Relevant bibliographies by topics / Palestinian Arabs – Government policy – Israel

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Academic literature on the topic 'Palestinian Arabs – Government policy – Israel'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Palestinian Arabs – Government policy – Israel"

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Krylov, A. V. "The role of the religious factor in political processes in Israel." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-1-98-108.

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This article studies the influence of religion on political and social processes in Israel. Modern Israel is a complicated multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. Israel is home to over 8 million people and approximately a quarter of its citizens are non-Jews (Muslim Arabs and Christian Arabs, Druze, Bedouins, Circassians and etc.). In spite of the fact that the Israeli system of law provides “the complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex”, many Arabs and other non-Jews citizens of the State are not really integrated into Israeli society and do not feel themselves full citizens of the State that seeks to position itself exclusively as a «Jewish State».In addition the tension between Israel’s Middle Eastern and European identities is personified in the contradictions between Ashkenazim and Sephardim. There are also religious differences between Jews who identify themselves with the ultra-Orthodox, religious nationalists (so called “Hardelim” - an acronym of two words in Hebrew – “Hared” (ultra-orthodox) and “Leumi” (nationalist)), traditionalists and secular Jews. The article notes that the current «Likud» government supported by the religious parties actually strengthens the tendency to clericalization of Israeli political and social life.The author also makes an attempt to understand and analyze the basic historical, philosophical and religious aspects of the National-Religious trend in Israeli politics. This trend turned into a powerful force after a Jewish religious fanatic Yigal Amir had killed Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1995.The research reveals the forms and methods, aims and objectives of the Israeli official settlement policy, determines the attitude of the religious parties and groups towards the settlement movement and indicates a negative influence of the settlement factor on the Israeli-Palestinian negotiating process and political situation in the Middle East as well.
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Abu-Saad, Ismael. "Israeli ‘Development’ and Education Policies and their Impact on the Negev Palestinian Bedouin: Historical Experience and Future Prospects." Holy Land Studies 2, no. 1 (September 2003): 5–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2003.0008.

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Throughout the last five decades, successive Israeli governments have attempted to split the minority group of Palestinian Arabs with Israeli citizenship into smaller groups based on religious (Muslim, Christian, Druze) or geographical distinctions (the ‘Galilee’, the northern region; the ‘Triangle’, the central region; and the ‘Negev’, the southern region) for control purposes. The governments' treatment of Negev Palestinian Arab Bedouin, who were traditionally a semi-nomadic population, provides a classic example of its segmentation policy. Although, in line with this policy, Israeli governments have unilaterally created and implemented development plans for the Negev Palestinian Arab Bedouin population, they have not integrated them into the national infrastructure in a viable and meaningful sense. This paper examines the historical experience of the Negev Palestinian Arab Bedouin and their actual development needs.
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Bahhur, Riad. "SUSAN SLYOMOVICS, The Object of Memory: Arab and Jew Narrate the Palestinian Village (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998). Pp. 319. $19.95 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 4 (November 2001): 631–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801304075.

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Susan Slyomovics's Object of Memory explores the ways in which Arabs and Jews (primarily Palestinian Arabs and Israeli Jews) narrate the Palestinian village, focusing on the pre-1948 Palestinian village of Ein Houd, located in the Carmel Mountains south of the city of Haifa. The Palestinian inhabitants of Ein Houd were displaced during the 1948 war and prevented by the Israeli government from returning to their homes there. Most of them became internal refugees, designated “present absentees” under Israeli law. Others became refugees in surrounding Arab states and in the part of Palestine that became known as the West Bank. Their properties were confiscated by Israel under the Absentee Property Law.
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Mahamid, Hatim. "History Education for Arab Palestinian Schools in Israel." Journal of Education and Development 1, no. 1 (November 16, 2017): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/jed.v1i1.249.

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Since 1948, the Educational system for Palestinian Arabs in Israel was affected by political and ideological considerations of the Jewish state policy. Nurit Peled-Elhanan (2012) argues that the textbooks used in the school system in Israel are laced with a pro-Israel ideology and that they play a part in priming Israeli children for military service. She analyzes the presentation of images, maps, layouts and use of language in History, Geography and Civic Studies textbooks, and reveals how the books might be seen to marginalize Palestinians, legitimize Israeli military action and reinforce Jewish-Israeli territorial identity. Up until 1987 the Department for Arab Education was headed by a Jewish-Israeli director who was appointed by the Ministry of Education and involved in policy making for ensuring control over the Palestinians. Since then Palestinians have been appointed to lead the Department but they have been lacked of power or decision making, which remained under the direct control of the Ministry of Education. Thus the Department for Arab Education has no autonomous decision and authorities, but only meant to supervise the education of Palestinian Arabs and answer to Jewish-Israelis who continue to be in charge. Since the first years Israeli politicians saw in the state education system, an instrument to realize Zionist political objectives, and on the other hand the educational system was used to ensure weakening of Arab and Palestinian identity in the country.
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Siegal, Gil. "Genomic Databases and Biobanks in Israel." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 43, no. 4 (2015): 766–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12318.

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In addressing the creation and regulation of biobanks in different countries, a short descriptive introduction to the social and cultural backgrounds of each country is mandatory. The State of Israel is relatively young (established in 1948), and can be characterized as a multi-religious (Jewish, Muslim, Christian, Druz, and others), multi-ethnic (more than 14), multi-cultural (Western “Ashkenazi” Jewry, Oriental “Sfaradi” Jewry, Soviet Jewry, Israeli Arabs, Palestinian Arabs) society, somewhat similar to the American melting pot. The current population is 8.3 million, a sharp rise resulting from a 1.2 million influx of immigrants from the former Soviet Union in the 1990s. Seventyfive percent are Jewish, 20% Arabs (the majority of whom are Muslims), and several other minorities. The birth rate is 3.8 per family, the highest in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).
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Abu-Saad, Ismael. "Palestinian Education in Israel: The Legacy of the Military Government." Holy Land Studies 5, no. 1 (May 2006): 21–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2006.0001.

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This essay analyses the ways in which the military government (1948–1966) and its policies positioned the Palestinian Arab community in Israeli society, with a particular focus on public education. The educational system for the Palestinian Arab community developed within the context of military government, and while the formal administrative structures have changed, the legacy of using education as a tool for political purposes has endured and continues to defi ne the educational experience of indigenous Palestinian Arab students in Israel today. Despite the formal abolition of the military government in the mid-sixties, its ongoing legacy continues to shape educational policy and practice, as well as the broader status of the Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel.
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Peled, Yoav, and Gershon Shafir. "The Roots of Peacemaking: The Dynamics of Citizenship in Israel, 1948–93." International Journal of Middle East Studies 28, no. 3 (August 1996): 391–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800063510.

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The Declaration of Prsinciples signed by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in September 1993 marked a dramatic about-face in Israel's traditional policy toward the PLO and the Palestinian issue in general. This turn of events came as a surprise not only to journalists and commentators following day-to-day political events, but also to scholars engaged in the academic study of Israeli society. The prevailing notion among these scholars had been that the Israeli polity was suffering from what Horowitz and Lissak (1989) called “overburden” due to domestic debates over the disposition of the occupied territories. Thus, it was concluded, Israel was unable to launch bold policy initiatives to try to solve its deadlocked conflict with the Arabs.
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Kaminker, Sarah. "For Arabs Only: Building Restrictions in East Jerusalem." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 4 (1997): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537903.

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Government planning policy denies Palestinians the right to use their land in East Jerusalem. Thirty-three percent of this land has been expropriated and used for building homes for more than 40,000 Jewish families. Planning schemes confine Palestinians to 10 percent of the land area of East Jerusalem. Draconian bureaucratic measures imposed on "Arabs only" aggressively prevent construction on the remaining Palestinian lands in East Jerusalem. The result: a shortage of 21,000 homes for Arab families. Using Har Homa to provide for the Arab "homeless" could be the only political and moral justification for developing the lonely mountain Jabal Abu Ghunaym.
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Zhen, Wang, Alfred Tovias, Peter Bergamin, Menachem Klein, Tally Kritzman-Amir, and Pnina Peri. "Book Reviews." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350108.

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Aron Shai, China and Israel: Chinese, Jews; Beijing, Jerusalem (1890–2018) (Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2019), 270 pp. Hardback, $90.00. Paperback, $29.95.Raffaella A. Del Sarto, Israel under Siege: The Politics of Insecurity and the Rise of the Israeli Neo-Revisionist Right (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2017), 298 pp. Paperback, $26.94.Dan Tamir, Hebrew Fascism in Palestine, 1922–1942 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 210 pp. Hardback, $99.99.Alan Dowty, Arabs and Jews in Ottoman Palestine: Two Worlds Collide (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2019), 312 pp. Hardback, $65.00.Guy Ben-Porat and Fany Yuval, Policing Citizens: Minority Policy in Israel (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 250 pp. Hardback, $89.99.Deborah Golden, Lauren Erdreich, and Sveta Roberman, Mothering, Education and Culture: Russian, Palestinian and Jewish Middle-Class Mothers in Israeli Society (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 225 pp. Hardback, $114.25.
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Omar, Yousef. "The United States Position towards the Battle of Al-Karameh and its Repercussions, March 21, 1968." ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY 7, no. 2 (February 18, 2021): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.7-2-4.

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This paper explores the United States' position towards the battle for Al-Karameh and its repercussions on the 21 March 1968. It argues that even though American policy has always been completely biased in favor of Israel since Israel's founding on 15 May 1948, its position on the battle of Al-Karameh was at the time considered supportive of Israel, balanced with Jordan, and hostile to Palestinian organizations. The United States position in the research relies mainly on the documents of the US State Department (Foreign Relations of the United States FRUS) and on some of the minutes of the Israeli parliament (Knesset) sessions (Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee meetings). This research dealt with an introduction to the crystallization of the Palestinian resistance after the defeat of the Arabs in the Six-Day War of 1967 as well as the policy of the United States towards the region after this war, its position on the escalation of Palestinian resistance from inside Jordan, and the dialectic of Jordan's control of its territories and borders. It also dealt with the incident of the bombing of the Israeli bus on 18 March 1968, and the escalation of tension, which eventually led to Israel attacking Jordan in the battle for Al-Karameh on 21 March 1968, the initial American reaction to it, and the subsequent issuance of Security Council Resolution 248 and its implications. It further dealt with the official American position after the battle ended, its support for the efforts of the Jarring Peace Mission in the region, and its policy of balancing its positions between Israel and Jordan. In conclusion, reference was made to the most important results of the research.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Palestinian Arabs – Government policy – Israel"

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Bartz, Jamie. "Explaining domestic inputs to Israeli Foreign and Palestinian Policy: politics, military, society /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FBartz.pdf.

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Wong, Ka Kei. "The "Distant Neighbor" matters : the role of the U.S. and its impact on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554611.

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Sless, Jonathan Philip. "Britain's policy towards Israel 1949-1951 : from recognition to the fall of the Labour Government." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313293.

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Pienaar, Ashwin Mark. "Israel and Palestine: some critical international relations perspectives on the 'two-state' solution." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003030.

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This research questions whether Israel and Palestine should be divided into two states. Viewed through the International Relations (IR) theories of Realism and Liberalism, the ‘Two-State’ solution is the orthodox policy for Israel and Palestine. But Israelis and Palestinians are interspersed and share many of the same resources making it difficult to create two states. So, this research critiques the aforementioned IR theories which underpin the ‘Two-State’ solution. The conclusion reached is that there ought to be new thinking on how to resolve the Israel-Palestine issue.
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Yilmaz, Ismail. "A Historical Analysis of the Failures of Camp David 2000 Summit." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4799/.

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This research seeks to understand the reasons for failures of Bill Clinton, Yasser Arafat, and Ehud Barak's Camp David Summit that was held in July, 2000. The Summit was arranged to complete the last phase of Oslo Peace Process. Numerous researches have attempted to reveal the facts of the summit but, so far, they have failed to present the complete details of what happened before, during, and after the summit. This research explores all aspects of the problem including the various variables that would have had effected the breakdown of the Middle East peace process. Finally, the researcher determines the parameters needed to maintain a substantial peace in the Middle East and what proposed strategies might be followed in order to avoid the previous mistakes in future peace negotiations.
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Berger, Michael Andrew. "How resisting democracies can defeat substate terrorism : formulating a theoretical framework for strategic coercion against nationalistic substate terrorist organizations." Thesis, St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/889.

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LECOQUIERRE, Marion. "Holding on to place : spatialities of resistance in Israel and Palestine : the cases of Hebron, Silwan and al-Araqib." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/38905.

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Defence date: 5 February 2016
Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, formerly European University Institute, Scuola Normale Superiore (supervisor); Professor Paul Routledge, Leeds University (co-supervisor); Professor Philippe Schmitter, European University Institute; Professor Eitan Alimi, Hebrew University.
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict centres on ensuring the control of land and territory; space thus plays a critical role in the power relations between the parties involved in the conflict. Acknowledging space as a central tool of domination used by the Israeli authorities, the following question arises: how is space mobilized by those opposing this control? This thesis endeavours to shed light on the way in which space can become both a resource for and an outcome of protest, with an emphasis placed on the way it is used in and produced through practices of resistance. This research will utilise a comparative approach, relying on material collected in the course of fieldwork conducted between 2012 and 2014 in Israel and Palestine. The three "sites of contention" analysed here include the H2 area in Hebron (the Old City under Israeli authority), the "core" neighbourhoods of Silwan (Wadi Hilwe and al-Bustan) and the unrecognized Bedouin village of al- Araqib, in the Negev desert. Through the prism of these three case studies, the thesis will tackle different strategies built around the materiality of space, place, sense of place, territory, landscape, network and scale. We will see that beyond the struggle against occupation and discrimination, the protests also attempt to re-appropriate the local space and make territorial claims in multiple ways and at different scales. It appears that place is the fundamental spatiality used in the contention in each of the three cases: inhabiting the place, and affirming one's attachment to the neighbourhood is considered to be one of the only viable strategies available. This attachment, or sense of place, is connected to the attachment to the land, and to a territory, conceived in light of nationalist, religious and cultural perspectives. Through place-based practices and representations, but also via international advocacy, the actors of contention attempt to affirm the everlasting Palestinian rooting in space, thus challenging the deterritorialization provoked by the Israeli measures of control.
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Schrader, Lee Daniel. "The Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the politics of the Quartet." Phd thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151479.

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The 'Quartet' is an informal diplomatic mechanism designed to coordinate the efforts of major actors within the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Formed in 2001, the grouping is composed of representatives from the United States, the European Union, Russia and the Office of the UN Secretary General. Existing analysis of the Quartet, especially concerning the capacity of the grouping to facilitate both individual and collective outcomes for its members, is in some respects misleading. This thesis establishes the historical precedents to the formation of the Quartet, and examines the outputs and outcomes of the grouping within the politico-strategic context of the Middle East peace process from 2001-2011. It presents each of the Quartet members as actors, who, while working in support of a peace process between the Israelis and Palestinians, also hoped to advance their national or organisational objectives through the association itself. By examining the interplay between the complimentary and competing agendas and capabilities of the Quartet members, the thesis aims to provide enhanced insight into the role of external parties in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. Accordingly, it examines the key factors that motivated individual governments and institutions to form the Quartet, and analyses the extent to which the Quartet members had both collective and individual objectives for the grouping. In examining whether these objectives were achieved during the period, the thesis argues that the outcomes of the Quartet were shaped by its internal decision-making processes, the exclusivity of the US-Israel relationship, the nature of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the regional contexts in which its members sought collective influence. It argues that the Quartet demonstrated potential as a diplomatic tool, although in practice it had greater utility as a forum for coordination among its members than for influencing the behaviour of the parties to the conflict.
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Sanders, Jacinta. "Negotiating "Historic Reconciliation'? : the Oslo Accord and the 1993 Israel-PLO talks in Norway." Phd thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149872.

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Books on the topic "Palestinian Arabs – Government policy – Israel"

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Palestinian ethnonationalism in Israel. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011.

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Guyatt, Nicholas. The absence of peace: Understanding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. London: Zed Books, 1998.

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Old conflict, new war: Israel's politics toward the Palestinians. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.

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Israel: Revolution or referendum. Secaucus, NJ: Barricade Books, 1990.

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Eyal, Benvenisti, Gans Chaim, and Ḥanafī Sārī, eds. Israel and the Palestinian refugees. Berlin: Springer, 2007.

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From Camp David to Cast Lead: Essays on Israel, Palestine, and the future of the peace process. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2011.

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A, Cook William, ed. The plight of the Palestinians: A long history of destruction. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Masalha, Nur. The politics of denial: Israel and the Palestinian refugee problem. London: Pluto Press, 2003.

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Cypel, Sylvain. Walled: Israeli society at an impasse. New York, NY: Other Press, 2007.

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Walled: Israeli society at an impasse. New York: Other Press, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Palestinian Arabs – Government policy – Israel"

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Jefferson, Ann. "Israel, 1969." In Nathalie Sarraute, 318–26. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691197876.003.0029.

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This chapter recounts how Nathalie Sarraute cancelled a government-sponsored lecture tour to Israel as she disapproved the French government's policy. It explains that the policy prevented Nathalie from going to Israel under the aegis of diplomatic services. It also points out that the French's condemnation of Israel was due to an attack on Lebanon by the Israel Defense Forces in December 1968, which prompted French president Charles de Gaulle to announce a blanket embargo on arms sales to Israel. The chapter implies how Nathalie continued to feel strongly about the issue in Israel, which was evident in Monique Wittig's letter to her two years later following a discussion about the Palestinian question. It also looks into Nathalie's eventual assumptions of her parents' generation and considered that there was simply no way of talking about Jewishness without raising the resurgent spectre of anti-Semitism.
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Heller, Joseph. "Sharett versus Eisenhower and Dulles (1953–56)." In The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948-67. Manchester University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526103826.003.0005.

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Israel was now trapped between East and West. The East openly and fully supported the Arabs, while the west stood aloof, except for France which supplied Israel with a minimum of necessary weapons. However, Israel knew that what it needed was a security guarantee from the most powerful western power. Yet, the new administration in America, headed by President Eisenhower, was not favourable to Israel. The new secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, wanted to build a regional alliance based on Turkey and the Arab states. Although he discovered that the majority Arab states were unwilling to join a western alliance, he was far from agreeing to Israel’s need for deterrence. Together with the British he planned to reduce Israel’s territory and to convince it to accept some of the Palestinian refugees (the Alpha plan). The Czech-Egyptian arms deal did not change American policy in Israel’s favour.
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