Relevant bibliographies by topics / Palestine national movement

Academic literature on the topic 'Palestine national movement'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Palestine national movement"

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Connell, Dan. "Palestine on the Edge: Crisis in the National Movement." Middle East Report, no. 194/195 (May 1995): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3012780.

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Tamari, Salim. "Interview with Ibrahim Dakkak (1929–2016)." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 2 (2017): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.2.83.

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This interview and remembrance marks the passing in 2016 of Ibrahim Dakkak, the last of the great socialist leaders of Palestine's post-Nakba generation. Dakkak helped lead three major movements inside the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt): al-Jabha al-wataniyya or Palestine National Front, a coalition launched in August 1973 that mobilized civil resistance to Israeli land confiscations and a whole host of other rights violations; Lajnat al-tawjih al-watani (the National Guidance Committee or NGC), established in 1978 to coordinate resistance efforts inside the oPt with the political leadership of the national movement based outside; and al-Mubadara al-wataniyya (the National Initiative Committee), which Dakkak cofounded with Mustafa Barghouti and Haidar Abdel-Shafi in the 1990s to counter the consequences of the Oslo Accords. In this interview, Dakkak also shares personal reminiscences of growing up in the Old City, as well as the 1967 arson attack on al-Aqsa Mosque, and his role in its restoration after the fire.
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Samarskaia, L. M. "Arab Nationalism in Palestine in the Beginning of the 20th Century." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-54-71.

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The article is dedicated to the emergence of the Arab national movement at the beginning of the 20th century. This topic is still relevant in our days since revealing the origins of political and social processes in the Middle East of the 21st century is necessary for their understanding. The main issues which are considered by the author are the following: which factors had crucial influence on the emergence of Arab nationalism (panarabism as well as regionalism), when exactly it was formed and what were the specifics of its emergence in Palestine.The author defines three main periods in the genesis and formation of the Arab national movement at the beginning of the 20th century. The first is the Nahda, the Arab cultural revival of the second half of the 19th century, which became a foundation for the later development of nationalist ideas. However, the author tries to show that the cultural revival itself was not nationalistic. The second key period is the political expression of the Arab national movement in the first decades of the 20th century, with the ottomanist and later pan-Turkist policy of the Ottoman government having the decisive influence. This policy was nationalist in essence. Zionism, as noted in the text, was not such an important issue for the nascent pan-Arab movement before the First World War, although it caused concern among the locals in Palestine. The third key stage, that was decisive in the Arab national development, is the Great Arab Revolt, which, despite the fact that it was not massive and universal, forced the pan-Arab movement enter the international arena for it attracted the attention of the great powers – mainly with the help of McMahon–Hussein correspondence. In result, during the postwar settlement, pan-Arabism became more popular and internationally recognised phenomenon, although eventually it happened to be divided into a multitude of regional movements, in particular – Palestinian nationalism fostered by the Anglo-French division of influence zones in the Middle East.In general, the formation of the Arab national movement was a multidimensional and gradual phenomenon influenced by a variety of factors. At the same time, the emergence of the regional groups had its own specifics; originally belonging to the Pan-Arab movement, although with their own features, after the First World War these groups became largely independent.
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Watanabe, Shoko. "A Forgotten Mobilization: The Tunisian Volunteer Movement for Palestine in 1948." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 60, no. 4 (May 12, 2017): 488–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341428.

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This paper goes beyond the ideological views of nationalist leaders who positioned the departure of Tunisian volunteer soldiers for Palestine in 1948 in the framework of national-liberation history, and it analyzes the volunteer movement to provide a picture of the internal mechanisms of popular mobilization. This was a dual movement, of spontaneous participation and organized recruitment by local committees. The volunteers were ideologically heterogeneous, some having had no previous political career. The decentralized nature of the mobilization and the regionally differing socioeconomic compositions of the volunteers suggest that regionally diverse trajectories of nationalism movements coexisted in Tunisia. Understanding this volunteer movement from the bottom up, focusing particularly on the socioeconomic conditions that made the mobilization possible, can help us understand the dynamism of nationalism as a social movement.
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El Kurd, Dana. "The Impact of American Involvement on National Liberation: Polarization and Repression in Palestine and Iraqi Kurdistan." Middle East Law and Governance 12, no. 3 (December 17, 2020): 275–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-12030002.

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Abstract What is the effect of international involvement on national liberation movements? In the last few decades, movements transforming into states have increasingly operated in a globalized context and have had to contend with international pressures. However, the effects of international involvement on the internal dynamics of these movements should be more centrally considered. This paper thus examines the role of international involvement in the Kurdish national liberation movement in Iraqi Kurdistan and the Palestinian national liberation movement within the Palestinian territories. Specifically, I look at the role of the United States as the most powerful actor in the Middle East region. This paper argues that international involvement leads to authoritarian conditions within these state-building projects as well as paralyzes the efficacy and coherence of these movements. Specifically, international involvement creates polarization among political elites and a divergence between elite and public preferences, which creates authoritarian conditions.
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Radwan, Noha. "Palestine in Egyptian Colloquial Poetry." Journal of Palestine Studies 40, no. 4 (2011): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2011.xl.4.61.

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Shi'r al-'ammiyya is a poetry movement whose emergence in Egypt in the early 1950s coincided with the heyday of Nasser's revolution, when the Palestine question was a national concern. With numerous practitioners today, the movement has yielded a large corpus of colloquial poetry that has become a significant part of Egypt's cultural landscape.This article presents a historical survey of shi'r al-'ammiyya's best known poets—Fu'ad Haddad, Salah Jahin, and 'Abd al-Rahman al-Abnudi—and their poems on Palestine. Among the essay's aims is to dispel the common misconception that the use of colloquial Egyptian ('ammiyya) denotes parochial rather than pan-Arab concerns, with the standard (fusha) Arabic seen as a signifier of pan-Arab identity.
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Bartolomei, Enrico. "Origine, caratteri e principali correnti del pensiero palestinese di resistenza, 1967-73." Oriente Moderno 95, no. 1-2 (August 7, 2015): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340067.

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The 1967 defeat thoroughly discredited Arab nationalist regimes and movements that proved incapable of liberating Palestine and achieving Arab unity. This contributed to the rise of several Palestinian guerrilla groups who took up popular armed struggle as a primary means of achieving their goals. The takeover of the Palestine Liberation Organization by Fatḥ and other armed organizations in 1969 was a watershed in the history of the Palestinian struggle and marked the emergence of an independent national liberation movement. This paper focuses on the origins, the ideological developments, and the main currents of Palestinian resistance thought in the years 1967-1973, when the fundamental documents and principles that were to constitute the basis of Palestinian resistance movement were elaborated. While doing that, it also shows what influence Palestinian resistance thought had on the shaping of contemporary Middle East.
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Younes, Anna–Esther. "A gendered movement for liberation: Hamas's women's movement and nation building in contemporary Palestine." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910903475729.

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This research on Hamas's women's movement explains the contemporary political and social involvement of women with a multilayered perspective of different theories based on a textual analysis of the movement's publications (the Hamas Charta 1988 and the Electoral Program 2006, as well as women's testimonies to popular media outlets). Subsequently, it is claimed that only a comprehensive combination of post-colonial studies, gender and nationalism studies can fully grasp women's roles within the Hamas movement. Uniting these three approaches, there are three main hypotheses for women's activism and role within Hamas. First, Hamas propagates gendered worldviews and roles within the nationalist project as well as within the movement. Those outlooks intersect with historized notions of Arab–Muslim identity as well as with notions of liberation against foreign (Western) occupation and colonialism. Second, the ‘women of Hamas’ use such gendered roles in order to pave the way for a pious, yet determined, women's participation within the nationalist venture as well as the movement's overall project of national liberation. Third, the gendered defence calculus springing from those views allows a restructuring of society in general, vis-à-vis the Palestinian population as well as vis-à-vis the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
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Doumani, Beshara. "Palestine Versus the Palestinians? The Iron Laws and Ironies of a People Denied." Journal of Palestine Studies 36, no. 4 (January 1, 2007): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.36.4.49.

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An iron law of the conflict over Palestine has been the refusal by the Zionist movement and its backers, first Great Britain and then the United States, to make room for the existence of Palestinians as a political community. This non-recognition is rooted in historical forces that predate the existence of the Zionist movement and the Palestinians as a people. Consequently, there is a tension between identity and territory, with obvious repercussions for the following questions: Who are the Palestinians? What do they want? And who speaks for them? This essay calls for a critical reappraisal of the relationship between the concepts ““Palestine”” and ““Palestinians,”” as well as of the state-centered project of successive phases of the Palestinian national movement.
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Glavanis, Kathy. "The women's movement, feminism, and the national struggle in Palestine: Unresolved contradictions." Journal of Gender Studies 1, no. 4 (November 1992): 463–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09589236.1992.9960513.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Palestine national movement"

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Bassi, Danilo Martins Guiral. "A ideia de um Estado binacional na Palestina histórica: conceitos, evolução histórica e perspectivas na atualidade." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-22082016-130222/.

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A presente dissertação de mestrado tem por objetivo traçar uma história da ideia de um Estado binacional para árabes e judeus na Palestina histórica. O estudo busca, após definir as especificidades de um Estado binacional, compreender a circulação da ideia binacional no período anterior à criação do Estado de Israel, em 1948, entre judeus e árabes-palestinos progressistas, dentro do movimento sionista e em organizações de esquerda da Palestina. Em um segundo momento, busca-se entender como o período compreendido entre a criação do Estado de Israel e o processo que levou aos Acordos de Oslo, nos anos 90, ao mesmo tempo silenciou o ideal binacional e criou as bases para seu ressurgimento na virada do século. Por fim, são analisadas, frente ao contexto israelo-palestino na atualidade, as perspectivas do ressurgimento de propostas binacionais, mais nítido entre jornalistas de esquerda, algumas figuras que fizeram ou fazem marginalmente parte da política institucional, intelectuais e acadêmicos adeptos de perspectivas críticas, assim como entre ativistas e movimentos sociais por direitos humanos envolvidos na região.
This Masters thesis aims to trace a history of the idea of a bi-national state for Arabs and Jews in historical Palestine. After laying out the specificities of a binational state, it reconstructs the circulation of the binational idea in the period before the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, among progressive Jews and Palestinian Arabs, in the Zionist movement, and among left-wing organizations in Palestine. In a second step, we we analize how the period between the establishment of the State of Israel and the peace process that led to the Oslo Accords, in the 90s, was marked by silence around the binational ideal while all the same laying the foundations for its revival at the turn of the 21st century. Finally, regarding todays Israeli-Palestinian context, we analyze the prospects of revival of binational proposals, focusing on left-wing journalists, a number of more or less marginal participants in institutional politics, some critical intellectuals and academic supporters, and among activists and social movements for human rights.
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Greenstein, Ran. "Settler colonialism and Indigeneity: the Case of Israel/Palestine." HATiKVA e.V. – Die Hoffnung Bildungs- und Begegnungsstätte für Jüdische Geschichte und Kultur Sachsen, 2017. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A34743.

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Jansen, Pia Therese. "The consequences of Israel's counter terrorism policy." Thesis, St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/439.

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Books on the topic "Palestine national movement"

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Hassassian, Manuel S. Palestine: Factionalism in the national movement, 1919-1939. East Jerusalem: Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, 1990.

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Daughters of Palestine: Leading women of the Palestinian national movement. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996.

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Violence, nonviolence, and the Palestinian national movement. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011.

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The grand mufti: Haj Amin al-Hussaini, founder of the Palestinian national movement. Portland, Or: Frank Cass, 1993.

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Peteet, Julie Marie. Gender in crisis: Women and the Palestinian resistance movement. New York: Columbia University Press, 1991.

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Crescenzi, Isabella. Le martyre de la Palestine. Coulommiers: Dualpha, 2007.

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Younis, Mona. Liberation and democratization: The South African and Palestinian national movements. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000.

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Gilles, Du Jonchay, ed. Palestine: De Jérusalem à Munich. Paris: Carrière, 1999.

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Bagenda, Prince M. Comparative study of liberation struggles: Prelude to the uprisings in Palestine and South Africa : Soweto 1976 and Intifadah 1988. Sebha: Research Centre for African Studies, 1989.

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Dajānī, Aḥmad Zakī. Maʾsāt Filasṭīn: Bayna al-intidāb al-Barīṭānī wa-dawlat Isrāʾīl. Miṣr al-Jadīdah, al-Qāhirah: Dār al-Mustaqbal al-ʻArabī, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Palestine national movement"

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Ricarte, Joana. "Before the Peace Process: Historical Roots of a Dysfunctional Relationship." In Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies, 97–116. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16567-2_4.

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AbstractThis chapter offers a contextual analysis of the historical roots of what came to be a dysfunctional relationship between the Israeli and Palestinian national identities. It focuses on the first attempts developed toward peacemaking following the establishment of the Zionist Movement in Palestine in light of dehumanization and peace-less reconciliation. This chapter argues that the first attempts to accommodate opposing interests of both Palestinian and Zionist elites during the British Mandate, what can be considered the embryo of the peace process, have introduced a self-perpetuating dynamic of defining the ‘self’ as opposed to the ‘other’ that has marked greatly the process of both Israeli and Palestinian identity building. This chapter concludes that the first approaches to deal with what was still a young dispute between political elites were not only defining features for the subsequent periods, but also had deep implications in the very course of events.
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"The Palestinian National Movement Comes of Age." In The Israel-Palestine Conflict, 209–43. 4th ed. Cambridge University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108771634.010.

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Haiduc-Dale, Noah. "1923–1929: Christians and a Divided National Movement." In Arab Christians in British Mandate Palestine, 61–90. Edinburgh University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748676033.003.0003.

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Porath, Y. "From “Southern Syria” to Palestine." In The Emergence of the Palestinian-Arab National Movement 1918–1929, 70–122. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003074649-3.

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"2 1923–1929: Christians and a Divided National Movement." In Arab Christians in British Mandate Palestine, 61–96. Edinburgh University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780748676040-005.

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Farsoun, Samih K., and Naseer H. Aruri. "The Rise and Fall of the Palestinian National Liberation Movement, 1948–1993." In Palestine and the Palestinians, 175–206. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429494888-6.

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Meiton, Fredrik. "The Politics of Thin Circuitries." In Electrical Palestine, 79–116. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520295889.003.0004.

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Chapter 3 focuses on the electrification of Jaffa, the first practical step in Rutenberg’s countrywide electrification scheme. For the Palestinians, electrification helped constitute Palestine, conceptually and materially, as an object of national politics. The tactics that the nationalist movement adopted began from a technological fact, namely the young electric grid’s vulnerability to sabotage, which the Palestinians used to gain purchase for their political demands. Rutenberg countered with boundary work. He denied the political quality of his work, endeavored to align his project with a free-market rationale, and emphasized the technological exigency that supposedly governed the grid’s development. In so doing, he managed to characterize Palestinian opposition as politically motivated, in contrast to his own scientific posture.
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Krause, Peter. "The Zionist Movement." In Rebel Power. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501708558.003.0004.

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This chapter explains how, after decades of fragmentation and the inability to secure statehood, a Zionist population that owned 7 percent of the Palestine Mandate and represented 37 percent of its population was given 55 percent of the territory by the United Nations and then proceeded to defeat a Palestinian national movement that was backed by a population twice as large that controlled more territory, held the high ground, and was supported by significant armies from five neighboring Arab states. It presents evidence that reinforces the virtues of hegemony because the movement achieved victory when it was hegemonic (1942–1949), after failing to achieve independence while fragmented in the previous decades. It also demonstrates that “the balance is greater than the sum of its parts” because the dominant hegemon, Haganah, sunk a massive, much-needed arms shipment rather than allow its content and the associated credit to go to a potential Zionist challenger.
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Leuenberger, Christine, and Izhak Schnell. "Map-Making for Building the Palestinian Nation-State." In The Politics of Maps, 170–95. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190076238.003.0008.

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Throughout the 20th century, the rise of the Zionist national movement paralleled the strengthening of the Palestinian national movement. The struggle of the Israelis and the Palestinians over Palestine also manifested itself in the history of surveying and mapping, and their respective rights to do so. After the Hagannah looted the Survey of Palestine, the Palestinians were left with few cartographic resources. The lack of maps of their own weakened their negotiating position during peace negotiations with Israel. Yet, it was not until the 1993 Oslo Accords that Palestinians had a mandate to develop the territory under their jurisdiction. Their attempt to establish the State of Palestine went hand in hand with their effort to survey and map their territory. Consequently, in an effort to produce maps of their own, various governmental and non-governmental organizations produced maps for both building the nation and establishing a state. Logo maps of historical Palestine served to enhance national belonging; and cartographic reconstruction of pre-1948 Palestine retraced an Arab toponomy of the land. Concurrently, maps for building the State of Palestine delineated the territory in line with international law, strengthening Palestinians’ case for territorial sovereignty. Such maps are also vital for governance, land allocation, and development. The lack of territorial sovereignty, restricted access to aerial photos at a suitable scale (due to Israeli restrictions), largely donor-funded mapping projects as well as the lack of a national mapping agency, however, encumber Palestinian mapping efforts to establish a state, that could ascertain the rights of otherwise stateless people.
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Porath, Y. "Introduction: The Religious Status of Jerusalem and Palestine in Medieval Islam." In The Emergence of the Palestinian-Arab National Movement 1918–1929, 1–30. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003074649-1.

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Conference papers on the topic "Palestine national movement"

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Hairi, Nur Atika, and Norhafizah Ahmad. "Pengaruh dan Impak Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM) Terhadap Isu Palestin di Malaysia." In Conference on Pusat Pengajian Umum dan Kokurikulum 2020/1. Penerbit UTHM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30880/ahcs.2020.01.01.001.

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The Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia (ABIM) is an Islamic organisation legally established in 1972. From 1971 until now, ABIM is very concern to international issues, especially the Israeli-Palestinian issue. This article discusses the influence and impact of ABIM in fighting for the liberation of Palestine (1971-2020). ABIM has always called on those responsible for Palestinian independence and the freedom of its people from the grip of Israel. Although various peace negotiations have been held between Israel and Palestine internationally, concrete solutions have not been reached. The objective to be achieved is to analyze ABIM’s involvement in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The methodology used is primary source research in the National Archives of Malaysia and the ABIM Archive. Apart from that, an interview with the President of ABIM, Mr. Muhammad Faisal Abdul Aziz was also held. The results of the study found that ABIM is consistent and active in fighting for this issue. This proves that the voice of NGOs can influence and impact decisions at the national and international levels such as the United Nations (UN). The volume of voice that is always displayed by ABIM is able to give awareness to the leaders and the people of Malaysia that this issue is not just a religious issue but this issue is a universal issue involving humanitarian values. ABIM has held press conferences, sent memorandum, held demonstrations, peaceful rallies, boycotts of American-Israeli goods and set up a Palestinian Aid Fund to raise the issue. ABIM's official paper, 'Risalah' also played a role in disseminating current Palestinian issues by publishing articles from original sources on the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and developments in Palestine, especially in the 1970s. This is because resources at the time were very limited and Western media published biased and untrue news.
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