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Academic literature on the topic 'Pakistani State'

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Published: 9 March 2023
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Journal articles on the topic "Pakistani State"

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Ahmed, Muhammad Ashfaq. "Pakistan: State Autonomy, Extraction, and Elite Capture—A Theoretical Configuration." Pakistan Development Review 56, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 127–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v56i2pp.127-162.

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―When groups are adequately stated, everything is stated!‖1 Management of actions and interest groups has historically been sovereign‘s existentialist imperative. The paper revitalizes philosophical state autonomy debate and then narrows down its focus to capture extractive antics of as erratic a state as Pakistan. A typology of factions – captioned as Elites – operative in extractive realm of Pakistan is developed to round them in theory, identify their properties, and lay bare mechanics of intra-elite and elite-non-elite transactions. The paper seminally develops the rational actor dilemma confronting Pakistani elites and identifies the modes through which the dilemma plausibly resolves itself. The transactional engagement between Pakistan‘s internal and external rational actors is dissected to theorize that Pakistan essentially is an equilibrium consensus subsistence state thereby opening up vast vistas for future research. The paper concludes with the glum finding that Pakistan in its current essence and manifestation is fundamentally a captive state – beholden to elites of Pakistan. JEL Classification: H1 Keywords: State Autonomy; Elite Capture; Pakistan‘s Tax System; Pakistani Elites; Elites‘ Rational Actor Dilemma; Equilibrium Consensus Subsistence State; Captive State
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Filimonova, Alina L. "Foreign Policy Doctrines of Islamist Organisations in Pakistan (Late 1940s – Early 1970s) within the Context of Islamic Perception of International Law." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 2 (2022): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017212-0.

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The article analyses the specifics of how Pakistani Islamists define the guidelines and aims of State’s foreign policy. It is during the initial period of Pakistan’s existence, scrutinized by the authors, that the basis for this vision was laid: at that time the Islamists were urged to form their own perception of Pakistan’s role and position in the world, as well as to transmit their attitude towards the official foreign policy of the Pakistani government. Since both these tasks were being accomplished in consonance with Islamic norms, the current study involves a general review of respective doctrines and demonstrates how they were interpreted within the Pakistani context. The article also provides evidence that at this stage there came into existence specific factors within Pakistan which influenced the Islamists’ worldview – including the matters of foreign policy. The main factors of this kind, laid out in the article, are the following: firstly, the attitude of the State government towards the Islamists and the level of their access to power; secondly, the place of “Islamic theme” within the foreign policy promoted by the State. Created as a Muslim state, Pakistan from the very beginning faced the need to define the role of Islam in policymaking – the task that considerably affected both domestic and foreign policy, complicating inter-State relations. Detailed study of the established points determines under which circumstances Pakistani Islamists developed their views of foreign policy and to what extent these views came in harmony with dogmatic Islamic perception of International Law.
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Rathore, Altaf Hussain, and Kashif Rathore. "STATE OF HEALTH." Professional Medical Journal 21, no. 05 (December 13, 2018): 925–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.29309/tpmj/2014.21.05.2496.

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The plight of surgical diseases in Pakistani workers in the gulf countries ishighlighted. Objective: To highlight the health problems of Pakistani workers in GS. It is doneby taking the information from the expatriates returning from the gulf states who present to usin the foundation hospital, Rajana, district Toba Tek Singh (TTS), for the treatment of varioussurgical illnesses. It is concluded that Pakistanis working in the gulf countries are not satisfiedby the treatment received in those states. Only one out of 50 patients was satisfied with thetreatment he got for his disease.
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Prokhorov, Ruslan. "Pakistani-American Relations: Current State and Perspectives." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 2 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760015900-7.

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The article examines the political cooperation of Pakistan with the United States of America. The importance of maintaining dialogue is emphasized at all levels of interstate contacts, even in the most difficult conditions. Military and military-technical cooperation is highlighted as a traditional direction of Pakistani-American relations. Trade and economic relations between the two states are analyzed, including an analysis of the economic indicators of US-Pakistan cooperation in comparison with the traditional economic partners of Pakistan. The article covers the implementation of educational and ethnocultural programs by US government and public organizations. Summing up, it is concluded that bilateral contacts between the United States of America and Pakistan will continue and be predominantly of a partnership nature.
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Faqih, Muhammad, and Ellyda Retpitasari. "KONSEP KETATANEGARAAN PAKISTAN PERSPEKTIF FIQH SIYASAH." Tafáqquh: Jurnal Penelitian Dan Kajian Keislaman 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.52431/tafaqquh.v9i1.383.

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The purpose of this research is to find out the pakistani constitutional system in terms of tate institutions and fiqh siyasah. The method used is library reaserch with two approaches, namely conseptual approach and historical approach. The results of the research of the concept of Pakistani state regulation fiqh siyasah perspective in the era: (1) In general the state of Pakistan can be said to be a country with a weak democracies system, this is motivated by the unstable system of government and constitutional system since Pakistan's independence in 1947. In addition, the cause of the instability of the country is the violence and feud between three social forces, namely Hindus who are the majority in India, indian Muslims who are minorities and The British as invaders with modern political and technological forces that developed in the country of pakistan. (2) The establishment of the Indian Muslim League, Muhammad Ali Jinnah initiated the theory of "two nations" and formally presented the demands of a Muslim homeland separate from India. In a 1940 resolution the Muslim League conveyed the establishment of an independent and fully sovereign Pakistani state. (3) On 15 August 1947 Pakistan was born as a fully sovereign state for Indian Muslims. Islam and Muslims in Pakistan have made a real contribution in the development of civilization in the Islamic world. Pakistan is a country that takes Islam as a source of law has become a phenomenon in the study of the relationship of the country and religion in Islam.
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NÆSS, ANDERS, and BJØRG MOEN. "Dementia and migration: Pakistani immigrants in the Norwegian welfare state." Ageing and Society 35, no. 8 (June 6, 2014): 1713–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x14000488.

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ABSTRACTThis article is about dementia disease in the context of transnational migration. Focusing on the example of Pakistani immigrants in Norway, the article explores response processes surrounding signs and symptoms of dementia. Particular attention is lent to understanding how Norwegian-Pakistani families ‘negotiate dementia’ in the space between their own imported, culturally defined system of cure and care, and the Norwegian health-care culture, which is characterised by an inclination towards public care and biomedical intervention. Based on field observations and in-depth interviews with Norwegian-Pakistani families and hospital professionals working with dementia, we show that the centrality of the traditional family in Norwegian-Pakistanis' identity claims has significant implications for how Norwegian-Pakistanis relate to the Norwegian health-care culture, and for how signs and symptoms of cognitive decline are read and responded to in a migratory context.
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Wachani, Juliyana Usman, Itrat Batool, and Ghulam Murtaza Lahbar. "Application of the Concept of Islamic Welfare State is the Panacea to Remove the Evils of the Political System of Pakistan." Global Political Review VII, no. II (June 30, 2022): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(vii-ii).10.

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Muslims were promised to establish a separate homeland with the enforcement of the Islamic political system in case of the establishment of a new state. But with the passage of time, politicians of Pakistan became negligent of the principles of the political system of Islam. Reports of international forums demonstrate that the performance of the chief organs of the Pakistani political system is not satisfactory. The research study sets the hypothesis that the application of the concept of the Islamic welfare state is the panacea for removing the evils of the political system of Pakistan. In this connection, a comparative study will be conducted to evaluate both Pakistan's and the Islamic political systems. The nature of the research study is qualitative along with a thematic analysis approach by conducting interviews with ten scholars having MPhil and PhD education. Finally, the findings will be derived on how far application of the concept of an Islamic welfare state is fruitful in removing the evils of the Pakistani political system.
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Kapur, S. Paul, and Sumit Ganguly. "The Jihad Paradox: Pakistan and Islamist Militancy in South Asia." International Security 37, no. 1 (July 2012): 111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00090.

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Islamist militants based in Pakistan pose a major threat to regional and international security. Although this problem has only recently received widespread attention, Pakistan has long used militants as strategic tools to compensate for its severe political and material weakness. This use of Islamist militancy has constituted nothing less than a central component of Pakistani grand strategy; supporting jihad has been one of the principal means by which the Pakistani state has sought to produce security for itself. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, the strategy has not been wholly disastrous. Rather, it has achieved important domestic and international successes. Recently, however, Pakistan has begun to suffer from a “jihad paradox”: the very conditions that previously made Pakistan's militant policy useful now make it extremely dangerous. Thus, despite its past benefits, the strategy has outlived its utility, and Pakistan will have to abandon it to avoid catastrophe. Other weak states, which may also be tempted to use nonstate actors as strategic tools, should take the Pakistani case as a cautionary lesson.
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Kukreja, Veena. "Ethnic Diversity, Political Aspirations and State Response: A Case Study of Pakistan." Indian Journal of Public Administration 66, no. 1 (March 2020): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120906585.

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This article seeks to analyse the ineluctable dilemma of Pakistan, how to weave a viable national identity out of the regional and linguistic loyalties and their political-aspirations. Ethnic divide or ethnic militancy ranging from autonomy to political reorganisation has been a constant phenomenon haunting Pakistani politics. It also aims at highlighting failure of the Pakistani state to translate its socio-cultural diversity in political terms, something that is at the heart of the country’s persistent problem of political order and legitimacy. The state in Pakistan has taken recourse to coercive measures, irrespective of the type of government (civilian or military), from the very beginning to counter the political demands of various ethnic groups in the country. The Pakistani state’s response towards ethnic demands has been shaped by ‘law and order’ and ‘assimilation’ orientation rather than that of a dignified accommodation of the diverse ethnicities.
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Qazi, Umer, Adnan Ahmad, Mirwais Khan, and Riffat Aisha. "Credit Risk Management Practices and Banks’ Performance in Pakistan." Journal of Entrepreneurship, Management, and Innovation 4, no. 1 (February 21, 2022): 136–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.52633/jemi.v4i1.155.

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The main objective of this study is to investigate whether the credit risk management of Pakistan's commercial banks listed on the Pakistan Stock Exchange is linked to financial performance. For this purpose, the researchers have attempted to analyze the data trends of five major banks of Pakistan as a proxy representation of the entire banking sector of Pakistan. Five (5) years of panel data collected from the State Bank of Pakistan Annual publication and annual reports of respective banks was used to conduct the research. The study found that underperforming Credit Risk Management (CRM) loans and Capital Adjustment Ratios (CDRs) have an impact on the financial achievement of Pakistani commercial banks as measured by return on equity (ROE) and return on assets. For panel data analysis, inferential statistics (regression models) were used in this study. After analyzing the data, the researcher found that CRM has a significant impact on the financial performance of Commercial Banks of Pakistan. Furthermore, the researcher encourages the Pakistani banks to grow their profitability in terms of better CRM. Pakistan's banking sector must develop suitable CRM strategies and policies through a sound credit appraisal before lending to consumers and banks; an appropriate CRM mechanism must be developed, and the credit awards system must be thoroughly reviewed, properly informed and used to repay loans. Pakistani Banks would develop and implement strategies to improve their performance & competitiveness as well as limit their lending risk exposure.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Pakistani State"

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ʿAlī, Sājid. "Governing education policy in a globalising world : the sphere of authority of the Pakistani State." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5800.

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This thesis explores the degree of independent action possible by national governments in deciding their education policies – in other words, what may be termed their sphere of authority (SoA) – in the context of globalisation; whereby Pakistan, perhaps more than many nation states, is subject to a variety of geopolitical and economic pressures. This issue is explored through a study of the recent education policy review process in Pakistan that resulted in a White Paper: ‘Education in Pakistan’ in 2007. In exploring the SoA of the government of Pakistan in deciding its education policy priorities, key areas of enquiry include the tensions between national and global interests and their attempted discursive management by the government of Pakistan. The research uses Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as its main methodological resource and looks at two kinds of textual data: interviews with key policy actors and selected policy texts. The methodology of CDA draws attention to the fact that texts are embedded within linguistic, discursive and structural contexts, and that these contexts provide resources that are mobilized by different actors. The textual data resources were analysed to see how language shapes the construction of the White Paper; what discourses are being drawn upon and contested in the articulation of the White Paper and thus what broad power structures shape the White Paper and illustrate the SoA of the government of Pakistan. The findings suggest that the policy review process as illustrated by the White Paper reveals various tensions caused by differences between global and national education policy interests. These tensions are visible in the style and genre of policy; the pursuit of global policy prescriptions; trends to privatization of provision; and disputes over the issue of language and about the ideological principles that should inform educational provision. The research suggests that inclusive and ‘soft’ governance discourse along with a process of consultation were used by the government in an attempt to manage these tensions. The expertise with which the government designed the consultation process and deployed discursive resources sought to establish and maintain its SoA.
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Adekoye, Raquel Abimbola. "Indo-Pakistani conflict and development of South Asia: is an independent Kashmir State a possible consideration?" Thesis, University of Zululand, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1694.

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A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor Of Philosophy (Development Studies) in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University of Zululand, 2018
The thesis explores the conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir as a dispute symbol. It highlights the socio-economic implications of the conflict on the conflicting states of India and Pakistan. The conflicting symbol, Kashmir, as well as the entire South Asia that house all of them, with a view to suggest a lasting solution which it gives as, the creation of an independent Kashmir State. It is argued here that domestic politics in both India and Pakistan complicates the Kashmiri issue. In Pakistan, it has enabled the military to assume a dominant and pre-eminent position in politics. In India, a penchant for coalition government creates an immobility that is felt on the Kashmir crisis. In general, there is an on-going, serious and intense arms race between India and Pakistan that has increasingly led to a diversion of resources to investment in nuclear technology by both countries. Holding on to Kashmir has made India vulnerable to terrorist attacks, with the consequences of not only diverting developmental resources to enhancing security, but also exacerbating conflict with Pakistan. Economic relations between the main antagonists have remained marginal since the partition. Initiatives such as cooperation in water resource management between the two countries, and proposed joint development of oil and gas pipelines have failed to materialize. This led to the conclusion that both countries have allowed their economic relations with potential for huge benefits to be held hostage to the Kashmir crisis. In terms of the level of economic development, India holds big advantage. This advantage is harnessed into a superior conventional military capability which has also enabled India to rule out first strike as its nuclear doctrine. However, the disadvantageous position of Pakistan makes it view nuclear weapons as the equalizer, and the possibility of a first use is not ruled out. As a possible negotiated solution to the Kashmir conflict, it is argued here that as long as both India and Pakistan cling to their historically-entrenched positions, there is hardly any chance for permanent peace in Kashmir, thereby complicating their strategic stance in the region. It also argues that the Independence of Kashmir is the only guarantee of a lasting solution to the Kashmir conflict and South East Asia development crisis. The theories of Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism are central in this thesis to explain outcomes towards peace initiatives between India and Pakistan, and the implications for South Asia. Three specific concepts advanced by neo-realists and neo-liberal theorists are chosen to explore and explain the three principles of this study: The Balance of Power, Security and Economic Co-operation. Kashmir’s embroidery of encounters from forces of brutality, state repression particularly on the Indian occupied territories, massive militarization, stunted infrastructural and socio-economic development, insecurity to gross human rights violations leaves impacts so grave for social structures needed for modernity and sense of decent livelihood. Methodologically, the thesis provides a conceptual definition of the right to self-determination particularly from the United Nations perspective. It then applies the United Nations declared right of self-determination to Kashmir. This is achieved by outlining United Nations action on Kashmiri self-determination and then by applying the components of the right to Kashmir. The thesis concludes with some observations regarding resolving the Kashmir crisis. The central of this is the inevitable position that the realization of the right to self-determination will bring to fore in realizing peace and development for the region as a whole and to the parties involved in the crisis.
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MUNIR, MUDASSAR. "EVERYDAY IMAGES AND PRACTICES OF THE STATE IN RURAL PAKISTAN." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/878019.

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In my thesis project, I provide an analysis of the way the image and the perception of the state is formed in the context of everyday social and political life in rural Pakistan. I demonstrate how people in a rural locality understand the Pakistani state and its laws and how these understandings shape the way the people carry out everyday engagement with the state authorities. This research undertaking is guided by three principal questions: 1) what is the common conception of Pakistani state at the local level; 2) how do people interact and experience the state institutions at the micro level; 3) what role do different non-state actors who act as ‘intermediaries’ between their fellow villagers and the wider political world play in shaping local embodiment of the state and people’s experiences with it? My fieldwork in a village in Pakistani Punjab, which was reduced to six months from one year due to the COVID-19 pandemic, reveals that the images and perceptions of the Pakistani state are split between ‘sublime’ and ‘profane’ dimensions. On the one hand, the people imagine the state as a sublime entity that exists in far-off places. The state is somewhere else, geographically detached from their locality. It can only be seen on television sets, in major urban centers of the country, and it is a rich institute with enormous financial resources. On the other hand, the people also talk about the state as a profane entity associated with corruption, hierarchy, fraud, and lies. The state is where culture of corruption and mistreatment is deeply pervasive. Fearing of difficulties and complications, the state is something with which they want to have minimum interaction. They consider the state offices are full of lazy and biased employees who provide no service without sifarish (recommendation), taaluq wasta (relationship), or rishwat (bribery). I argue that the people at the local level attach sublime qualities to the national and provincial realm of the Pakistani state, while its local realm with which the people engage on everyday basis is seen as profane. My ethnographic material also illustrates that since everyday state administration is perceived to be riddled with corrupt practices and abuse of authority, this condition creates favorable atmosphere in rural Pakistan for different actors of patronage system to operate – where different political intermediaries assume leading role in variety of political spaces and social relations, acting as a conduit between the state and residents, as well as at times performing certain roles at the local level as they are free from the state's control or at other times acting as helping hand of the state.
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Iob, Elisabetta. "A betrayed promise? : the politics of the everyday state and the resettling of refugees in Pakistani Punjab, 1947-1962." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2013. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/64d284d0-34e2-0a48-a6a0-2dbb6a83c5ba/7/.

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Lahore, Anarkali, mid-1950s. A distinguished-looking refugee is standing in front of a petition writer in the hope of getting the better of the Pakistani bureaucracy and having a property allotted. A few miles ahead, another refugee, camped in a school, is drafting a letter to the editor of the Pakistan Times. He will hide his identity through the pseudonym ‘desperate'. Both of them belonged to the throng of those muhajirs who, back in 1947, had embarked on a dreadful journey towards what they perceived to be their homeland. Historiographical trends have tended to overlook the everyday experience of the state among those middle-class Partition refugees who resettled in Pakistani Punjab. Focusing mainly on their ‘less fortunate' fellow citizens, these explanations have reproduced that historically-unproven popular narrative that ascribes pain and sufferings only to the economically-backward sectors of the local society. Even more frequently, well-rooted argumentative patterns have superimposed historical and present-day socio-geographical mappings of refugee families onto both urban and rural Punjab. These somehow echo that government rhetoric that, up to the early 1960s, paid lip service to the notion of a ‘biraderi-friendly' rehabilitation. This thesis challenges standard interpretations of the resettlement of Partition refugees in Pakistani Punjab between 1947 and 1962. It argues the universality of the so-called ‘exercise in human misery', and the heterogeneity of the rehabilitation policies. As it sheds light on these latter original contributions to the current knowledge, it questions the ability of the local bureaucracy to establish its own ‘polity', the unsuitability of patronage political systems as an autonomous politological category, and the failure of Pakistan as a state. Individual chapters pursue questions of emotional belonging to spatial and political places, social change, everyday experiences of the state through its institutions, electoral politics, and the deployment of integration/accommodation practices as nation- and state-building processes.
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Ahmed, Shamila Kouser. "The impact of the 'war on terror' on Birmingham's Pakistani/Kashmiri Muslims' perceptions of the state, the police and Islamic identities." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3635/.

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This thesis explores British Muslims’ counter discourse to the ‘war on terror’ through revealing the impact of the dominant ‘war on terror’ discourse created by the state. The research explores the counter discourse through investigating the impact of the ‘war on terror’ on Birmingham’s Pakistani / Kashmiri Muslims’ perceptions of the state, the police and Islamic identities before the ‘war on terror’ and since the ‘war on terror’. The theoretical perspectives of cosmopolitanism and citizenship are used as a foundation from which the ‘war on terror’ and the role of the state and the police in the ‘war on terror’ can be deconstructed, critiqued and reconstructed according to Muslim citizens’ perceptions. In particular attention is paid to the challenges and difficulties the 32 respondents interviewed for the research have faced since the ‘war on terror’. Many themes emerged through this framework and the core themes were injustice, legitimacy and human rights. The impact of the ‘war on terror’ showed the battle for Islamic identity construction versus resistance and the negative impact of regulatory discourses on perceptions of commonality, unity and shared identities.
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Rivard, David S. Lavoy Peter. "Pakistan : frontline state again? /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/1995/Dec/95Dec_Rivard.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1995.
Thesis advisor(s): Peter Lavoy. "December 1995." Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-74). Also available online.
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Rivard, David S., and Peter Lavoy. "Pakistan: frontline state again?" Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/31368.

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The objective of this study is to determine Pakistan's place in contemporary U.S. national security strategy. Today, U.S.-Pakistan relations are strained due to the Pressler Amendment to the Foreign Assistance Act. The Pressler Amendment prohibits arms transfers from the United States to Pakistan in response to Pakistani efforts to develop a nuclear weapon capability. This thesis provides a historical background to the current impasse by examining Pakistani foreign objectives in South And Southwest Asia. Current security objectives analyzed are the U.S. strategies to contain Iran and Iraq and to preven nuclear proliferation in the region. In order to attain security objectives in the region, the suthor concludes that the U.S. needs a close cooperative relationship with Pakistan. Since the Pressler Amendment stands as the greatest obstacle to improved U.S.-Pakistan relations, the amendment should be repealed.
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Middleton, Samuel L. "The new fight on the periphery : Pakistan's Military relationship with the United States /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FMiddleton.pdf.

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Anwar, Wasim. "Higher education in Pakistan : from state control to state supervision /." Oslo : Institute for Educational Research, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/pfi/2007/67351/thesisx291007.pdf.

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Soherwordi, Syed Hussain Shaheed. "Pakistan foreign policy formulation, 1947-65 : an analysis of institutional interaction between American policy making bodies and the Pakistan Army." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4280.

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This thesis examines through the use of archives and oral evidence the role of the Pakistan Army in the context of Pakistan’s domestic politics and foreign policy. Its main purpose is to explore the autonomy of the Pakistan Army in shaping national and foreign policy between the years 1947-1965. Focusing on its independent relationship with three instruments of policy-making in the United States – the Department of State, the White House and the Pentagon – the thesis argues that the relationship between the Army and these policy-making bodies arose from a synergistic commonality of interests. The Americans needed a country on the periphery of the Soviet Union to contain Communism while the Pakistan Army needed US military support to check Indian regional military hegemonism in South Asia. This alliance was secured to the disadvantage of democratic political institutions of Pakistan. The Army, which became stronger as a result of US military and economic support, came progressively to dominate domestic politics. This led not only to weakened civilian governments in the period I am examining, but in 1958 to the military seizure of political control of the country itself. The infringement of the Army into civilian spheres of government further caused a deterioration in relations between East and West Pakistan. The increasing clout of a US-backed Army whose elite officers had a bias against the eastern wing of the country, the thesis argues, thus indirectly resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan itself. To explain the Army’s ascendancy its transformation from British colonial army into a national political actor, is documented. The thesis explores the influence of the martial-race theory and of Punjabisation in the Army as it developed in the colonial era. Secondly, it reconstructs how provincial politics weakened the Federal Government and allowed the Army to usurp political power to a disproportionate degree. Thirdly, the thesis considers the extent to which the US-Army relationship influenced and even took precedence over decision-making within the government itself. It details the military pacts made between the two countries to contain the USSR in this period. Finally, it explores where and how the interests of the US and Pakistan Army diverged, in particular concerning their respective relations with India. The complications arising in Indo-Pakistan relations in consequence of an abrupt tilt of the US towards India after the Sino-Indian war in 1962 are also examined. In reaction to this new Indo-US nexus, it is argued the Pakistani military junta leaned towards China and in 1965 endeavoured to make use of it advanced, US-supplied weaponry before – as they saw it – the strategic balance was to be irrecoverably lost in favour of India. In conclusion, the thesis argues that the period under consideration saw a complete failure of the US policy of containing communism whilst at the same time avoiding war between its allies in the region, and that this had tragic consequences for the future of democracy in Pakistan.
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Books on the topic "Pakistani State"

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Blair, Charles P. Anatomizing non-state threats to Pakistan's nuclear infrastructure: The Pakistani Neo-Taliban. Washington, DC: Federation of American Scientists, 2011.

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Pak Institute for Peace Studies, ed. Islam, democracy and the constitution of Pakistan: Outcome of a series of dialogue among prominent Pakistani Islamic scholars. Islamabad: Pak Institute for Peace Studies, 2015.

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Verkaaik, Oskar. A people of migrants: Ethnicity, state, and religion in Karachi. Amsterdam: VU University Press, 1994.

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Making sense of Pakistan. London: Hurst & Company, 2009.

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Making sense of Pakistan. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.

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Fair, C. Christine. Pakistan: Can the United States secure an insecure state? Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2010.

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Sreedhar. Pakistan, a withering state? Delhi: Wordsmiths, 1999.

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1960-, Panhwar Sani Hussain, ed. Pakistan a slave state. Pakistan: publisher not identified, 2014.

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Pakistan: Flawed not failed state. New York: Foreign Policy Association, 2001.

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Quddus, Syed Abdul. Pakistan: Towards a welfare state. Karachi, Pakistan: Royal Book, 1989.

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Book chapters on the topic "Pakistani State"

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Banerjee, Basabi Khan, and Georg Stöber. "The Portrayal of “The Other” in Pakistani and Indian School Textbooks." In (Re)Constructing Memory: Textbooks, Identity, Nation, and State, 143–76. Rotterdam: SensePublishers, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6300-509-8_7.

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Sabharwal, Sharat. "Army – state within a state." In India's Pakistan Conundrum, 32–54. London: Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003148081-5.

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Hoodbhoy, Pervez. "Why Is Pakistan a Praetorian State?" In Pakistan, 311–45. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003379140-17.

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Hoodbhoy, Pervez. "Why Couldn't Pakistan Become an Islamic State?" In Pakistan, 276–310. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003379140-16.

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Javed, Umair, and Ijaz Nabi. "Heterogeneous fragility in Pakistan." In State Fragility, 141–86. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003297697-5.

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Gabriel, Theodore. "The Islamicisation of Pakistan." In Christian Citizens in an Islamic State, 25–39. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315260372-4.

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Fair, C. Christine. "The Genesis of Indo-Pakistan Security Competition1." In In Their Own Words, 21–44. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190909482.003.0002.

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Understanding the tortured history of Pakistan's revisionist agenda with respect to India is critical to appreciating the utility of LeT and other militants to Pakistan's deep state. For this reason, this chapter provides a brief history of the independence movement, the inherent communal ideologies that Pakistan's proponents mobilized to achieve an independent state, and a precis of the disastrous Partition process that gave rise to India and Pakistan. Three particular issues remain significant in contemporary Pakistan. First, many Pakistanis continue to pass onto their descendants these tales of communally motivated murder, rape, and mayhem that accompanied the countries' births. Second, Pakistanis continue to assert that the way in which the British parsed the districts of the Punjab was inherently unfair and prejudicial to Pakistan's interests. Third, Pakistanis believe that the princely state of Kashmir should have gone to Pakistan and that the way in which the British carved up the Punjab enabled India to mobilize troops against Pakistani invaders, thus thwarting Pakistani efforts to secure the state by force.
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Głogowski, Aleksander. "The Arab Spring in Pakistan?" In North Africa in the Process of Change: Political, Legal, Social and Economic Transformations, 71–91. Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/9788376386553.05.

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Pakistan, although it is not an Arab state, has long lasting contacts with the Arab World. They are based on the same religious and cultural foundations and deep economic contact as well. Many Pakistanis work in the Gulf States. Pakistani military has been training and supporting armed forces of such countries as e.g. Jordan. So the ideas of The Arab Spring have influenced young elites of Pakistani society somehow. The goal of the article is to show similarities and certain differences between the political situation in Pakistan and Arab states (esp. Egypt as comparable by the size and population, and role of military in politics too). The Author tries to answer the question whether something like the Arab Spring possible in Pakistan and/or maybe something like that just has happened.
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Dorsey, James M. "Saudi Arabia." In Wahhabism and the World, 186–207. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197532560.003.0009.

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The marriage of geopolitics, religion-driven Saudi ultra-conservatism, and Pakistani political ambition was a union waiting to happen. Pakistan, established as a country for Muslims, and Saudi Arabia, a kingdom created by the union between the Al Saʿud family and their army of tribal warriors backed by the aggressive, exclusionary theology of Muhammad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhab, shared a common understanding of themselves as states whose ethos positioned them as leaders of the Muslim world. It was a union in which Pakistan brought mass to the table, with a large population and strategic geography, while Saudi Arabia offered funding. As the custodian of Islam’s two most holy cities, Saudi Arabia moreover could enhance Pakistan’s pan-Islamic credentials. As such, it was a marriage in which ultra-conservatism and latent radicalism were written into the DNA of the Pakistani state from which the South Asian nation struggles to free itself.
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"Introduction: idea, nation, state." In Contemporary Pakistani Fiction in English, 15–26. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203552247-6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Pakistani State"

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Mehmood, Khalid, Natalja Lace, and Irena Danilevičienė. "Comparative efficiency analysis of conventional banks and Islamic banks: in evidence of Pakistan." In 11th International Scientific Conference „Business and Management 2020“. VGTU Technika, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/bm.2020.583.

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The study evaluates the comparison and efficiency of Pakistani Islamic and conventional banks. Data are collected from the reports of banks website and state bank of Pakistan for the period 2013−2017. Used financial ratios for methodology and descriptive summary, correlation and Trend for analysis technique. The analysis shows conventional banks are more liquid, solvent and less risky. According to profit-ability ratio, Islamic banks are more profitable. Trend analysis shows, both banks have positive trends, but the conventional banks disclose more efficiency and positive trend. Conventional banks are technologically advanced and extensive, but the future of Islamic banks looking bright in case of Pakistan.
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MAȚOI, Ecaterina. "TEHREEK-E-LABBAIK PAKISTAN (TLP): A RISING EXTREMIST FORCE, OR JUST THE TIP OFA LARGER RADICALISED ICEBERG IN THE AFPAK REGION?" In SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION IN THE AIR FORCE. Publishing House of “Henri Coanda” Air Force Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19062/2247-3173.2021.22.26.

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As if Afghanistan’s recent takeover by the Taliban was not a sufficiently significant development in the AfPak region, reports indicate that Pakistan’s largest sect, the Barelvi, becomes increasingly militant and aggressive by the day. Since another important movement for the history of Pakistan - the Deobandi - has generally dominated the violence scene in Pakistan starting with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, this trend within the Barelvis is a rather new one, and deserves extensive attention keeping in mind the recent regional developments. Taking a brief look at the history of the region to identify possible causes that may underlie the radicalization of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan group, it is noticeable that emergence of Barelvi and Deobandi sects in the first part of 19th century was part of a larger movement to revive Islam in the Northern part of India, but in different manners: while the Deobandi kept close to the Hanafi Sunni teachings in a strictly manner, the Barelvi sect – developed itself mostly on a Sufi legacy, as part of a larger Folk Islam inherited from the Mughal Empire, despite being itself affiliated with the Hanafi school. The differences between the two movements became critical from a political, security and social point of view, especially after the division of British India in 1947, into two states: a Muslim one – present day Pakistan, and a Hindu one - present day India, of which, the first, became the state entity that encompassed both Hanafi revivalist movements, Deobandi and Barelvi. Therefore, this research is aiming to analyse the history of Barelvi movement starting with the British Raj, the way in which Pakistan was established as a state and the problems that arose with the partition of the former British colony, the very Islamic essence of the new established state, and the potential for destabilization of Barelvi organisations in an already prone to conflict area. Consequently, the current research aims to identify the patterns of latest developments in Pakistan, their historical roots and causes, main actors active in religious, political and military fields in this important state-actor from the AfPak region, in order to project Barelvi recent in a defined environment, mainly by using a historical approach.
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Raza, Syed M. Alamdar, Farrukh Kamran, and Muhammad Akbar. "State and Event Loop Model of Evolutionary Programs of Multi-Agent Systems for Control of Distributed Renewable Energy Network." In 2005 Pakistan Section Multitopic Conference. IEEE, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/inmic.2005.334398.

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Bannikov, M. G. "USE OF BIOFUELS IN PAKISTAN: CURRENT STATE AND PERSPECTIVE." In 14th SGEM GeoConference on ENERGY AND CLEAN TECHNOLOGIES. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2014/b41/s17.077.

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Ahmed, Sheraz, and Saad bin Abrar. "Integrated Approach of Retrograde Condensate Simulation Using Pseudo-Pressures with Modified Equation of State and Velocity Dependent Relative Permeability." In PAPG/SPE Pakistan section Annual Technical Conference. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/174714-ms.

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Hussain, Syed Ahmed, and Tariq Mahmood. "A Survey on State of Enterprise Machine Learning in Pakistan." In 2021 6th International Multi-Topic ICT Conference (IMTIC). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/imtic53841.2021.9719818.

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Sattar, Abdul, Waseem Khan, and Aamir Mahmood. "Need an Early Oil, Get Your Corporate Data in Shape." In ADIPEC. SPE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/211850-ms.

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Abstract Subsurface data management is one of the prime challenges confronting today's E&P industry. Oil & Gas companies are generating substantial amount of data in E&P operations to achieve their strategic goals. The fact that E&P companies are using multi-vendor technologies makes the case of standard procedures, consistent nomenclature, and data synchronization even more compelling to achieve the uniformity of data and related mnemonics across their databases. This in-turn maximizes the efficiency & potential of existing organizational resources along with facilitating the instant data access & data sharing among common end-users (geologist, petrophysicist, geophysicist etc.). United Energy Pakistan, formerly known as BP Pakistan, has a hybrid environment of multi-vendor technologies supporting its operation requirement of data and information management and archival. Its assets have a rich heritage, starting nearly four decades ago when an American E&P company, Union Texas Pakistan, initiated operations in Pakistan. Since then, several changes and a shift in ownership several times has resulted challenges to manage the assets and underlying data. Corporate Data Governance and ManagementProject was embarked to address geoscience end user challenges regarding access to validated data and cleaning of working environment. The journey began with a data management maturity assessment few years ago. This helped to identify gaps in the existing data management processes and systems. An integrated roadmap was developed to bridge the gaps with identified digital initiatives and solutions. A vendor neutral and technology agnostic approach was used to perform the site assessment. A conformance study, prior to the commencement of project, was conducted to assess the "Current State" of G&G Working project databases and to articulate the "Future State" with special emphasis on providing centralized, quality assured and integrated data environment. The study highlighted the key areas of Geoscience working environment that require improvement. Some of the key findings of study indicated huge number of working projects, data dissemination, Lack of Standards, incompleteness, inadequate dataflow mechanism and procedures, data redundancy, and inability of data search and access.
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Khan, Kinza, Hassan Zaki, Abeer Faizan, Syed Areeb Ali, and Uzair Alvi. "Elucidation of e-governance in Pakistan: A roadway to a finer State." In 2020 International Conference on Information Science and Communication Technology (ICISCT). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icisct49550.2020.9080050.

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Farid, Syed Munib Ullah, Hassaan Ahmed, Shahid Hameed Mangi, Syed Dost Ali, Ijaz Ahmed, and Amer Mahmood. "Case Study on Successful Deployment of Open Hole Multi Stage Fracturing Completion at a Mature Gas Condensate Field in Pakistan." In SPE/PAPG Pakistan Section Annual Technical Conference and Exhibition. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/191282-ms.

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Manzhikova, Svetlana Ts, Adil Iqbal, and Humna Mustafa. "Evidence-based analysis of the situation with tuberculosis in Kyrgyzstan and Pakistan." In Innovations in Medical Science and Education. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsms.yoiu6777.

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The target of this work is to implement an evidence-based approach in a comparative analyzing of the current tuberculosis situation in the Kyrgyz Republic and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Such analysis is of particular interest for assessing the so-called “country” contribution to the implementation of strategies to stop tuberculosis, proclaimed by the World Health Organization. Two-factor linear regression models are presented for both countries. Models take into account how state budget expenditures on health care and the level of poverty impact onto the tuberculosis incidence. The latter circumstance is due to the significant difference between the National Statistical Services in considered countries, as well as the lack of initial data and their heterogeneity. The estimated quality characteristics of the models show them to use in prediction values of the tuberculosis incidence until 2024-2025. The modeling results show that if the established trend of strengthening of the state role continues, then we can talk about the successful implementation of the WHO strategy to decrease and stop tuberculosis in the Kyrgyz Republic and the desired annual reduction in incidence to 10% by 2025. For Pakistan, the same parameter will be no more than 1.5%. The novelty of the presented work lies in the very formulation of the problem of monitoring the current outcomes of the implementation of WHO recommendations in different countries and the methodological development of appropriate situational tasks for learning and teaching medical students the methods of evidence-based medicine/health care.
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Reports on the topic "Pakistani State"

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Loureiro, Miguel, Maheen Pracha, Affaf Ahmed, Danyal Khan, and Mudabbir Ali. Accountability Bargains in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.046.

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Poor and marginalised citizens rarely engage directly with the state to solve their governance issues in fragile, conflict and violence-affected settings, as these settings are characterised by the confrontational nature of state–citizen relations. Instead, citizens engage with, and make claims to, intermediaries some of them public authorities in their own right. What are these intermediaries’ roles, and which strategies and practices do they use to broker state–citizen engagement? We argue that in Pakistan intermediaries make themselves essential by: (1) being able to speak the language of public authorities; (2) constantly creating and sustaining networks outside their communities; and (3) building collectivising power by maintaining reciprocity relations with their communities. In doing so, households and intermediaries engage in what we are calling ‘accountability bargains’: strategies and practices intermediaries and poor and marginalised households employ in order to gain a greater degree of security and autonomy within the bounds of class, religious, and ethnic oppression.
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Bano, Masooda. Low-Fee Private-Tuition Providers in Developing Countries: An Under-Appreciated and Under- Studied Market—Supply-Side Dynamics in Pakistan. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/107.

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Although low-income parents’ dependence on low-fee private schools has been actively documented in the past decade, existing research and policy discussions have failed to recognise their heavy reliance on low-fee tuition providers in order to ensure that their children complete the primary cycle. By mapping a vibrant supply of low-fee tuition providers in two neighbourhoods in the twin cities of Rawalpindi and Islamabad in Pakistan, this paper argues for understanding the supply-side dynamics of this segment of the education market with the aim of designing better-informed policies, making better use of public spending on supporting private-sector players to reach the poor. Contrary to what is assumed in studies of the private tuition market, the low-fee tuition providers offering services in the Pakistani urban neighbourhoods are not teachers in government schools trying to make extra money by offering afternoon tutorial to children from their schools. Working from their homes, the tutors featured in this paper are mostly women who often have no formal teacher training but are imaginative in their use of a diverse set of teaching techniques to ensure that children from low-income households who cannot get support for education at home cope with their daily homework assignments and pass the annual exams to transition to the next grade. These tutors were motivated to offer tuition by a combination of factors ranging from the need to earn a living, a desire to stay productively engaged, and for some a commitment to help poor children. Arguing that parents expect them to take full responsibility for their children’s educational attainment, these providers view the poor quality of education in schools, the weak maternal involvement in children’s education, and changing cultural norms, whereby children no longer respect authority, as being key to explaining the prevailing low educational levels. The paper presents evidence that the private tuition providers, who may be viewed as education entrepreneurs, have the potential to be used by the state and development agencies to provide better quality education to children from low-income families.
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Acemoglu, Daron, Ali Cheema, Asim Khwaja, and James Robinson. Trust in State and Non-State Actors: Evidence from Dispute Resolution in Pakistan. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, May 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w24611.

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Sentell, David S. On the Brink: Instability and the Prospect of State Failure in Pakistan. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada523136.

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Wirsing, Robert G. Pakistan and the United States 2004-2005: Deepening the Entente. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, February 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada627432.

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Demartino, Anthony. The United States in Pakistan: Toward a More Unified Effort. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada568540.

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Javed, Umair, Aiza Hussain, and Hassan Aziz. Demanding Power: Contentious Politics and Electricity in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.047.

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This paper explores Pakistan’s electricity supply crisis that lasted from 2007 to 2015, and the ensuing contention that shaped public discourse and political events in the country. During this period, which witnessed electricity outages of up to 14 hours per day, 456 incidents of contention took place, with just under 20 per cent escalating into some form of violence. Electricity became the number one political issue in the country and was integral in shaping the outcomes of the 2013 General Election. Following the election, public authorities undertook extensive investment to expand capacity and ensure consistency in supply while evading questions about affordability and sustainability. On the surface, this appears to be a case of extensive protest working towards shaping state responsiveness. And it is true that the state now sees supply as a non-negotiable aspect in the social contract with citizens. However, a range of factors contributed to the chronology and the selective, generation-focused nature of this response. On the other hand, citizen inclusion and participation in decision-making, and issues of affordability and sustainability, which impact vulnerable and disempowered groups the most, remain absent from the political and policy conversation around energy. This suggests that while protests were useful in generating a short-term response, their long-term legacy in empowerment related outcomes is less visible.
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Price, Roz. Inclusion of Marginalised Groups in Sensitive Programming in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.090.

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This rapid review focuses on the different variations of discrimination against marginalized groups, with a focus on the effect of intersecting and overlapping inequalities and the different experiences and outcomes they have on the varied groups. It highlights how marginalized groups have been included in interventions addressing issues of discrimination in Pakistan. The review also looks into different change interventions that deliver inclusive outcomes for women, girls and persons with disabilities with a focus on preventing violence against those groups. The review notes that intersecting inequalities have led to different experiences and outcomes relating to discrimination. It states that there is a need to address the different groups facing discrimination in a way that addresses their specified experiences because the effects of discrimination are not the same for every person. The review states that in addressing discrimination for the different groups, programmes should pursue multiple entry points to promote non-discrimination, they should work in multiple sites within and across countries and they should work with multiple partners who play different roles in communities.
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S. Abdellatif, Omar, and Ali Behbehani. 2019: ICJ Judgments Jadhav (India V. Pakistan) Final Compliance Report. UN Compliance Research Group, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52008/inpk0501.

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The 2019: ICJ Judgments Jadhav (India V. Pakistan) Final Compliance Report is prepared by the UN Compliance Research Group. The report analyzes compliance by the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the Republic of India with the ICJ verdicts on the Jadhav case issued on 17 July 2019. The report covers relevant actions taken by the two states between 17 July 2019 to 10 July 2020.
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Bano, Masooda. Narratives of Success against the Odds: Why Some Children in State Schools Go Far in Life—Evidence from Pakistan. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/104.

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What makes some children succeed despite studying in failing education systems? Are these children exceptionally gifted, or do other psychological or sociological factors and family circumstances contribute to success? To address the learning crisis in state schools in developing countries, development agencies have primarily focused on identifying inputs that can improve state education provision. Yet, even from low-performing state schools, some children do manage to successfully complete primary and secondary education cycles, pursue higher education, and record upward social mobility, but we know very little about the factors that facilitate this success. This paper addresses this gap in the literature. Tracing life histories of successful alumni of state schools supported by CARE, an education foundation in Pakistan, this paper identifies children’s motivation to succeed as having a major impact on educational performance. However, for most this motivation is not a product of an innate desire to excel, it is a product of contextual factors: parental encouragement; an acute desire to make parents happy and to alleviate their sufferings; the company of friends, cousins, and peers who are keen on education and thus help to create an aspiring, competitive spirit; encouragement given by good teachers; and exposure to new possibilities and role models that raise aspirations by showing that what might appear to the child unachievable is in fact attainable. High motivation in turn builds commitment to work hard. Equally important, however, is the provision of financial support at critical points, especially when transitioning from secondary school to college and university. Without financial support, which could be in the form of scholarships, loans, or income from part-time work, at critical junctures, even highly motivated children in state schools cannot succeed. The paper thus argues that rather than being focused solely on education inputs, development agencies should also seek to explore and understand the factors that can motivate children in state schools to aim high and work hard to succeed.
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