Journal articles on the topic 'Palestine national movement'
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1
Connell, Dan. "Palestine on the Edge: Crisis in the National Movement." Middle East Report, no. 194/195 (May 1995): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3012780.
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Tamari, Salim. "Interview with Ibrahim Dakkak (1929–2016)." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 2 (2017): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.2.83.
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This interview and remembrance marks the passing in 2016 of Ibrahim Dakkak, the last of the great socialist leaders of Palestine's post-Nakba generation. Dakkak helped lead three major movements inside the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt): al-Jabha al-wataniyya or Palestine National Front, a coalition launched in August 1973 that mobilized civil resistance to Israeli land confiscations and a whole host of other rights violations; Lajnat al-tawjih al-watani (the National Guidance Committee or NGC), established in 1978 to coordinate resistance efforts inside the oPt with the political leadership of the national movement based outside; and al-Mubadara al-wataniyya (the National Initiative Committee), which Dakkak cofounded with Mustafa Barghouti and Haidar Abdel-Shafi in the 1990s to counter the consequences of the Oslo Accords. In this interview, Dakkak also shares personal reminiscences of growing up in the Old City, as well as the 1967 arson attack on al-Aqsa Mosque, and his role in its restoration after the fire.
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Samarskaia, L. M. "Arab Nationalism in Palestine in the Beginning of the 20th Century." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-54-71.
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The article is dedicated to the emergence of the Arab national movement at the beginning of the 20th century. This topic is still relevant in our days since revealing the origins of political and social processes in the Middle East of the 21st century is necessary for their understanding. The main issues which are considered by the author are the following: which factors had crucial influence on the emergence of Arab nationalism (panarabism as well as regionalism), when exactly it was formed and what were the specifics of its emergence in Palestine.The author defines three main periods in the genesis and formation of the Arab national movement at the beginning of the 20th century. The first is the Nahda, the Arab cultural revival of the second half of the 19th century, which became a foundation for the later development of nationalist ideas. However, the author tries to show that the cultural revival itself was not nationalistic. The second key period is the political expression of the Arab national movement in the first decades of the 20th century, with the ottomanist and later pan-Turkist policy of the Ottoman government having the decisive influence. This policy was nationalist in essence. Zionism, as noted in the text, was not such an important issue for the nascent pan-Arab movement before the First World War, although it caused concern among the locals in Palestine. The third key stage, that was decisive in the Arab national development, is the Great Arab Revolt, which, despite the fact that it was not massive and universal, forced the pan-Arab movement enter the international arena for it attracted the attention of the great powers – mainly with the help of McMahon–Hussein correspondence. In result, during the postwar settlement, pan-Arabism became more popular and internationally recognised phenomenon, although eventually it happened to be divided into a multitude of regional movements, in particular – Palestinian nationalism fostered by the Anglo-French division of influence zones in the Middle East.In general, the formation of the Arab national movement was a multidimensional and gradual phenomenon influenced by a variety of factors. At the same time, the emergence of the regional groups had its own specifics; originally belonging to the Pan-Arab movement, although with their own features, after the First World War these groups became largely independent.
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Watanabe, Shoko. "A Forgotten Mobilization: The Tunisian Volunteer Movement for Palestine in 1948." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 60, no. 4 (May 12, 2017): 488–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341428.
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This paper goes beyond the ideological views of nationalist leaders who positioned the departure of Tunisian volunteer soldiers for Palestine in 1948 in the framework of national-liberation history, and it analyzes the volunteer movement to provide a picture of the internal mechanisms of popular mobilization. This was a dual movement, of spontaneous participation and organized recruitment by local committees. The volunteers were ideologically heterogeneous, some having had no previous political career. The decentralized nature of the mobilization and the regionally differing socioeconomic compositions of the volunteers suggest that regionally diverse trajectories of nationalism movements coexisted in Tunisia. Understanding this volunteer movement from the bottom up, focusing particularly on the socioeconomic conditions that made the mobilization possible, can help us understand the dynamism of nationalism as a social movement.
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El Kurd, Dana. "The Impact of American Involvement on National Liberation: Polarization and Repression in Palestine and Iraqi Kurdistan." Middle East Law and Governance 12, no. 3 (December 17, 2020): 275–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-12030002.
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Abstract What is the effect of international involvement on national liberation movements? In the last few decades, movements transforming into states have increasingly operated in a globalized context and have had to contend with international pressures. However, the effects of international involvement on the internal dynamics of these movements should be more centrally considered. This paper thus examines the role of international involvement in the Kurdish national liberation movement in Iraqi Kurdistan and the Palestinian national liberation movement within the Palestinian territories. Specifically, I look at the role of the United States as the most powerful actor in the Middle East region. This paper argues that international involvement leads to authoritarian conditions within these state-building projects as well as paralyzes the efficacy and coherence of these movements. Specifically, international involvement creates polarization among political elites and a divergence between elite and public preferences, which creates authoritarian conditions.
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Radwan, Noha. "Palestine in Egyptian Colloquial Poetry." Journal of Palestine Studies 40, no. 4 (2011): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2011.xl.4.61.
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Shi'r al-'ammiyya is a poetry movement whose emergence in Egypt in the early 1950s coincided with the heyday of Nasser's revolution, when the Palestine question was a national concern. With numerous practitioners today, the movement has yielded a large corpus of colloquial poetry that has become a significant part of Egypt's cultural landscape.This article presents a historical survey of shi'r al-'ammiyya's best known poets—Fu'ad Haddad, Salah Jahin, and 'Abd al-Rahman al-Abnudi—and their poems on Palestine. Among the essay's aims is to dispel the common misconception that the use of colloquial Egyptian ('ammiyya) denotes parochial rather than pan-Arab concerns, with the standard (fusha) Arabic seen as a signifier of pan-Arab identity.
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Bartolomei, Enrico. "Origine, caratteri e principali correnti del pensiero palestinese di resistenza, 1967-73." Oriente Moderno 95, no. 1-2 (August 7, 2015): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340067.
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The 1967 defeat thoroughly discredited Arab nationalist regimes and movements that proved incapable of liberating Palestine and achieving Arab unity. This contributed to the rise of several Palestinian guerrilla groups who took up popular armed struggle as a primary means of achieving their goals. The takeover of the Palestine Liberation Organization by Fatḥ and other armed organizations in 1969 was a watershed in the history of the Palestinian struggle and marked the emergence of an independent national liberation movement. This paper focuses on the origins, the ideological developments, and the main currents of Palestinian resistance thought in the years 1967-1973, when the fundamental documents and principles that were to constitute the basis of Palestinian resistance movement were elaborated. While doing that, it also shows what influence Palestinian resistance thought had on the shaping of contemporary Middle East.
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Younes, Anna–Esther. "A gendered movement for liberation: Hamas's women's movement and nation building in contemporary Palestine." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910903475729.
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This research on Hamas's women's movement explains the contemporary political and social involvement of women with a multilayered perspective of different theories based on a textual analysis of the movement's publications (the Hamas Charta 1988 and the Electoral Program 2006, as well as women's testimonies to popular media outlets). Subsequently, it is claimed that only a comprehensive combination of post-colonial studies, gender and nationalism studies can fully grasp women's roles within the Hamas movement. Uniting these three approaches, there are three main hypotheses for women's activism and role within Hamas. First, Hamas propagates gendered worldviews and roles within the nationalist project as well as within the movement. Those outlooks intersect with historized notions of Arab–Muslim identity as well as with notions of liberation against foreign (Western) occupation and colonialism. Second, the ‘women of Hamas’ use such gendered roles in order to pave the way for a pious, yet determined, women's participation within the nationalist venture as well as the movement's overall project of national liberation. Third, the gendered defence calculus springing from those views allows a restructuring of society in general, vis-à-vis the Palestinian population as well as vis-à-vis the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
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Doumani, Beshara. "Palestine Versus the Palestinians? The Iron Laws and Ironies of a People Denied." Journal of Palestine Studies 36, no. 4 (January 1, 2007): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.36.4.49.
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An iron law of the conflict over Palestine has been the refusal by the Zionist movement and its backers, first Great Britain and then the United States, to make room for the existence of Palestinians as a political community. This non-recognition is rooted in historical forces that predate the existence of the Zionist movement and the Palestinians as a people. Consequently, there is a tension between identity and territory, with obvious repercussions for the following questions: Who are the Palestinians? What do they want? And who speaks for them? This essay calls for a critical reappraisal of the relationship between the concepts ““Palestine”” and ““Palestinians,”” as well as of the state-centered project of successive phases of the Palestinian national movement.
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Glavanis, Kathy. "The women's movement, feminism, and the national struggle in Palestine: Unresolved contradictions." Journal of Gender Studies 1, no. 4 (November 1992): 463–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09589236.1992.9960513.
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Krylov, A. V. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PROTEST THE PALESTINIAN SOCIETY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(43) (August 28, 2015): 180–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-180-197.
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This article, perhaps for the first time in Russian scientific and historical literature raises the question of the nature and character of the social protest in the Arab Palestinian society. Even before the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, the Arab population of Palestine entered an active stage of forming national consciousness and identity, which was parallel to the development of pan-Arab national liberation movement. Mass demonstrations of Palestinians in 1920, 1929 and 1936-1939 suggest that the main cause of the protest was the colonial policy of Great Britain, expressed in support the Zionist movement and, as a consequence – the impossibility for the leading Palestinian clans to realize their political ambitions. Taking into account the fact that the Palestinians have shown exceptional tenacity and will in the struggle for national independence, the international community has supported the UN decision to create on the territory of mandated Palestine two States – one Arab and one Jewish. However, due to the Arab-Israeli conflict and other well-known geopolitical reasons, the state of Palestine has not been created till now. Today the Palestinians are divided into four segments: refugees living outside of Palestine in other countries, the Arab population of Israel, the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. In this article the author analyses the situation of the Palestinians on the territory of the historical Palestine and typical forms of protest and discontent in the Palestinian community at present. The article argues that the protest in the Palestinian society, as in the past, has a distinct anti-Israel and anti-Zionist orientation.
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Samarskaia, Liudmila. "British Project in Palestine: Colonial “National Home”." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2021): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640017183-9.
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Mandatory Palestine proved to be a unique example of an attempt to create a “national home” within the framework of the colonial system. The present article aims to analyse the combination of the national and the colonial in the implementation of the “home for the Jewish people” in Palestine, as well as the role of cultural-religious narratives in the mindset of both the British administrators and the Zionist settlers. The research is based on British official documents and archive materials, as well as on the memoirs of Jewish settlers in Eretz Yisrael, some of which are introduced into the Russian academic circulation for the first time. Many British politicians viewed the return of the Jews to their historical homeland as a specific noble mission, which fit both into the framework of “Christian Zionism” and the notion of the civilizing nature of imperial colonialism. Palestine, along with its religious and cultural significance, was at the same time playing a thoroughly practical strategic role, and in that sense served as a highly convenient “foothold”. The British politicians and administrators perceived the Zionists as loyal agents of European colonial influence in the Middle East region. Based on the conducted research, the author reached the following conclusions. Even before ethnic confrontation in mandate Palestine intensified, some representatives of the British Empire anticipated that the Jews would not be a loyal minority, always ready to act in the Empire’s interests to the full extent. The main finding of the research is that despite the superficial similarity between the outlooks of the European Zionists and the official representatives of the British Empire, their perceptions of Palestine and their aims and purposes there were fundamentally different. On the one hand, the notions of the leaders of the Zionist movement about Eretz Yisrael were indeed in many respects close to the positions of British politicians and administrators. Jewish nationalism emerged under the influence of European ideas and concepts, and even orientalism influenced it to a certain degree. On the other hand, the Zionists perceived the Europeans as situational allies, therefore their interests coincided only in the short-term perspective. The idea of the national revival of the people of Israel in its historical homeland played a key role for them. This laid the foundation of the new Jewish identity, which also included multiple elements of religious traditions and legal bases of Judaism.
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Samarskaia, Liudmila Maksimovna. "British Policy in Palestine: Interests versus Reality (1917-1922)." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 112–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-2-112-135.
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The period between the publication of the Balfour Declaration in 1917 and League of Nations mandates official assignment to Great Britain in 1922 was not lengthy, but highly eventful. All this time England was maneuvring between the Jewish and the Arab national movements, which also gradually formed their own demands and objectives. The problem was, pursuing British interests was possible through maneuvring only, as support of just one local force was not quite strategically advantageous. Britains official commitment to the Balfour Declaration remained at the core of its policy, however it could not completely ignore the demands of the Arab polutaion of Palestine. Although there were quite a number of British administrators and imperial politicians, who were sympathetic towards the Zionist cause and thus were ready to meet their requests to a certain extent, adherence to the British Middle East interests remained crucial to them. The idea of a Jewish national home (not a state, though) in Palestine did not come into contradiction with the general policy of Great Britain in the Middle East: it was rather its integral part. At the same time implementing the Zionist project had to be in line with it: any relatively radical (from the British administrators point of view) proposals were rejected or postponed indefinitely. Towards the Arabs of Palestine Great Britain was conducting mainly declarative policy without any serious consideration of their problems and grievances, although trying to appease their demands to a certain extent. Even the Arab riots of 1920 and 1921 did not cause a serious change in the British political course in Palestine, although they did contribute to the emergence of Churchills White Paper in 1922, declaring certain concessions to the Arab national movement, which never accepted the document. At the same time British policy in general was neither pro-Zionist, nor pro-Arab: England was pursuing its long-term strategic goals in the Middle East, skillfully utilizing Zionist and Arab national movements to achieve them.
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ALMadani, Ahmed. "The new Hamas document: An analytical reading of its development and application." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 30, no. 4 (December 31, 2017): 406. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v30i42017.406-417.
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The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) has been the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people since the creation of the Palestinian. The PLO adopted the option of armed struggle against the Israeli occupation, but ended with the signing of the Oslo accords between the Palestine Liberation Organization and Israel in the 1990s. The Islamic Resistance Movement in Palestine (Hamas) was established in the 1980s. Hamas developed its political ideas through a new political document resulted in a new vision to resolve the Palestinian-Israeli conflict by transforming the conflict from religious conflict to political conflict and accepting the establishment of a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders as a common ground between the Palestinian movements and parties, while the armed struggle remains a path of resistance. The purpose of this article is to truly understand this development and the possibility of its application on the ground or not, by clarifying the differences between the ideas of the former and the new Hamas, The researcher relied on a number of academic articles and political research in addition to the political TV shows that talked about the new document, the Arab and international positions of this document, The result of this article is that the Palestinian Hamas movement as a Palestinian resistance movement is capable of political development and finding the alternatives available to solve the Palestinian file while preserving the Palestinian national constants. The Conclusion is the Palestinian Hamas movement is developing with the developments of regional and international events and political development has been partially accepted internationally, Hamas have to work more in the political field to balance between political development and the Palestinian constants.
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Robson, Laura. "Communalism and Nationalism in the Mandate: The Greek Orthodox Controversy and the National Movement." Journal of Palestine Studies 41, no. 1 (2011): 6–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2011.xli.1.6.
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The Greek Orthodox Church in Palestine, the largest of the Christian denominations, had long been troubled by a conflict ("controversy") between its all-Greek hierarchy and its Arab laity hinging on Arab demands for a larger role in church affairs. At the beginning of the Mandate, community leaders, reacting to British official and Greek ecclesiastical cooperation with Zionism, formally established an Arab Orthodox movement based on the structures and rhetoric of the Palestinian nationalist movement, effectively fusing the two causes. The movement received widespread (though not total) community support, but by the mid-1940s was largely overtaken by events and did not survive the 1948 war. The controversy, however, continues to negatively impact the community to this day.
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Moed, Kamal. "College Journals, Educational Modernism and Palestinian Nationalism in Mandatory Palestine: Majallat al-Kulliyyah al-‘Arabiyyah." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 20, no. 2 (November 2021): 180–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2021.0271.
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This article examines the role of Majallat al-Kulliyyah al-‘Arabiyyah, a ‘School Journal’ published by the Arab College in Jerusalem during the Mandatory period. This School Journal was a key agent of modernisation, enlightenment and national awareness among the Palestinian people. A period of intense national struggle, the Mandatory period was replete with political and military upheavals that decided the fate of the country and ended with the expulsion of more than half of the Palestinians and the Palestine Nakba of 1948. Among the most significant cultural changes during the Mandate, that had a major positive impact on Palestinians, was the expansion of the press, including the School Journals. These School Journals played a crucial role in widening the circle of education in Palestine, reducing illiteracy rates, advancing modernisation processes in Arab society and, importantly, promoting Palestinian Arab nationalist ideas as an instrument of national struggle against British colonialism and the Zionist settler movement in Palestine. The article focuses on Majallat al-Kulliyyah al-‘Arabiyyah as the most widespread and influential Arab School Journal during the Mandate period and analyses the key role played by this School Journal in Palestinian educational institutions and the Palestinian national-political struggles during the Mandatory period.
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Pearlman, Wendy. "Spoiling Inside and Out: Internal Political Contestation and the Middle East Peace Process." International Security 33, no. 3 (January 2009): 79–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.33.3.79.
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Actors turn to negotiating or spoiling as a means of contesting not only what a proposed peace settlement entails but also who has the power to decide the terms. Conflicts are more likely to witness negotiating and spoiling for purposes of internal contestation to the degree that one or both of the warring parties lack an institutionalized system of legitimate representation. Whether internal contestation leads a group to act as a peace maker or as a peace breaker is conditioned by its position in the internal balance of power. Two eras in the Palestinian national movement—the Palestine Liberation Organization's bid to join the Geneva peace conference in 1973–74 and its engagement in the Oslo peace process from 1993 to 2000—illustrate these propositions. Leaders of national movements and rebel groups, no less than leaders of states, are systematically influenced by domestic politics. As such, sponsors of peace processes should expect spoiler problems unless a movement heals rifts within its ranks.
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Chazan, Meir. "Culture in the Histadrut, 1930-1945." Iyunim, Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society 34 (December 1, 2020): 61–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-34a103.
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The Yishuv in Mandatory Palestine was dominated by the Hebrew national culture. Culture was an important and sometimes definitive element in securing the dominance of the Zionist Labor Movement during the Mandate era. The construction and shaping of a new Hebrew culture was a central principle in the movement’s creedal, political, and educational approach. The General Federation of Jewish Labor in Palestine, known as the Histadrut, which was the main institutional player in the shaping of cultural endeavor in Yishuv society, hewed to the spirit of the Socialist Zionist worldview. During this period, the Histadrut emerged as the most progressive, authentic and current cultural agent working to shape the Jewish-Zionist atmosphere and every-day life in Palestine. In the 1930s, the leading figure in the Histadrut’s cultural endeavor was Jacob Sandbank, who operated as part of the Cultural Center established in 1935. According to Sandbank, culture, in the sense of kultura, cannot be ‘manufactured’. Instead, he claimed that it materializes in various spheres of life, and its vital and spiritual elements come about inadvertently – without prior intent, without setting goals, and without dictating things ab initio.
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Rabinovich, Itamar. "The Israeli-Palestinian War of Narratives: Nur Masalha's Palestine: A Four Thousand Year History in Context." Bustan: The Middle East Book Review 12, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 129–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bustan.12.2.0129.
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ABSTRACT Palestinian academic Nur Masalha, who lives and teaches in London, published a thick volume seeking to anchor his arguments in an academic framework of a sort. Palestine: 4000 Years of History is an effort to document the argument for historical continuity between the Semitic-Arab peoples who had inhabited Palestine and the contemporary Palestinians. For Masalha, Palestine is a defined entity with its own native population embodied in the Palestinian Arabs. There was also a Jewish presence in Palestine during the biblical period but it was brief and insignificant. For the Jewish people and the Zionist Movement the term “Palestine” referred to the Land of Israel, the historical homeland of the Jewish people of the Land of the Bible. Terminology and nomenclature are important components of every national conflict. At the heart of such conflicts is the struggle for control of a specific territory and the respective claims by the contenders to absolute ownership of that territory. Such conflicts over the very name of a contested territory are not unique to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This article surveys the historical evolution of the contest over narratives between Israelis and Palestinians.
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Pearlman, Wendy. "From Palestine to Syria: Three Intifadas and Lessons for Popular Struggles." Middle East Law and Governance 8, no. 1 (July 19, 2016): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00801004.
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What lessons can the Palestinian national movement offer contemporary revolts in the Middle East in general, and Syria, specifically? Though the Syrian revolt to overthrow dictatorship is distinct from Palestinians’ mobilization against occupation, many issues and patterns link them as popular struggles. Looking for such patterns, this essay examines three major uprisings in Palestinian history: the Great Revolt of 1936–39, the first Intifada beginning in 1987, and the second Intifada beginning in the year 2000. Comparing these cases to the ongoing Syrian rebellion, it draws conclusions about the factors shaping the course and success of grassroots struggles. Specifically it points to the yearning for dignity as the fundamental engine of popular mobilization against oppressive rule, the effect of state repression in escalating protest, and the relationship between movements’ internal political unity and the effectiveness of their campaigns for change.
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Newman, David. "Israel / Palestine Borders and the Impact of COVID-19." Borders in Globalization Review 2, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/bigr21202019924.
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This short paper reviews the ways in which the Israeli government has managed the impact of COVID-19, with a special emphasis on the diverse border regimes—from the national to the personal. Israel has experienced two distinct phases of COVID-19, the first involving relatively low infection rates, jumping to high figures during a second phase. Two distinct borders are emphasized, the national airport through which ninety percent of travelers in and out of the country enter and which has been virtually closed down during most of the COVID-19 period, and the barriers operating between Israel and the West Bank, through which tens of thousands of Palestinian workers commute daily into Israel for employment, many of whom are now unable to work due to COVID-19 related restrictions on their movement across the border.
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TAMIR, DAN. "FROM A FASCIST'S NOTEBOOK TO THE PRINCIPLES OF REBIRTH: THE DESIRE FOR SOCIAL INTEGRATION IN HEBREW FASCISM, 1928–1942." Historical Journal 57, no. 4 (November 12, 2014): 1057–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000053.
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ABSTRACTApart from Italian fascism and German National-Socialism – the most famous fascisms of the interwar era – considerable research has been conducted during the past two decades about generic fascism: fascist groups, movements, and parties in other countries. In Israel, while the Revisionist Zionist movement has been continually accused by its political rivals of being fascist, these accusations have not yet been examined according to any comparative model of fascism. Relying on Robert Paxton's model of generic fascism, this article examines how one of its components – the drive for closer integration of the national community – was manifested in the writings of seven Revisionist activists in mandatory Palestine: Itamar Ben Avi, Abba Aḥime'ir, U. Z. Grünberg, Joshua Yevin, Wolfgang von Weisl, Zvi Kolitz, and Abraham Stern. Their writings between the years 1922 and 1942 reveal a strong drive for social integration, similar to that manifest in other fascist movements of the interwar era.
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Lesch, Ann M. "Class Structure and the National Movement: Palestine and the Palestinians, 1886-1983. . Pamela Ann Smith." Journal of Palestine Studies 15, no. 1 (October 1985): 118–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1985.15.1.00p0009f.
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Stepkin, E. A. "On Political Islam in Palestine." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(44) (October 28, 2015): 168–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-5-44-168-172.
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Abstract: This article deals with analyzing the place and the political Islam occupies on the Palestinian territories. The author tries to prove that despite the “Arab spring” and growing popularity of Islamism in the neighbor Arab countries its popular support among Palestinians is low. The main reason for this is Israeli total control of political, economic and - partially - social processes taking place in the West Bank. Position of the officials in Ramallah who together with Tel-Aviv strictly contain spread of Islamism throughout the West Bank also has a strong suppressing effect. Central Palestinian leadership may be called one of the few secular political establishments that are still in power in the Arab countries. The main explanation for this is the desire to make a positive effect on the international community, which Palestine totally depends on in political and financial terms. Also one should keep in mind secular beliefs of the current political elite in Palestine. President Mahmoud Abbas with his counterparts from FATAH and PLO represent old type of Arab nationalist politicians, almost all of who were stripped from power after the beginning of “Arab spring” in 2011. Finally, Palestinian society itself still feels united by the idea of national liberation from the Israeli occupation. This helps Palestinians to put aside the issue of religious self-identification. According to the surveys, most of Palestinians still rank their national identity number while describing their identity, while religion comes only second (despite the strong stable tendency for growing Islamization of their views). The only Palestinian enclave where political Islam has gained ground is isolated Gaza Strip. However ruling there “Islamic Resistance Movement” (HAMAS), despite declared anti-Zionism and Islamism, in reality show pragmatic readiness for certain coordination of its actions with Israel and central government in Ramallah. Nowadays one can witness the deepening conflict within the Islamist camp - between HAMAS and more radical Salafists, who support “Islamic State” in Iraq and Syria. In the final end the fate of Political Islam in Palestine will depend on the success of Middle East peace process.
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Kuruvilla, Samuel J. "Palestinian Christian Politics in Comparative Perspective: The Case of Jerusalem's Churches and the Indigenous Arab Christians." Holy Land Studies 10, no. 2 (November 2011): 199–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2011.0015.
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The rapid development of the Palestinian national struggle from a rebel guerrilla movement in the 1960s and 1970s to an organisation with many of the attributes of an organised state in the 1980s and 1990s contributed to the politicisation of the Palestinian Christian church in Palestine-Israel. During this period, certain Israeli policies that included land confiscations, church and property destruction, building restrictions and a consequent mass emigration of the faithful, all contributed to a new restrictive climate of political intolerance being faced by the churches. The 1990s and 2000s saw the start and doom of the Oslo ‘peace process’ between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organisation as well as the fruition of many Israeli territorial and settlement policies regarding the Old City and mainly Arab-inhabited East Jerusalem as well as the West Bank of historic Palestine. Church-State relations plummeted to their lowest point in decades during this period. The results of the suspicion and distrust created by these experiences continue to dog the mutual relations of Israelis, Palestinian Christians and Muslims in the Holy Land.
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Anderson, Charles W. "State Formation from Below and the Great Revolt in Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 47, no. 1 (2017): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.47.1.39.
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The Great Revolt (1936–39) represented the most fervent and sustained Palestinian challenge to British and Zionist colonialisms during the thirty years of British rule in Palestine. Although its ultimate defeat has led to negative appraisals of its historical significance, the uprising was in its day the largest mass mobilization in Palestinian history and, at its apex, threatened to overturn the British regime. The rebellion was characterized by considerable organizational ingenuity as Palestinians created novel institutions that embodied their drive for popular sovereignty and an end to colonial domination. This article principally examines two such sets of institutions, the national and popular committees of 1936, and the rebel court system from 1937–39. In doing so, it argues that much like revolutionary peasant-based movements elsewhere in the colonial world, insurgent forces in Palestine embarked on a process of state formation from below. This process aimed to sap the colonial regime of its authority and weaken its capacities while augmenting those of the rebels by integrating broad segments of the population into insurgent frameworks. It further contends that it is the dynamic of state formation from below, and the popular character and leadership of the rebel movement, that lent the revolt its resilience and enabled it to push the colonial state to the wall.
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Lesch, Ann M. "YEZID SAYIGH, Armed Struggle and the Search for State: The Palestinian National Movement, 1949–1993 (Washington, D.C.: Institute for Palestine Studies, and Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997). Pp. 96. £70.00 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 194–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002294.
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Yezid Sayigh's encylopedic history focuses on the role that the idea of armed struggle played in the Palestinian national movement as it evolved over the past half-century. His central thesis is that “armed struggle provided the political impulse and organisational dynamic in the evolution of Palestinian national identity and in the formation of parastatal institutions and a bureaucratic elite, the nucleus of government” (p. vii). The concept of armed struggle reforged Palestinian national identity, mobilized Palestinians, provided political legitimization to the Palestinian movement, made the Palestinians a distinct political actor in relation to the Arab states, helped to create institutions that could form the basis of a government, and established a well-defined political elite. Thus, even though Palestinian leaders never transformed the armed struggle into a people's war along the lines of Algeria or Vietnam, and never liberated any part of Palestine by force, armed struggle served other important, statist functions.
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Edan Lege, Dr Yousif Mahmmed. "The Jewish Sect in Egypt 1897-1948 –A study in Their Zionist Activity." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 226, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 79–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v226i2.80.
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The Zionist activity of the Jewish community in Egypt coincided with the beginnings of the emergence of the World Zionist movement, which found in the Jews of Egypt a great variety and geographically close to Palestine, and from this reality the gain of support for that community and harnessing its human and material energies in the service of World Zionism was one of the goals of the organization In 1897, the first Zionist Society was founded in Cairo in the name of the "Zionist Society of Barkostash", followed by the organizations and institutions that promote Zionist ideology in Egypt and the emigration of Jews to Palestine, and these institutions describe the members of the Jewish community in Egypt with guests who cannot They settle or calm their thoughts only in their home, the Zionist movement has been active among the ranks of the poor of the Jews of Egypt, and the Zionist propaganda has taken their promise of economic prosperity, democracy, tolerance and freedom of opinion in their promised state, and it is noteworthy that the Jewish community in Egypt enjoyed religious tolerance and freedom Wide and government support, the Egyptian government did not interfere in the affairs of that community, and this contributed to the growing phenomenon of Zionist activity in Egypt, and that activity was initially met with a bit of indifference from the government and the Muslim clerics and the general Egyptian people, perhaps because they did not know the dangerous intentions of that The global project, which intends to gather Jews from all over the world and settle them in Palestine, and with the growing national consciousness and the development of the Palestinian cause and the intensification of political assassinations by Zionist organizations in Palestine, the intentions of the Zionist movement are becoming clearer and in Egypt has become an official and popular reaction to the activity .
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Al-Hardan, Anaheed. "The Right of Return Movement in Syria: Building a Culture of Return, Mobilizing Memories for the Return." Journal of Palestine Studies 41, no. 2 (January 1, 2012): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2012.xli.2.62.
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The Palestinian Right of Return Movement (RoRM) emerged among diaspora refugee communities following the Oslo accords and the perceived threat to the right of return. This article focuses on the RoRM in Syria in the context of the community's history and unique civil rights there. Based on extensive interviews in the Damascus area, it provides an overview of the heterogeneous movement, which, while requiring state approval, operates in an autonomous civil society sphere. RoRM activists translate visions of the return formulated in the Palestinian national arena into local community practices that mobilize memories of Palestine as resources (through oral history, village commemorations, etc.) with the aim of ensuring a future return by the new generation of refugees.
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Ophir, Hodel. "Dancing to Transgress: Palestinian Dancer Sahar Damoni's Politics of Pleasure." Dance Research Journal 53, no. 3 (December 2021): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767721000401.
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AbstractAs a woman Palestinian dancer and choreographer in Israel, Sahar Damoni performs within multiple contexts of cultural, gendered, and political oppression, employing her bodily art to challenge these structures, most poignantly through dances that express and evoke pleasure and sensual joy. Offering a detailed ethnography of three of Damoni's performances within one year in Israel/Palestine, I argue that an examination of her artistry provides unique insight into the intricate workings—and transgressions—of gender, ethnic, and national boundaries through the movement of the body in dance.
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Shehadeh, Maysoun Ershead. "The Arabs in Israel—Hybrid Identity of a Stateless National Collectivity." Mediterranean Studies 29, no. 1 (May 2021): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/mediterraneanstu.29.1.65.
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Abstract The debate concerning the identity of Arabs in Israel involves a dimension that has not yet been studied—the hybrid identity of a stateless minority. The definition of Israel as a Jewish state, the fact that Arabs in Israel do not take part in the country’s Independence Day, and the emergence of a national movement among Arabs in Israel demanding cultural but not territorial autonomy are major factors that foreground this status of Arabs in Israel. The current study focuses on the influence of activist Arab groups—political, literary, and journalistic—within the Israeli Communist Party. The party operated as a group of “populist intellectuals” immediately following its consent to the Palestine Partition Plan. The goal of the Communist Party was to engineer the identity of the Palestinian collectivity in Israel as a hybrid identity adapted to the political and territorial circumstances in the aftermath of the War of 1948.
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Abuznaid, Ahmad, Phillip Agnew, Maytha Alhassen, Kristian Davis Bailey, and Nadya Tannous. "Roundtable." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 4 (2019): 92–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.4.92.
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Delegations of Black revolutionary leaders to the Middle East were a prominent feature of Black-Palestinian transnational solidarity at the height of the worldwide revolt against imperial domination in the decades following World War II. Though they never ceased, delegations have become a critical feature of solidarity practices once more. Unlike their historical predecessors, today's delegations are no longer organized in collaboration with the official organizations of the Palestinian national movement but between individuals and/or social justice organizations. In addition, the delegations are no longer unidirectional, as they now encompass visits by activists from Palestine and other “Palestinian geographies” in the Middle East to the United States. Finally, recent delegations have included one by indigenous youth to Palestine as well as several from the African continent to the Middle East. This roundtable, featuring leading organizers of recent delegations, aims to reveal the ruptures and continuities of a historical legacy. We intend for this roundtable to serve as an archive and a site of knowledge production.
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RUBIN, GIL S. "VLADIMIR JABOTINSKY AND POPULATION TRANSFERS BETWEEN EASTERN EUROPE AND PALESTINE." Historical Journal 62, no. 2 (November 16, 2018): 495–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000419.
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AbstractDrawing on new archival findings, this article argues that shortly after the outbreak of the Second World War, Vladimir Jabotinsky, founder and leader of the right-wing Revisionist Zionist movement, had begun to advocate for the transfer of the Arab population from Palestine – an aspect of his thought previously unknown. Jabotinsky's support for population transfers runs counter to his lifelong political thought. Prior to the war, Jabotinsky was a staunch advocate of minority rights for Jews in Europe and for extensive autonomy for the Arab population in Palestine. This article argues that Jabotinsky's shift was a product of the war. Jabotinsky believed that millions of Jewish refugees would be prevented from returning to their pre-war homes in eastern Europe and would immigrateen masseto Palestine; to resettle these refugees, the Arab population, he argued, ‘would have to make room’. Attentively following debates on population transfers in Europe, Jabotinsky concluded that the era of minority rights had come to an end and envisioned an increasingly ethno-national Jewish state. By highlighting the eastern Europe context in Jabotinsky's thought, this article emphasizes the importance of studying the history of Zionism alongside the transformation of the nation-state in eastern Europe in the 1940s.
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De Vries, David. "Capitalist nationalism and Zionist state-building, 1920s-1950s: Chocolate and diamonds in Mandate Palestine and Israel." Journal of Modern European History 18, no. 1 (December 19, 2019): 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419894473.
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The nationalism of business is a crucial issue in the history of British-ruled Palestine (1917-1947) and post-1948 Israel. The importation of Jewish private capital into Palestine was a key factor in shaping the economic development of the Zionist settler project, and in creating an advantage over the Arab community. The Zionism of the Jewish firms was an essential aspect of the political consensus in the Jewish polity and its state-building aspirations. Moreover, the participation of companies in World War II, the war of 1948, and in the establishment of Israel was an essential resource that was mobilized for the Zionist economic expansion and triggered the absorption of Holocaust survivors and Jewish immigrants from Arab and North African countries. These national expressions of private firms harbour a complexity. They illustrate political and cultural beliefs, and an active affiliation to a national movement. At the same time, they are instrumental in the sense that firms benefitted materially and culturally from this association. Furthermore—and particularly relevant to states that have emerged from a colonial past—these practices do not evolve only from the businesses themselves but also from the impact of statist structures on the nationalism of firms. These aspects are discussed through the prism of chocolate manufacturing and the diamond-cutting industry.
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Daoud, Suheir Abu Oksa. "Israel and the Islamist Challenge: Old Dilemmas, New Approaches." Politics and Religion 12, no. 1 (July 30, 2018): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000263.
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AbstractThis paper explains Israel's decision to outlaw the Islamic Movement Northern Faction in Israel (IMNF) and examines the methods and strategies adopted by the IMNF and its leaders that prompted the state's actions. Based on the British Defense Regulations from the British Mandate for Palestine, the State of Israel outlawed the IMNF on November 17, 2015, accusing the group of incitement, racism, and terrorism. Sheykh Kamal Khatib, former deputy leader of IMNF, declared that the IMNF had been a tool to serve the Islamic project and regardless of having been outlawed, the movement “would find a “thousand ways” to serve that project.’” I argue that the IMNF's shift in focus from the Palestinians to the larger Muslim community disrupted politics within Israel. Even so, Israel's policy change was based on political and personal calculations, rather than on national and regional security pressures.
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Ram, Uri. "Postnationalist Pasts: The Case of Israel." Social Science History 22, no. 4 (1998): 513–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017934.
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National identity is hegemonic among the population of Jewish descent in Israel. Zionism, modern Jewish nationalism, originated in eastern Europe in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. A national movement without a territory, Zionism naturally adopted the ethnic, or integrative, type of nationalism that prevailed in the region (for a basic typology of nationalism see Smith 1986: 79-84). In Palestine the diasporic Jewish nationalism turned into a settler-colonial nationalism. The state of Israel inherited the ethnic principle of membership and never adopted the alternative liberal-territorial principle. To this day the dominant ethos of the state is Zionist, that is, Jewish nationalist. Though Israeli citizenship is de jure equal to Jews and Arabs, a de facto distinction is easily discernible between the dominated minority and the dominant majority and its state.
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Fildis, Ayse Tekdal, and Ensar Nisanci. "British Colonial Policy “Divide and Rule”: Fanning Arab Rivalry in Palestine." UMRAN - International Journal of Islamic and Civilizational Studies 6, no. 1 (February 26, 2019): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.11113/umran2019.6n1.234.
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The 2nd November 2017 is the centenary of the Balfour Declaration which is Britain’s public acknowledgement and support of the Zionist movement and the commitment to a Jewish National Home. The Declaration is identified by the Palestinian narrative as the source of their tragedy whilst the British side its motive was the consideration of who would be most useful to the British interest under the given circumstances. The main characteristics of the Palestinian politics and society after the Balfour Declaration and during the Mandate period was the pervasiveness of factionalism. These divisions were based on family, kinship, and clan. As for their politics, they were mainly shaped by the notable families who helped to intensify this fragmentation in the Palestinian society. The notable families pervaded local politics during the Ottoman period and continued to do so in the early part of the British administration. The mandate administration, although denied the effective Palestinian self-government, it toughened the notability stratification by giving it recognition and legitimacy in social and religious affairs. The British administration refused to accept or recognize the Palestinian Arabs as a national entity, because of the lack of a central authority, Palestinians did not have the social resources to organize and unite themselves. Although the British did not recognize the Palestinians as a national entity they accepted its notables as the leaders and representatives of the Palestinians. The British policy of alliance with the notables helped those notable families achieve decisive pre-eminence in the Palestinian politics. The notability was at the forefront of the nationalist sentiment. They suppressed the existence of independent nationalist parties and groups. The same traditional elite helped intensify fragmentation in the society, especially as the external challenges became more severe. They became an impediment to the wider national integration. Following the historical background of the area until the establishment of the Mandate, this paper will focus on the analysis of the British policies feeding the inter-Arab rivalries and animosity between the notable families and conclude with the study of the valuation of the Palestinian Arab leadership until 1936-1939 Arab revolt.
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Makkawi, Ibrahim. "The rise and fall of academic community psychology in Palestine and the way forward." South African Journal of Psychology 47, no. 4 (December 2017): 482–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0081246317737945.
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In this article, I examine the inception of a decolonised community psychology programme in the Palestinian colonial context and its subsequent decline and setback. I describe the background to the Palestinian colonial condition, and the theoretical inspiration for the programme by the short-lived experience of grassroots organising during the first Palestinian Intifada is illustrated. Specific pedagogical and research activities, marked by the influence of the Latin American liberation psychology model, are presented and discussed. These include a focus on praxis, dialogical education, conscientisation and community participatory action research. I consider the influence of the South African experience on the programme principally in reference to Steve Biko’s notion of Black Consciousness, which translated to Palestinian collective-national identity, as well as relevance in psychological knowledge. In the concluding section, I appraise the setback of the programme in light of administrative and epistemological debates with related disciplines that shifted from psychological-individualistic reductionism to social-cultural reductionism. I conclude with the assertion that unless framed within the context of the broader anti-colonial national liberation movement, a decolonised community psychology has minimal chances to survive and thrive.
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Sayigh, Yezid. "Armed Struggle and State Formation." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 4 (1997): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537904.
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Armed struggle for the liberation of Palestine has been a rallying cry of the Palestinian national movement since its emergence in the 1960s, but its results have never been more than marginal. Instead, military groups have served a primarily political function, offering Palestinians in the diaspora organizational structures for political expression and state building. However, the nature of the PLO as an exile entity attempting to unite a disparate diaspora has necessarily resulted in an authoritarian leadership wary of the administrative, civilian, and social organizations needed to form a state. Ultimately, the political patterns that developed during the armed struggle impede as much as aid the realization of an independent Palestinian state.
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Mohamad, Sherzad Zakaria. "The Echo of Political Developments in Kurdistan - Iraq (February 8th - November 18th , 1963) In the Palestinian press (Palestine Newspaper) as a model." Twejer 4, no. 1 (May 2021): 1009–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2141.23.
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Palestine Newspaper is one of the most important Palestinian newspapers, as it was published during (1911-1967). The newspaper attached great importance to the political developments in Iraq and Kurdistan, following the February 8th, 1963 coup, until the November 18th, 1963 coup. Since the first day of the coup, it followed the Kurds' position towards it, and then a Kurdish delegation went to conduct negotiations in Baghdad. Closely, the newspaper kept following the developments of those negotiations. It was constantly relaying the statements of Iraqi and Kurdish officials about negotiations. Until fighting broke out again on June 10th, 1963, when the newspaper published almost daily governmental data regarding its military operations in Kurdistan. The newspaper also followed and published the data and statements of the leadership of the Kurdish revolution. As well as following up on the positions of other countries on the Kurdish issue, especially the Soviet Union and Syria. In fact, the newspaper is one of the good and important sources on the developments of the Kurdish national movement in Iraq at that stage. Keywords: Palestine Newspaper , Iraq, Kurdistan, Ba'ath Party, Soviet Union.
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Manchanda, Nivi, and Sharri Plonski. "Between mobile corridors and immobilizing borders: race, fixity and friction in Palestine/Israel." International Affairs 98, no. 1 (January 2022): 183–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab206.
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Abstract This article wrestles with the question of ‘national’ borders in racial capitalism. We do so through an examination of border and capitalist corridors. We focus particularly on the Israeli border, branded and then sold to the rest of the world by the epistemic community of border-makers and interlocutors. In tracking the Israeli border and showing the implication of the experts and their markets, we ask how the border reflects and is refracted through a global order organized by the twin dictates of racism and capitalism. We are especially interested in how racialized processes of bordering, ostensibly governed by national exigencies, are transplanted on to other contexts. Two points emerge from this: in the first instance, we ask who and what enables this movement of the border. And in the second, we interrogate which logics and practices are transplanted with the border, as it is reproduced and seemingly fixed in a new place. We examine the violent ontologies that give shape and reputation to Israel's high-tech border industry, which has become a model for the ever-growing global homeland security industry. We ask: has Israel's border become an exportable commodity and who are the actors who have enabled this ‘achievement’? Related to this, what sort of occlusions and structural violence does the fetishization of the Israeli border rely on?
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Hilal, Jamil. "The Fragmentation of the Palestinian Political Field." Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no. 1-2 (March 1, 2018): 189–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.000012.
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The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government’s support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.
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Rickenbacher, Daniel. "The Anti-Israel Movement in Québec in the 1970s: At the Ideological Crossroads of the New Left and Liberation-Nationalism." Canadian Jewish Studies / Études juives canadiennes 29 (June 13, 2020): 81–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1916-0925.40170.
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Since the late 1950s, Third World nationalism in Algeria, Vietnam, and the Middle East had fascinated radical Quebec nationalists. Quebec nationalism’s militant arm, the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ), styled itself as a national-liberation movement fighting against Anglo-Canadian exploitation and oppression. After the Six-Day-War, the PLO became a significant source of inspiration for these elements. Quebec was their Palestine, as one prominent Quebec Nationalist asserted. This militant Quebec nationalism coincided and often overlapped with the rise of the New Left at Quebec’s universities and in its unions. Like its European and American counterparts, the Quebec New Left adopted the ideologies of anti-imperialism and anti-Zionism, and in 1972, the Quebec-Palestine Association was established in this milieu. Anti-imperialism combined the Marxist analysis of class struggle with a nationalistic worldview, which saw the world divided between oppressor and oppressed nations. For the New Left, Israel became the epitome of an oppressor nation. It was associated with all the supposed vices of the West: Racism, capitalism, inauthenticity, and militarism. This paper sheds light on the founding years of the Quebec anti-Zionist movement in the early 1970 and discusses the themes and images it used to describe Israel and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Furthermore, the paper investigates whether these articulations a genuine critique of Zionism and Israeli policies or whether they were, instead, a reflection of antisemitic stereotypes. Moreover, the paper compares Quebec anti-Zionism to parallel manifestations of New Left anti-Zionism in Germany, asking whether the cultural context in Quebec affected the message of anti-Zionism.
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Zomlot, Husam Said. "Building a state under occupation: the Palestinians and the living legacy of Oslo*." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 2 (April 1, 2010): 180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550911003743917.
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The Palestine National Movement has been engaged in ‘state-building’ in the absence of a state since 1969: in exile (1969–1993) and under Israel's occupation since 1994. Whereas the pre-Oslo ‘state in exile’ was a voluntary act that served several crucial functions including reinforcing Palestinian identity and entity, the post-Oslo state-building has been an obligatory exercise dictated by the terms of the Oslo interim agreements. This paper examines the framework of the post-Oslo state-building and highlights the inherent tensions between the function of the Palestinian Authority as a depository of the anticipated state and the tasks of ending occupation and nation-building. It scrutinizes the international financial role (the post-Oslo international aid program) and argues for a reassessment of international involvement.
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Barghouti, Omar. "Organizing for self-determination, ethical de-Zionization and resisting apartheid." Contemporary Arab Affairs 2, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 576–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910903237145.
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This paper argues for a secular, democratic state in historic Palestine as the most morally coherent solution to the century-old colonial conflict because it offers the best hope for reconciling the inalienable right of the indigenous Palestinians to self-determination and the acquired rights of the colonial settlers to live in peace and security, individually and collectively. Accepting colonists as equal citizens and full partners in building and developing a new shared society is the most magnanimous offer any oppressed indigenous population can present to its oppressors, but for such to be attained, settlers must shed colonial privileges and character, accept justice, unmitigated equality, and conscious integration into the region. Building a just and lasting peace anchored in international law and universal human rights, conducive to ethical coexistence requires the ethical decolonization, or de-Zionization of historic Palestine. Such a process is premised on a revitalized, democratized Palestinian civil resistance movement with a clear vision for a shared, just society and effective worldwide support for reaffirming Palestinian rights and ending Israel's violations of international law and universal rights. By emphasizing the equality of humanity as its most fundamental principle, this paper shows that the proposed secular democratic state promises to transcend national and ethnic dichotomies that now make it nearly impossible to envision reaching any just solution to the most intricate questions.
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Khalidi, Walid. "The Hebrew Reconquista of Palestine: From the 1947 United Nations Partition Resolution to the First Zionist Congress of 1897." Journal of Palestine Studies 39, no. 1 (2009): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2010.xxxix.1.24.
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Challenging the widely accepted premise that the 1948 war was a war of Jewish self-defense, the author demonstrates that the 1947 United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) partition resolution was fundamentally a green light for the Yishuv's fully mobilized paramilitary organizations (supported by the resources of the World Zionist Organization) to effect the long-planned establishment of a Jewish state by force of arms. He further argues that as a national movement, Zionism was inherently conquest-oriented from the moment of its birth in Basel in 1897 and that it most closely resembles——in the alchemy of its religious and secular motivation and its insatiable land hunger, irredentism, and indifference to the fate of the "natives"——the Iberian Reconquista of the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries.
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Kaplan, Vera. "s." Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 9, no. 1 (October 17, 2016): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102388-00900005.
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The article surveys contemporary Israeli historiography of the 1917 revolutions, focusing mainly on studies that appeared in Hebrew, but also considering some works by Israeli historians that were published in Russian and English. The article examines the research problems addressed by Israeli historians, including such questions as the inevitability vs. unpredictability of the February and October revolutions; the conflicting character of the Russian revolutionary cultures; elements of modern utopianism in the revolutionary ideology; and individual and communal survival during the revolutionary era. Special attention is paid to the representation of the 1917 revolutions in Jewish history, including biographies of historical figures who were active in both the Russian revolutionary and the Jewish national movement in Palestine. The article claims that the studies of Israeli historians are characterized by a rich documentary basis and approach the 1917 revolution as a profound cultural, and not only political and social, event.
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Balaghi, Shiva. "Amal Kawar, Daughters of Palestine: Leading Women of the Palestinian National Movement (Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1996). Pp. 174." International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, no. 2 (May 1997): 309–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800064709.
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Gupta, Anoop Kumar. "Indian Strategic Thinking towards Israel." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 3 (July 1, 2019): 62–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i3.84.
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Indian strategic thinking towards Israel is not monolithic. It is diverse and plural. There have been many voices in India towards Zionism and Israel. Questions related to Palestine, Zionism and Israel have been discussed in detail in India since the beginning of the twentieth century. Mahatma Gandhi was against Zionism in general and its methods particularly. Jawaharlal Nehru was also against Zionism but seemed ambiguous on the question of Israel which made him hesitant in engaging the Jewish state. Indian Left has demonstrated very critical approach towards Zionism and Israel. Hindu nationalist Vinayak Damodar Savarkar was sympathetic of the Zionist project and was supportive of the movement to establish a national home for the Jews. Political realists like J. N. Dixit and Brijesh Mishra and conservative strategist like Bharat Karnard in India were in favour of Israel and advocated mutually beneficial bilateral strategic cooperation between both the countries. Contemporary Indian debate on Israel is still polarised though the dominant view is supportive of Israel.
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Omer, Atalia. "Hitmazrehut or Becoming of the East: Re-Orienting Israeli Social Mapping." Critical Sociology 43, no. 6 (September 23, 2015): 949–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920515604475.
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Through developing of the concept of hitmazrehut, the article highlights avenues for decolonializing and de-orientalizing sociopolitical theory and practice in Israel/Palestine. Hitmazrehut (literally ‘becoming of the East’) is understood as the transformation of relations between space, identity, and narrative through an intersectionality framework of social movement activism and intellectual counter-discourse. Exposing the intersections among sites of marginality as well as cultivating localized interpretations of identity (delinked from the orientalist positing of Israel in the ‘West’) would contribute to the possibility of the formation of transformative coalition building across national boundaries. Hitmazrehut is both an outcome and a necessary process for enabling geopolitical reframing. The article begins with the ahistorical and orientalist biases of sociological inquiry into the region. It continues with an analysis of efforts to localize and re-orient Jewish identity as well as the Mizrahi discursive critique of epistemological violence guiding sociological scholarship, double consciousness and patterns of ethnic passing.