Academic literature on the topic 'Palestinian Arabs – West Bank – Social conditions'
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Journal articles on the topic "Palestinian Arabs – West Bank – Social conditions"
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Cole, Charlotte F., Cairo Arafat, Chava Tidhar, Wafa Zidan Tafesh, Nathan A. Fox, Melanie Killen, Alicia Ardila-Rey, et al. "The educational impact of Rechov Sumsum/Shara’a Simsim: A Sesame Street television series to promote respect and understanding among children living in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza." International Journal of Behavioral Development 27, no. 5 (September 2003): 409–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01650250344000019.
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A pre-and post-test study assessed the effects of Israeli and Palestinian children’s viewing of Rechov Sumsum/Shara’a Simsim, a television series presenting messages of mutual respect and understanding. Israeli-Jewish, Palestinian-Israeli, and Palestinian preschoolers ( N = 275) were interviewed about their social judgments. Results showed that although some of the children had negative conceptions about adult Arabs and Jews, children, on the whole, did not invoke these stereotypes when evaluating peer conflict situations between Israeli and Palestinian children. Exposure to the programme was linked to an increase in children’s use of both prosocial justifications to resolve conflicts and positive attributes to describe members of the other group. Palestinian children’s abilities to identify symbols of their own culture increased over time. The results indicate the effectiveness of media-based interventions such as Rechov Sumsum/Shara’a Simsim on countering negative stereotypes by building a peer-oriented context that introduces children to the everyday lives of people from different cultures.
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Ben-Meir, Alon. "THE CASE FOR AN ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN-JORDANIAN CONFEDERATION." World Affairs 185, no. 1 (February 10, 2022): 9–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00438200211066350.
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This extended article argues a case for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation, proposes the central elements necessary to realize this in practice, and offers policy advice to the key players as well as to policy makers in the United States, Germany, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt. After 73 years of conflict, following the Arab Spring, and the intermittent violence between Israel and the Palestinians, the Palestinians will not give up on their aspiration for statehood. Ultimately, a two-state solution remains the only viable option to end their conflict. The difference, however, between the framework for peace discussed in the 1990s and 2000s—where the focus was on establishing a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza—versus the present time is that many new, irreversible facts have been created: the interspersing of the Israeli and Palestinian populations in the West Bank, Jerusalem, and Israel; the status of Jerusalem, where both sides have a unique religious affinity; Israeli settlements in the West Bank, the majority of which will have to remain in place; the intertwined national security concerns involved; and the resettlement of/compensation for Palestinian refugees. I argue that independent Israeli and Palestinian states, therefore, can peacefully coexist and be sustained only through the establishment of an Israeli-Palestinian confederation that would subsequently be joined by Jordan, which has an intrinsic national interest in the resolution of all conflicting issues between Israel and the Palestinians. To that end, all sides will have to fully and permanently collaborate on many levels necessitated by the changing conditions on the ground, most of which can no longer be restored to the status quo ante.
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Kohlbry, Paul. "Owning the Homeland: Property, Markets, and Land Defense in the West Bank." Journal of Palestine Studies 47, no. 4 (2018): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.47.4.30.
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This article examines the formation of land defense in relation to changing legal and economic conditions in the occupied Palestinian territories. It argues that as a result of settler capital and law, Palestinian land defense should be understood as emerging through, rather than apart from, private property. Specifically, it explores how private property and market forces shaped agrarian land defense (1970s–1980s) and real estate land defense (post-2007). In the 1970s and the 1980s, land defense sought to protect agriculture against market forces that drew Palestinians off the land and into wage labor in Israel. Beginning in the 1990s, the exclusion of Palestinians from Israeli wage labor and new forms of West Bank governance created the conditions for real estate land defense to appear. Taking the real estate project TABO as a case study, this article details its political logic, unexpected market effects, and its social and economic limits.
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Brynen, Rex. "Imagining a Solution: Final Status Arrangements and Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 2 (January 1, 1997): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537782.
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Possible final status arrangements for the Palestinian refugee issue are explored, with emphasis on their consequences for the Palestinians in Lebanon. It is suggested that the right of return will be limited largely to the West Bank and Gaza, where it will be shaped by local economic conditions. Available compensation funds may be inadequate. Greater research and policy planning are needed in these areas. Moreover, because Lebanon will continue to host a significant Palestinian population for many years to come, both Palestinian-Lebanese dialogue and improvement in the social, economic, and legal status of the Palestinians are imperative.
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Ayer, Lynsay, Brinda Venkatesh, Robert Stewart, Daniel Mandel, Bradley Stein, and Michael Schoenbaum. "Psychological Aspects of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: A Systematic Review." Trauma, Violence, & Abuse 18, no. 3 (October 27, 2015): 322–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1524838015613774.
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Despite ongoing local and international peace efforts, the Jews, Arabs, and other residents of Israel and the Palestinian territories (i.e., the West Bank and Gaza) have endured decades of political, social, and physical upheaval, with periodic eruptions of violence. It has been theorized that the psychological impact of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict extends beyond the bounds of psychiatric disorders such as posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Exposure to the ongoing conflict may lead to changes in the way Israelis and Palestinians think, feel, and act; while these changes may not meet the thresholds of PTSD or depression, they nonetheless could have a strong public health impact. It is unclear whether existing studies have found associations between exposure to the conflict and nonclinical psychological outcomes. We conducted a systematic review to synthesize the empirical research on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and its psychological consequences. As a whole, the body of literature we reviewed suggests that exposure to regional political conflict and violence may have detrimental effects on psychological well-being and that these effects likely extend beyond the psychiatric disorders and symptoms most commonly studied. We found evidence that exposure to the conflict informs not only the way Israelis and Palestinians think, feel, and act but also their attitudes toward different religious and ethnic groups and their degree of support for peace or war. We also found that Palestinians may be at particularly high risk of experiencing psychological distress as a result of the conflict, though more research is needed to determine the extent to which this is due to socioeconomic stress. Our review suggests the need for more studies on the nonclinical psychological aspects of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict as well as for longitudinal studies on the impact of the conflict on both Israelis and Palestinians.
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Tsarev, Matvei. "Approaches of Bennet-Lapid’s Government to Key Regional Security Threats to Israel’s Security." Oriental Courier, no. 1 (2023): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310025308-6.
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This analytical article examines the approaches of the Israeli government led by Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, who assumed power in Israel on June 13, 2021, to two key threats to Israeli security: a potential “nuclear deal” with Iran (Iran's nuclear program advancement) amid Iranian regime's support for Palestinian factions in the Gaza Strip and the problem of Palestinian-Israeli conflict settlement. The author reviews Bennett’s and Lapid’s speeches and keynote articles from 2010 to 2021, when both leaders of the new government either had different posts in Benjamin Netanyahu’s governments, or were in opposition to the latter. Such an approach allowed the author to better understand the process of shaping Israel's strategy to the key threats to its security in the region. It is especially relevant in conditions of active development of knotty and order-forming crisis of international relations system, whose potential may affect subsystem of international relations in the Middle East. The author concludes that regarding the Iranian nuclear problem, the most relevant strategy is deterrence by increasing risk (e. g., gradually destroying key elements of Iran's nuclear program), less likely is a pre-emptive escalation strategy (completely depriving Iran of the opportunity to threaten Israel before Tehran can implement its threats, or even declare them). This shows that Israel is focused on preserving the status quo. On the contrary, in the attempt to eliminate the problem of Iranian support for Palestinian factions in the Gaza Strip, Israel may pursue a strategy of escalatory domination, which signals its interest in changing the status quo. The Palestinian problem resolution will largely depend on the success of the Israeli government's political and economic actions toward both Palestinians living in the West Bank (those controlled by the Palestinian Authority in Ramallah and those living in Israeli-controlled territories) and the Arab population of the State of Israel. The author suggests that it is possible to stop the Palestinians' Islamization process by creating a state mythologeme. Only the creation of a new ideology can become a multiplier of the state's extractive capacity, which for Arabs in the Israeli society would mean the legitimization of the central executive's right to govern them.
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El Kurd, Dana. "Support for Violent Versus Non-Violent Strategies in the Palestinian Territories." Middle East Law and Governance 14, no. 3 (October 14, 2022): 331–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-14030005.
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Abstract What determines support for violent versus nonviolent strategies? I argue that strategy preference is motivated by an individuals’ assessment of their society’s cohesion. Perception of strong social cohesion, as existing literature argues, should increase individual support for nonviolence, as it gives people confidence that their society will be able to carry out that strategy effectively. I build on this work to show that perception of social cohesion does not always reflect individual conditions; in situations where social cohesion is weak, violence becomes attractive specifically to those who recognize this reality. The paper tests these arguments in the case of Palestine, using survey data and experimental methods, specifically polling data from the Arab Opinion Index in the West Bank and Gaza. The evidence shows that individuals who perceive society to be more cohesive prefer violence less. However, respondents may perceive social cohesion as weak, even while they personally enjoy strong social ties and greater social embeddedness. In this scenario, they are more likely to prefer armed resistance because they use their social ties to gain information and assess risk more effectively. Individuals who are networked in political power structures, members of political parties and those with higher levels of education, are those that both enjoy greater social ties and prefer violence to nonviolence. Their social situation helps them to recognize the weakness of social cohesion in society at large and, based on this perception, make certain choices. This suggests that violence in the Palestinian territories is not a spontaneous eruption, but rather a strategic choice that individuals endorse on the basis of a reasoned assessment of available options and constraints.
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Atallah, Devin G. "A community-based qualitative study of intergenerational resilience with Palestinian refugee families facing structural violence and historical trauma." Transcultural Psychiatry 54, no. 3 (May 18, 2017): 357–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363461517706287.
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The purpose of this study was to explore resilience processes in Palestinian refugee families living under Israeli occupation for multiple generations. Qualitative methods, critical postcolonial theories, and community-based research approaches were used to examine intergenerational protective practices and to contribute to reconceptualizations of resilience from indigenous perspectives. First, the researcher developed a collaborative partnership with a nongovernmental organization (NGO) in a UN refugee camp in the occupied West Bank. Then, with the support of this NGO, semistructured group and individual interviews were completed with a total of 30 participants ( N = 30) ranging in age from 18 to 90 years old coming from 5 distinct extended family networks. Using grounded theory situational analysis, the findings were organized in a representation entitled Palestinian Refugee Family Trees of Resilience (PRFTR). These findings explain resilience in terms of three interrelated themes: (a) Muqawama/resistance to military siege and occupation; (b) Awda/return to cultural roots despite historical and ongoing settler colonialism; and (c) Sumoud/perseverance through daily adversities and accumulation of trauma. The study findings shed light on how Palestinian families cultivate positive adaptation across generations and highlight how incorporating community-based perspectives on the historical trauma and violent social conditions of everyday life under occupation may be critical for promoting resilience. Results may be relevant to understanding the transgenerational transmission of trauma and resilience within other displaced communities internationally.
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BARRY, Mamdouh Gh A., and Owda S. A. HAMAEL. "ADMINISTRATIVE DETENTION AND ITS IMPACT ON THE EDUCATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT OF THE CHILDREN OF PALESTINIAN ADMINISTRATIVE PRISONERS FROM THE PRISONERS’ POINT OF VIEW: THE WEST BANK AS A MODEL." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 04, no. 05 (September 1, 2022): 189–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.19.12.
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The study is concerned with an aspect related to the field of education, as it is concerned with the issue of educational attainment by the children of administrative prisoners in the Israeli occupation prisons, because of this social group of clear repercussions on the Palestinian society, and because this category has the importance it occupies from the nature of the age stage experienced by the children of administrative prisoners, including The stages of childhood that we can reduce to the primary and basic school stage, followed by the secondary school stage, and extend to university studies in many cases. This study talks about the Palestinian family whose children were deprived of living under the father’s tenderness and care for long and intermittent periods. We are talking about a group of prisoners who are subject to repeated arrest several times after their release, which negatively affects the social conditions of the family, including study and education. This study sheds light on a part of the state and society’s resources, and it is classified under the right to human resources, given that investing in people is the best form of economic investment. Head of the family . And because the administrative prisoner is represented in the Palestinian national custom like other prisoners as a model of sacrifice and struggle, which put him in the first ranks that were offered and drained for the sake of the homeland and the constants. Therefore, this study examines the conditions, factors and influences that the children of administrative prisoners experience within the family, the community, and the school. This study derives its data from several interviews and questionnaires conducted inside the prison and within its sections, where the two researchers, who are administrative prisoners, conducted these interviews with some married administrative prisoners who have children in schools and universities and from various cities of the West Bank. These questions were divided between the structural and the objective and included answers about the reflection of the social and economic reality of the family of the administrative prisoner on the educational attainment of its children, and because the society represented by institutions, schools, mosques and the street has a decisive role in influencing negatively or positively the reality of the lives of the children of the administrative prisoner, and because of this impact of important repercussions on The educational attainment of the children of the captive. And because the economic and life burdens have become strenuous in the absence of the father, and the wife has become the one who bears many of these burdens, which multiplies the responsibilities that fall upon her and because of its negative repercussions on the level of her psychological, administrative, physical and mental capabilities. All of this inevitably has effects on her children and these effects also It has dimensions on the child's personality, abilities, skills and sentiments, and on top of that his academic achievement, which is the subject of this scientific study. The danger that the prisoner's family faces is that this administrative prisoner is accustomed to frequent detention by the occupation, and his name is on the list of arrests on the computers of the military administration of the Israeli occupation in the occupied West Bank. This recurring situation, which is punctuated by repeated incursions into the house and the house and a night raid to arrest the prisoner from time to time, where he stays for several months and may reach 24 months at its most extreme, and is released after a significant period, and as a result of the escalation of scenes of the national situation in the Palestinian street from time to time His arrest again, the matter did not stop there only, but his house was broken into after his arrest for the purposes of inspection, spreading panic and destroying the furniture and belongings of the house. These raids were taking place at a time when the husband was caught between the clutches of families for days and weeks.
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Mahamid, Fayez Azez, Guido Veronese, and Dana Bdier. "The Palestinian health-care providers’ perceptions, challenges and human rights-related concerns during the COVID-19 pandemic." International Journal of Human Rights in Healthcare 15, no. 4 (July 26, 2021): 373–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijhrh-04-2021-0083.
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Purpose One of the most affected groups during the COVID-19 pandemic was health-care providers due to the direct and continuous exposure to the virus and a lack of sufficient medical equipment. Palestinian health-care providers were exposed to several challenges related to their work environment as they worked in war-like conditions; therefore, this study aims to explore health-care providers’ perceptions, perspectives, challenges and human rights-related concerns during the COVID-19 Pandemic in Palestine. Design/methodology/approach The sample comprised 30 health-care providers 26–35 years, who were purposively selected from among health-care providers in two Palestinian cities, Nablus and Tulkarm, located in the north of the West Bank. Thematic content analysis was applied to transcripts of interviews with the practitioners to identify key themes. Findings The thematic content analysis showed that the pandemic and quarantine negatively affect the mental health outcomes, daily routine and social relations of health-care providers. The main challenges related to human rights violations and faced by the health-care providers include a lack of sufficient infrastructure, lack of medical equipment’s and protective gear, military occupation and a shortage of health-care providers in general, especially those who practice in speciality fields such as neurology, oncology, pediatric surgery and clinical psychology. Practical implications Further investigations are recommended to test different variables related to health-care providers’ work during the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper also recommends conducting studies targeting Palestinian health-care providers’ training and supervision services to improve their skills and resiliency in dealing with future crises. Originality/value The present work is the first to examine health-care providers’ perceptions, perspectives, challenges and human rights concerns during the COVID-19 pandemic in Palestine. This novel sample resides in a political and social environment characterized by high environmental stressors due to decades of military and political violence (e.g. militarization, poverty, lack of employment opportunities, cultural pressures, human rights violations, etc.)
Books on the topic "Palestinian Arabs – West Bank – Social conditions"
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International, Amnesty, ed. Enduring occupation: Palestinians under siege in the West Bank. London: Amnesty International Publications, 2007.
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Dengler, Bettina. Approaching vulnerability: Rural livelihoods in the West Bank, Palestine. Weikersheim: Margraf, 2005.
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Hilāl, Jamīl. Informal social support system (non-institutionalized) in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Jerusalem: MAS, Palestine Economic Policy Research Institute, 1997.
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ABURISH, SAID K. 1935. Cry Palestine: Inside the West Bank. London: Bloomsbury, 1991.
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Marianne, Heiberg, ed. Palestinian society in Gaza, West Bank and Arab Jerusalem: A survey of living conditions. Oslo: FAFO, 1993.
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Suárez, Thomas. Palestine sixty years later: Gaza, East Jerusalem, and the West Bank, 2008-2009 : photographs and observations. New York: Americans for Middle East Understanding, 2010.
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al-Dawlīyah, Muʼassasat al-Quds. al-Quds-- fī qabḍat al-jidār: Al-Quds--under the grip of the wall. Bayrūt: Tawzīʻ al-Dār al-ʻArabīyah lil-ʻUlūm Nāshirūn, 2005.
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1935-, ABURISH SAID K. Cry Palestine: Inside the West Bank. Boulder: Westview Press, 1993.
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The wall: Fragmenting the Palestinian fabric in Jerusalem. Jerusalem: International Peace and Cooperation Center, 2007.
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Benvenisti, Meron. 1987 report: Demographic, economic, legal, social, and political developments in the West Bank. Jerusalem, Israel: Jerusalem Post, 1987.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Palestinian Arabs – West Bank – Social conditions"
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Bolton, Matthew. "4. “More Like Genocide”." In Antisemitism in Online Communication, 107–36. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0406.04.
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Accusations that Israel has committed, or is in the process of committing, genocide against the Palestinian population of the Middle East are a familiar presence within anti- Israel and anti Zionist discourse. In the wake of the Hamas attacks of 7 October 2023 and the subsequent Israeli military invasion of Gaza, claims of an Israeli genocide reached new heights, culminating in Israel being accused of genocide by South Africa at the International Court of Justice. Such claims can be made directly or indirectly, via attempts to draw an equivalence between Auschwitz or the Warsaw Ghetto and the current situation in the Palestinian territories. This chapter examines the use of the concept of genocide in social media discussions responding to UK news reports about Israel in the years prior to the 2023 Israel- Hamas war, thereby setting out the pre-existing conditions for its rise to prominence in the response to that war. It provides a historical account of the development of the concept of genocide, showing its interrelation with antisemitism, the Holocaust and the State of Israel. It then shows how accusations of genocide started being made against Israel in the decades following the Holocaust, and argues that such use is often accompanied by analogies between Israel and Nazi Germany and forms of Holocaust distortion. The chapter then qualitatively analyses comments referencing a supposed Israeli genocide posted on the Facebook pages of major British newspapers regarding three Israel-related stories: the May 2021 escalation phase of the Arab- Israeli conflict; the July 2021 announcement that the US ice cream company Ben & Jerry’s would be boycotting Jewish settlements in the West Bank; and the rapid roll-out of the Covid-19 vaccine in Israel from December 2020 to January 2021.
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Ben-Rafael, Eliezer. "The Case of a National Minority." In Language, Identity, and Social Division, 166–76. Oxford University PressOxford, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198240723.003.0014.
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Abstract Another well-known cleavage of lsraeli society differentiates Jews from Arabs. The discussion of this division is often extended to include the Palestinian population of the territories, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip occupied by Israel since 1967. However, since these territories are not part of the Israeli State, they represent an external conflict that is primarily political.
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Bisharat, George. "Attorneys for the People, Attorneys for the Land: The Emergence of Cause Lawyering in the Israeli-Occupied Territories." In Cause Lawyering, 453–86. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195113198.003.0014.
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Abstract As the study of lawyering for social and political causes extends beyonds the familiar contexts of the United States and Western Europe, one of the principal concerns of researchers must be to define the institutional, political, cultural, market, and other conditions that facilitate or inhibit cause lawyering. To the extent that cause lawyering in the non-Western world differs from its counterpart phenome non in the West, one must also ask, in what degree do these same factors account for the specific complexion and trajectory that cause lawyering assumes in different Third World societies? This essay grapples with the above questions through an examination of the role of indigenous lawyers in defending and advancing the “Palestinian cause”— at the broadest level, the struggle to achieve Palestinian national self- determination— in the Israeli-occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip.