s onwards. This paper, after sketching a brief biography of Mīšīl ʿAflaq, focuses on his understanding of Nationalism and Arab Socialism, on which his ideology is grounded. By connecting these two ideas, he created a monist ideology in which the mission of Arab Unity is both the starting point and the final goal.
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5

Ibrahim, Ferhard. "Vom Panarabismus zum islamistischen Fundamentalismus." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 22, no. 88 (September 1, 1992): 484–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v22i88.1067.

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The renaissance of Islamism is often interpreted as a counteraction against modernization pressures or as a reaction to western, »«orientalistic« stereotypes on Arabic societies. However, a differenciated analysis shows that fundamentalism was preceded by a failed 'Arabic Socialism' which benefitted the bureaucratical and military elites. Tue economic liberalization (»infitha«) that was initiated in the 70s demanded victims, from whose ranks fundamentalism recrutes its followers. Socialistic alternatives have been discredited by the tactical alliance between the Communist Parties and the old nationalistic parties.
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6

Goebel, Michael. "Von der hispanidad zum Panarabismus." Geschichte und Gesellschaft 37, no. 4 (December 2011): 523–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/gege.2011.37.4.523.

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7

Laurens, Henry. "La vie politique palestinienne avant 1948 : localisme ou panarabisme ?" Maghreb - Machrek N° 159, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/machr1.159.0012.

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8

Denis, Sébastien. "Cinéma et panarabisme en Algérie entre 1945 et 1962." Guerres mondiales et conflits contemporains 226, no. 2 (2007): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/gmcc.226.0037.

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9

Wiśniewski, Artur. "Dominująca rola Egiptu w procesie kształtowania nacjonalizmu arabskiego w XIX wieku oraz w I połowie XX wieku." Studia i Analizy Nauk o Polityce, no. 2 (December 22, 2020): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/sanp.10740.

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Pozornie sprzeczne, wzajemnie wykluczające się idee arabskiego nacjonalizmu oraz panarabizmu, w okresie dwudziestolecia wojennego występowały symultanicznie i stanowiły podwójny opór względem rosnącej na świecie dominacji państw Zachodu (Płanowski 2006: 252). Kiedy już w trakcie światowego konfliktu na konferencjach w Jał­cie, Teheranie i Poczdamie przygotowywano grunt pod utworzenie nowego ładu w re­lacjach pomiędzy Stanami Zjednoczonymi, państwami Europy Zachodniej oraz ZSRR, w państwach arabskich dojrzewała koncepcja utworzenia dużej, wspólnej organizacji panarabskiej, realizującej ich partykularne interesy gospodarcze i polityczne. Drogą roz­mów multilateralnych wypracowano model współpracy międzynarodowej o nazwie Liga Państw Arabskich, a od pierwszych dni istnienia owej organizacji szczególne miejsce zajęła w niej Arabska Republika Egiptu. Dokonując analizy systemowej i historycznej, w niniejszej publikacji zwrócono uwagę na działania, jakie podjął Egipt, które przyczyniły się do zrodzenia arabskiego nacjonalizmu. Podjęto również próbę odpowiedzi na pytania, dlaczego to właśnie Egipt – potocznie nazywany krajem faraonów – odegrał tak znaczącą rolę w krzewieniu idei panarabizmu w drugiej połowie XX w., jakie zastosował środki, aby zachować względną niezależność polityczną i gospodarczą w okresie kolonializmu, a także w jaki sposób przyczynił się do powstania Ligi Państw Arabskich i jakie zajął w niej miejsce.
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10

Valeriani, Augusto. "Pan-Arab Satellite Television and Arab National Information Systems: Journalists' Perspectives on a Complicated Relationship." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 3, no. 1 (2010): 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398609x12584657078321.

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AbstractMedia scholarship has mostly focused on the regional and global dimension of the 'satellite revolution' in Arab news, insisting on concepts such as the 'pan-Arab public sphere' and 'media panarabism.' Taking Egypt as a case study, this article moves from a 'purely' pan-Arab perspective to a broader approach that examines the complex relationship between pan-Arab satellite news media and national media systems. Through a discussion of journalists' representations of their professional community, I investigate how far the coverage and practices of pan-Arab all-news broadcasters have blurred the borders of national media systems, creating new hybrid spaces. My findings show that both satellite broadcast journalists and national media journalists define themselves and their work practices in terms of mutual relationships. The idea of a hybrid space is, at least in the journalists' self-representations, in some way confirmed: a space encompassed by a transnational framework in which 'the national' still maintains its specificities. The article is based on multi-sited research and observation in the headquarters of Gulf-based pan-Arab satellite news media and in Egyptian newsrooms.
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11

Croitoru, Joseph. "Ein Katalysator Mit Vorgeschichte, Der säkulare Panarabismus hatte schon in den fünfziger Jahren im Islamismus einen ernsthaften Kontrahenten." Maghreb Review 40, no. 3 (2015): 399–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2015.0027.

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12

Hotait Salas, Laila. "Hacia la forja de las identidades autónomas en el cine árabe de autor. Desde los procesos de descolonización, a los años sesenta." Miscelánea de Estudios Árabes y Hebraicos. Sección Árabe-Islam 71 (January 19, 2022): 163–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30827/meaharabe.v71.21470.

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El objetivo de esta investigación fue, en su inicio, demostrar una relación entre el surgir de la identidad del cine libanés y el proceso de descolonización. Pero, tras el visionado de las películas nombradas a lo largo del artículo, así como las lecturas de las obras en torno al cine árabe - llevando a cabo una titánica y laboriosa búsqueda de los títulos nombrados en diferentes bibliotecas y cinematecas del mundo, pues es imposible encontrar estos títulos reunidos en un solo lugar – se demostró que la hipótesis no abarcaba el hallazgo: la correlación entre el surgir de una identidad cinematográfica nacional de cada país árabe y la el proceso de descolonización en todos los países árabes era patente, además de que este proceso era interrelacionado. Por tanto, no solo en el caso del cine libanés, sino en el de todos los cines árabes de autor se forjaron durante, y a partir de, dichos procesos de descolonización. Algo que se destila tanto de los temas tratados en las películas, como de sus sistemas de producción. Además, esta interrelación panarabista fue determinante para el forjamiento de las posteriores identidades nacionales de los cines árabes contemporáneos caracterizados por otorgar un amplio peso a la voz autoral, así como por primar la elección de temas sociales de impacto, ambas características legadas por el surgir de este cine durante los procesos de descolonización
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13

Manduchi, Patrizia. "Arab Nationalism(s): Rise and Decline of an Ideology." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 4–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340137.

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When speaking about Arab nationalism, at least three phenomena, only partially distinct from one another, must be identified: Arabism, Pan-Arabism and Nationalisms on a local basis.The first is Arabism (ʿurūbah, being Arab) in the sense of belonging to the same world, in a single context from Morocco to Iraq, that emerged in Egypt and Near East in the last decades of thexixcentury. From this cultural awareness of an Arab identity, the Pan-Arabism (qawmiyyah ʿarabiyyah) developed in the interwars period, but especially after the Second World War. Finally, with the acquired national Arab independences, Nationalism emerged on a local basis, and took the name ofwaṭaniyyah.The debate has never closed and all the major questions are still open: if an Arab nation (and therefore an Arab nationalism) has ever existed; if we can talk about a Pan-Arab nationalism once local based nationalisms emerged; which are the ideological principles of Arab Nationalism that are not uncritically assimilated from outside; finally, how and why the nationalistic ideologies have suffered an heavy crisis in front of the impressive rise of contemporary radical Islamism after the Seventies.Finally, if the figure of the global jihadist, not tied to this or that national cause but fighting anywhere you have to fight aǧihādin the way of God, is the antithesis of the militant of nationalistic movements, for his absolute disregard for any cause that can be defined national. The goal is the creation of an Islamic State, no matter how utopian this project is, not based on the concept of nation but on that ofummah. It’s the phase of the “après panarabisme”: the myth of cohesion from the Gulf to the Atlantic no longer enchants Arab people and Arab States, and the era of Nasser and the Ba‘athist dream has finally ended.
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14

Semi, Emanuela Trevisan. "Entre lieux de mémoire et lieux de l’oubli au Maroc." Ethnologies 39, no. 2 (September 27, 2018): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1051664ar.

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À partir des années 1990, le Maroc a entamé un processus de reconnaissance des différentes identités, d’origine berbère ou juive, qui ont contribué à la formation de l’identité marocaine à travers le temps. En fait, jusque dans les années 1990, et en accord avec l’atmosphère panarabiste de l’époque, les politiques gouvernementales au Maroc cherchaient à cacher et à marginaliser tous les héritages historiques et culturels non arabes. Le changement de politique intervenu dans les années 90 a donné lieu à un nouvel ensemble de problèmes en termes de mémoire et de politique du patrimoine. L’intérêt manifesté par le roi Mohammed VI, qui souhaitait que tous les cimetières juifs du Maroc soient restaurés grâce à des fonds provenant directement du Palais Royal, a permis de sauver 167 cimetières juifs au Maroc en 2015. Face à cette situation, le cas de Meknès est unique et intéressant à analyser. Meknès, l’une des villes les plus importantes de l’histoire des juifs au Maroc, ne compte jusqu’à aujourd’hui aucun lieu de mémoire juif restauré et préservé, à l’exception d’une restauration partielle de l’ancien cimetière réalisé en 2017. Le cimetière de l’ancien mellah à Meknès, en particulier, présente une typologie urbaine unique qui voit les tombeaux nichés le long de ses murs, les plus sacrés étant placés au pied des murs eux-mêmes, comme pour protéger, de cette position, tout le mellah. Cet article analysera donc le cas spécifique de Meknès et de l’oubli de son héritage juif.
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15

Samarskaia, L. M. "Arab Nationalism in Palestine in the Beginning of the 20th Century." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-54-71.

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The article is dedicated to the emergence of the Arab national movement at the beginning of the 20th century. This topic is still relevant in our days since revealing the origins of political and social processes in the Middle East of the 21st century is necessary for their understanding. The main issues which are considered by the author are the following: which factors had crucial influence on the emergence of Arab nationalism (panarabism as well as regionalism), when exactly it was formed and what were the specifics of its emergence in Palestine.The author defines three main periods in the genesis and formation of the Arab national movement at the beginning of the 20th century. The first is the Nahda, the Arab cultural revival of the second half of the 19th century, which became a foundation for the later development of nationalist ideas. However, the author tries to show that the cultural revival itself was not nationalistic. The second key period is the political expression of the Arab national movement in the first decades of the 20th century, with the ottomanist and later pan-Turkist policy of the Ottoman government having the decisive influence. This policy was nationalist in essence. Zionism, as noted in the text, was not such an important issue for the nascent pan-Arab movement before the First World War, although it caused concern among the locals in Palestine. The third key stage, that was decisive in the Arab national development, is the Great Arab Revolt, which, despite the fact that it was not massive and universal, forced the pan-Arab movement enter the international arena for it attracted the attention of the great powers – mainly with the help of McMahon–Hussein correspondence. In result, during the postwar settlement, pan-Arabism became more popular and internationally recognised phenomenon, although eventually it happened to be divided into a multitude of regional movements, in particular – Palestinian nationalism fostered by the Anglo-French division of influence zones in the Middle East.In general, the formation of the Arab national movement was a multidimensional and gradual phenomenon influenced by a variety of factors. At the same time, the emergence of the regional groups had its own specifics; originally belonging to the Pan-Arab movement, although with their own features, after the First World War these groups became largely independent.
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16

Mermier, Franck. "Les fondations culturelles arabes et les métamorphoses du panarabisme." Chroniques yéménites, no. 7 (September 26, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/cy.3146.

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17

KARAÇAY, Yaşam, and Yaşam KARAÇAY. "IRAK’TA ARAP MİLLİYETÇİLİĞİ VE GENÇLİK ÖRGÜTLENMELERİ." ANASAY, November 21, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33404/anasay.1196917.

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Arap dünyasında fikri temelleri olan bir ideoloji olarak ortaya çıkan Panarabizm, I. Dünya Savaşıyla beraber reaksiyonel bir aşamaya geçmiştir. Manda yönetiminin uygulandığı bölgelerde zamanla bölgesel milliyetçilik boyutuyla tartışılmaya başlanmıştır. 1930’larda etkili olan bu ideoloji doğrultusunda Irak’ta da bazı örgütlenmeler ortaya çıkmıştır. Bu örgütlenmeler, Irak’ın eğitim sisteminde, okul programlarında ve eğitim müfredatlarında da etkisini göstermiştir. Nitekim, Satı el-Husri ve Sami Şevket, fikri olarak şekillenen bu düşüncelerin hayata geçirilmesi noktasında önemli kişiler arasında yer almıştır. Bu bağlamda 1935-1941 yılları arasında etkili olan örgütlenmelerden Muthanna kulübü ve Futuvva gençlik örgütü, bu düşüncelerden beslenmiş, Irak Arap milliyetçiliği ideolojisi doğrultusunda faaliyet göstermiştir. Bu çalışmada, bütünsel olarak Arap Miliiyetçiliği özelinde Irak’taki Arap Milliyetçiliği örgütlenmelerinde Muthanna kulübü ve Futuvva gençlik örgütü incelenecektir.
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18

Chafik, Ayoub. "La radio ṣāwt al-ʿarāb La Voix des Arabes. Le temps du récit panarabiste." Revue française des sciences de l’information et de la communication, no. 20 (September 1, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rfsic.9817.

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