Journal articles on the topic 'Pakistan'
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1
Fahim, Muhammad. "Pakistan and the Question of Recognizing Armenia: Pakistan-Armenia Relations, the Issue of Kashmir & Nagorno-Karabakh." Journal of South Asian Studies 8, no. 2 (August 15, 2020): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.008.02.3276.
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This article aims to study the estrangement between Pakistan and Armenia in light of the issue of Kashmir and Nagorno-Karabakh. Most Pakistanis are not aware of the fact that Pakistan does not recognize Armenia nor have any official diplomatic relations with her due to Pakistan’s principle stance over the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. Armenia occupied more than 20 percent internationally recognized Azeri territory during the 1992 war between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Pakistan has brotherly and cordial relations with Azerbaijan. Pakistan not only supports the Azeri stance over the Nagorno-Karabakh issue but goes out of the way to not recognize Armenia as a sovereign state. In turn, Azerbaijan supports Pakistan’s stance on the Kashmir dispute. On the contrary, Armenia not only refused to withdraw its forces from the internationally recognized Azeri land but supports Pakistan’s arch-enemy India on the Kashmir issue as a diplomatic move to counter Pakistan. This is the first-ever study conducted on Pakistan-Armenia relations. The article explores the reasons behind Pakistan's decision not to recognize Armenia in great detail. It discusses the estrangement between the two countries, especially in light of the Kashmir and Nagorno-Karabakh issue.
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Fahim, Muhammad. "Pakistan and the Question of Recognizing Armenia: Pakistan-Armenia Relations, The Issue of Kashmir & Nagorno-Karabakh." Journal of South Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (September 16, 2020): ACCEPTED. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.008.01.3276.
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This article aims to study the estrangement between Pakistan and Armenia in light of the issue of Kashmir and Nagorno-Karabakh. Most Pakistanis are not aware of the fact that Pakistan does not recognize Armenia nor have any official diplomatic relations with her due to Pakistan’s principle stance over the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. Armenia occupied more than 20 percent internationally recognized Azeri territory during the 1992 war between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Pakistan has brotherly and cordial relations with Azerbaijan. Pakistan not only supports the Azeri stance over the Nagorno-Karabakh issue but goes out of the way to not recognize Armenia as a sovereign state. In turn, Azerbaijan supports Pakistan’s stance on the Kashmir dispute. On the contrary, Armenia not only refused to withdraw its forces from the internationally recognized Azeri land but supports Pakistan’s arch-enemy India on the Kashmir issue as a diplomatic move to counter Pakistan. This is the first-ever study conducted on Pakistan-Armenia relations. The article explores the reasons behind Pakistan's decision not to recognize Armenia in great detail. It discusses the estrangement between the two countries, especially in light of the Kashmir and Nagorno-Karabakh issue.
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Azizv, Zohaib, and Javedv Iqbalv. "Testing the Dynamic Linkages of the Pakistani Stock Market with Regional and Global Markets." LAHORE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS 22, no. 2 (January 1, 2017): 89–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.35536/lje.2017.v22.i2.a4.
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This article examines the dynamic linkages between Pakistan’s emerging stock market and (i) the US market and (ii) the regional markets of India and Japan. Using data for the daily returns and volatility spillovers of three market pairs (Pakistan-US, Pakistan-Japan and Pakistan-India), the study estimates a series of bivariate asymmetric VARMA(1,1)-GARCH(1,1) models. It also fits multivariate asymmetric VARMA(1,1)-GARCH(1,1) models for two groups of markets: Pakistan-India-US and Pakistan-India-Japan. Based on the mean spillovers, the results suggest that the global and regional equity markets (Granger) cause the Pakistani market. There are unidirectional volatility spillovers to Pakistan from the US and Japan, while India is the only regional market with a significant cross-asymmetric effect on Pakistan. In the multivariate case, the regional and global markets have significant joint mean and variance spillovers and asymmetric effects on the Pakistani market. This indicates a weak degree of integration between the Pakistani market and the global and regional markets, implying that local risk factors – either firm-specific or country-specific – explain the expected returns on investment in the Pakistani stock market.
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Ahmed, Muhammad Ashfaq. "Pakistan: State Autonomy, Extraction, and Elite Capture—A Theoretical Configuration." Pakistan Development Review 56, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 127–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v56i2pp.127-162.
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―When groups are adequately stated, everything is stated!‖1 Management of actions and interest groups has historically been sovereign‘s existentialist imperative. The paper revitalizes philosophical state autonomy debate and then narrows down its focus to capture extractive antics of as erratic a state as Pakistan. A typology of factions – captioned as Elites – operative in extractive realm of Pakistan is developed to round them in theory, identify their properties, and lay bare mechanics of intra-elite and elite-non-elite transactions. The paper seminally develops the rational actor dilemma confronting Pakistani elites and identifies the modes through which the dilemma plausibly resolves itself. The transactional engagement between Pakistan‘s internal and external rational actors is dissected to theorize that Pakistan essentially is an equilibrium consensus subsistence state thereby opening up vast vistas for future research. The paper concludes with the glum finding that Pakistan in its current essence and manifestation is fundamentally a captive state – beholden to elites of Pakistan. JEL Classification: H1 Keywords: State Autonomy; Elite Capture; Pakistan‘s Tax System; Pakistani Elites; Elites‘ Rational Actor Dilemma; Equilibrium Consensus Subsistence State; Captive State
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Tassadduq, Sobia, and Sadia Sulaiman. "PAK-US ALLIANCE ON WAR OF TERROR: EVOLUTION OF PAKISTANI CONTEMPORARY ART IN THE WAKE OF INCREASED VIOLENT EXTREMISM." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 02 (June 30, 2022): 770–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i2.529.
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This paper presents the findings of exploratory research that attempts to establish the relationship between the Pakistan-United States of America alliance in the post-9/11 era and increased violent extremism in Pakistan. Moreover, its efforts to link the rise of violent extremism with the evolution of Pakistani contemporary artwork – demonstrate greater political activism. Pakistan emerged as a frontline state and key non-NATO ally of the US and the West for the War of Terror. The study offers a perspective on changes in the artwork in terms of themes and messages. The study findings suggest that Pakistan’s participation in the US-led War on Terror did work to transform the political and religious sentiments, having security implications across Pakistan. The most profound changes are evident in terms of violent extremisms in particular suicide bombing and the State’s response in waging military operations against extremist elements. The changing landscape did influence the societal sentiments and heightened skepticism of the Pakistan-US partnership. The mounting skepticism and antagonism worked to influence the artistic expressions with the rise of political activism in contemporary artwork. The artists used the visual artwork (of painting) to express their political ideas, which demonstrates a marked departure from pre-9/11 artwork. The study’s findings suggest that the artwork became more critical of the changing realities and questioned both the government and the extremist elements, including Pakistan's relationship with the US. The study concludes that the Pakistan-US partnership did result in hardening the extremist views and as a consequence rise of violent extremism. And in turn, it changed the contemporary artwork in terms of themes and messages and the emergence of political artwork in Pakistan. Keywords: War on Terror, Violent Extremism, Pakistani Contemporary Art, Political Imageries.
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Makarevich, Gleb G. "Pakistan’s defense industry amid "pivot to the East" and "saving traditional strategic ties"." USA & Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, no. 11 (December 15, 2023): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s268667302311007x.
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With Pakistan having succeeded in developing relevant industries, it has taken a firm place in the second tier of weapons and military equipment producers. However, the Pakistan’s defense industry is still based on Chinese-Soviet and Western engineering thought. Such an equilibrium stems from both the country's capabilities in the sphere and traditional foreign policy imperatives of Pakistan's military elites. This logic is expected to remain relevant and will manifest itself in future Pakistani foreign and military-industrial policies.
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YAŞAR, Mahmut. "Pakistan Talibanı ve Pakistan’ın Ulusal Güvenliğine Etkileri." International Journal of Social Sciences 6, no. 26 (September 19, 2022): 188–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/usbd.6.26.12.
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Pakistan has a common history with the Indian Sub-continent, which has a geostrategic location and natural richness and is home to many civilizations, cultures and states. It was founded in 1947 after Britain left the region, but due to the border conflict with India, it faced many problems as conflicts occurred. The invasion of Afghanistan by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the Twin Tower attacks on September 11, 2001 are two events that deeply affected Pakistan as well as neighboring Afghanistan. Pakistan had to deal with many problems after these two events, which were the main reason for the ongoing active problems in the region, and went through a period of civil war. The main reason for these conflicts is the foreign fighters who immigrated from Afghanistan and took shelter in the tribes region of Pakistan after the military operation carried out by the USA in Afghanistan, and the Pashtun people hosting these fighters and Pakistan's conflict. As a matter of fact, as a result of this conflict, the Pakistani Taliban was established, and then there was a series of events that affected Pakistan's national security. Keywords: Pakistan, 9/11, Pakistani Taliban, al-Qaeda, USA
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van Alebeek, Rosanne, and Ursula E. A. Weitzel. "List of Current Proceedings: Update." Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no. 2 (June 2000): 333–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000224.
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On 22 September 1999 the Islamic Republic of Pakistan instituted proceedings against India before the International Court of Justice concerning the shooting down of a Pakistani aircraft by Indian air force planes on 10 August 1999. In its Application filed in the Registry on 21 September 1999 Pakistan contends that the “unarmed Atlantique aircraft of the Pakistan navy was on a routine training mission with sixteen personnel on board” when “while flying over Pakistan air space it was fired upon with air to air missiles by Indian air force planes, without warning”, resulting in the death of all 16 personnel, “mostly young naval trainees”. It maintains that the aircraft, when shot down, was in an area situated approximately 70 to 90 miles east of Karachi and that it was “carrying out various training exercises and manoeuvres of instrument.” According to Pakistan, after radar contact was lost with the aircraft at 10.55 a.m., an intensive search was undertaken by Pakistani aircraft and helicopters and the wreckage was discovered around 2.55 p.m. 2 kilometres inside Pakistan territory. Pakistan further maintains that in the two and a half hours which elapsed between the shooting down and the discovery of the wreckage, “Indian helicopters […] sneaked into Pakistan's territory to pick up a few items from the debris […] in order to produce ‘evidence’ for [India's] initial claim that the Atlantique had been shot down over Indian air space.” However, according to Pakistan, because of the “overwhelming evidence […] Indian officials were obliged to admit that the Atlantique had indeed been shot down over Pakistan's air space.”
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Uzma Munir and Memoona Asif. "Racism and Alienation in Postcolonial Context: A Study of Tariq Rehman’s Short Story “BINGO”." ANNALS OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND PERSPECTIVE 5, no. 1 (March 29, 2024): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.52700/assap.v5i1.347.
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Referring to the phenomenon of racism and alienation in Pakistani literature, it is first advantageous to examine Pakistan’s Postcolonial democracy. Pakistan was colonized under British rule for 90 years and got its independent recognition in 1947. In 1971, the political and social conflicts fueled the armed forces to start a third war between India and Pakistan. Consequently, East Pakistan (i.e., present Bangladesh) formally separated from West Pakistan. This paper focuses on two major dimensions of postcolonialism i.e., Racism and Alienation, in Tariq Rehman’s short fiction Bingo. Postcolonialism is used as a theoretical framework to postulate the formation and fragmentation of East and West Pakistani nations in 1971. The conventional treatment of colonial hegemony by West Pakistan to East Pakistan is analyzed through the characters of Tajassur and Safeer. The outcome of the hegemonic scenario gives birth to some toxic substances of civil war such as brutality, mass destruction, deprivation, hatred, and family loss, which are couched through the diction and style opted by Tariq Rehman. This study is exclusive in a way that it elucidates the social and emotional estrangement of the Pakistan Military Academy (PMA) towards a minority (i.e., Bengalis) before the independence of Bangladesh. This work further examines the text to mediate all the scenarios of West Pakistan’s power shift from being under British raj to rule over Bengalis. To interpret the orientation and worthiness of data; thematic analysis is used as a more flexible yet influential tool; to discuss the hegemonic foundation after partition in Pakistan
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Ahmad, Sohail, Inayat Kaleem, and Hajra Nasir Satti. "Special Economic Zones: A Comparison of the Economic Policies of China and Pakistan." Global Economics Review III, no. II (December 30, 2018): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/ger.2018(iii-ii).02.
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China established Special Economic Zones (SEZs) in the late seventies and eighties which later became major drivers of their economic development. Now China is replicating the same phenomenon in Pakistan under CPEC. China, through the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), the flagship project of One Belt One Road, has pledged to invest sixty-two (62) billion US dollars in Pakistan. The development of SEZs in Pakistan is divided into two phases. Phase one started in 2012, and the main focus in this phase was on Dhabeji, Rashakai Faisalabad. In phase two nine SEZs will be developed. If Pakistan successfully manages the SEZs it will shift the country towards industrialization in the long run and stabilize the Pakistani economy in the short run. However, many inconsistencies have originated due to Pakistans weak economic policies. This paper will provide a comparison between the SEZs in Pakistan and China, and how Pakistan can capitalize on the SEZs and pave the way for industrialization.
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Qazi, Umer, Adnan Ahmad, Mirwais Khan, and Riffat Aisha. "Credit Risk Management Practices and Banks’ Performance in Pakistan." Journal of Entrepreneurship, Management, and Innovation 4, no. 1 (February 21, 2022): 136–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.52633/jemi.v4i1.155.
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The main objective of this study is to investigate whether the credit risk management of Pakistan's commercial banks listed on the Pakistan Stock Exchange is linked to financial performance. For this purpose, the researchers have attempted to analyze the data trends of five major banks of Pakistan as a proxy representation of the entire banking sector of Pakistan. Five (5) years of panel data collected from the State Bank of Pakistan Annual publication and annual reports of respective banks was used to conduct the research. The study found that underperforming Credit Risk Management (CRM) loans and Capital Adjustment Ratios (CDRs) have an impact on the financial achievement of Pakistani commercial banks as measured by return on equity (ROE) and return on assets. For panel data analysis, inferential statistics (regression models) were used in this study. After analyzing the data, the researcher found that CRM has a significant impact on the financial performance of Commercial Banks of Pakistan. Furthermore, the researcher encourages the Pakistani banks to grow their profitability in terms of better CRM. Pakistan's banking sector must develop suitable CRM strategies and policies through a sound credit appraisal before lending to consumers and banks; an appropriate CRM mechanism must be developed, and the credit awards system must be thoroughly reviewed, properly informed and used to repay loans. Pakistani Banks would develop and implement strategies to improve their performance & competitiveness as well as limit their lending risk exposure.
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Yang, Yong, and Shangli Wang. "The Development of Salt Resources in Pakistan under the Perspective of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor." Pacific International Journal 5, no. 4 (December 31, 2022): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.55014/pij.v5i4.233.
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The salt play an important role in daily life and industry. There are large reserves of high - quality salt deposits in Pakistan. But Pakistani salt resources have a smaller share in international salt trade. The paper analyses the current situation in terms of the development of salt resources in Pakistan through SWOT analysis under the perspective of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. On this basis, the paper puts forward some countermeasures and suggestions for developing salt resources in Pakistan, such as increasing salt export, developing the health and wellness tourism with salt as the theme, establishing salt chemical industry chain based on strengthening Sino-Pakistan production capacity cooperation. These measures will help to further alleviate Pakistan's balance of payments.
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Chekalin, Sergey. "THE AFGHAN ISSUE IN PAKISTAN'S RELATIONS WITH THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY." Eastern Analytics 13, No 4 (2022) (2022): 76–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2022-04-076-085.
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. The article analyzes the development and active implementation of Pakistan's policy of internationalization of the Afghan issue since the outbreak of the armed conflict in Afghanistan in the late 1970s. The author proves that the Afghan conflict has always been one of the pivotal factors for Pakistan in building its relations with the international community. In order to receive significant amounts of financial and military assistance, Pakistan sought to position itself as a frontline state. Since the late 2000s Pakistan has instrumentalized the Afghan issue to diversify its international relations searching for partners from the neighboring regions as a counterweight to the USA. The author examines the features and effectiveness of Pakistan's participation in various multilateral forums concerning the Afghan issue to some extent. The article emphasizes the essential infrastructure projects that will connect South and Central Asia, as well as potentially have a positive impact on the Pakistani economy. The article especially focuses on the Afghan issue as a part of Pakistan's foreign policy strategy since the Taliban's coming to power in Afghanistan in 2021. In this regard, Pakistan's key strategic documents, statements by Pakistani officials, and international community's expectations from the Pakistani authorities are analyzed. Based on this, it is predicted that Pakistan has to harmonize its position with the global and regional powers for a number of reasons and does not appear to be the first to recognize the Taliban government of Afghanistan. The author comes to the conclusion that Pakistan's correct approach towards the Afghan issue will contribute to its rise, above all, in the regional subsystem of international relations as a constructive actor and boost its socio-economic development.
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Banu, U. A. B. Razia Akter. "Pakistan Chronicle." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 4 (January 1, 1997): 106–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i4.2225.
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The book Pakistan Chronicle--authored by Morrice James, who had twentyyears of experience in South Asia, of which nine years were in Pakistan asdeputy and head of the United Kingdom's diplomatic mission-may not be anexcellent academic research document, but it deserves credit for certain merits.The psychoanalyses and behavioral studies of some Pakistani military and politicalelite, especially Ayub, Bhutto, and Zia, are some of the book's outstandingcontributions. The book contains excellent discussions on different pacts andtreaties Pakistan conducted, such as the Mutual Assistance Pact with the UnitedStates (1954), the Indus Water Treaty (1960), the Tashkent Declaration (1966);the crises Pakistan faced, such as the anti-Qadiani Riots in 1953, the Kashmir dispute, and the Bangladesh War in 1971; and the Afghan conflict that involvedthe two superpowers. In the 1960s. the author observed that India consideredKashmir an integral part of itself and nonnegotiable, and that position has notyet changed.As the British high commissioner, the author could give a firsthand descriptionof national and international forces that strained Pakistan’s relationship withthe West, especially Britain and America, and of how Pakistan gradually developeda pro-Chinese foreign policy ...
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Ghulam, Wajahat Ali, Shujahat Ali, and Waqas Ali. "Risk Management Nexus by Pakistan and China to Combat Novel Corona Virus in the Light of Actor-Network Theory." Logistic and Operation Management Research (LOMR) 2, no. 1 (May 29, 2023): 25–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31098/lomr.v2i1.1311.
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This research paper presents the COVID-19 situation and early control measures the Government of Pakistan took. The first coronavirus case was confirmed in Pakistani on February 25, 2020. To avoid any disastrous situation, The Pakistani Government has done everything possible to reduce the number of coronavirus cases across its provinces as much as possible up until now. We have investigated Pakistan's thorough response compared to the neighboring country China. The researcher performed trend analysis based on the data from the official COVID-19 record website of the government of Pakistan and GitHub - JHU CSSE for China. The data indicates a decline in COVID-19 cases and a high recovery rate in Pakistan. No double-figure positive cases from the last few weeks are recorded as of March 16, 2023. We have compared the strategies of Pakistan to combat COVID-19 with China as it shut down its border from March 2020 to October 2023 to protect its social system. On the other hand, Pakistan didn't shut down the border completely during COVID-19. According to the findings, we can state that no large-scale death toll has been recorded in Pakistan. Pakistan maintains its survival during COVID-19 due to the efficient cooperation of the stakeholders in the light of the Actor-Network Theory. Despite the lack of effective antiviral treatment, Pakistan took proactive steps to combat coronavirus. Furthermore, the lockdowns and other preventative measures implemented by the provincial governments led to decreased COVID-19 cases in the nation. The fact that only 4% of Pakistan's population is over 60 indicates less risk of a COVID-19 outbreak leading to a large-scale death toll. Despite the lack of effective antiviral treatment, Pakistan took proactive steps to combat coronavirus.
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Bokhari, Imtiaz H. "Pakistan and West Asia." American Journal of Islam and Society 3, no. 1 (September 1, 1986): 141–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v3i1.2761.
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State to state relations between Pakistan and Southwest Asian states dateback to the birth of Pakistan in 1947, but the ideological bonds are much older.In 1946, it was late king (then prince) Faisal who chaperoned the PakistanMovement delegation headed by Mr. Isphahani that visited the United Nationsand got sympathetic ears to its pleas? Again, the Saudi king was thefirst head of state to felicitate Mohammad Ali Jinnah after learning of theViceroy’s decision to grant independence to Pakistan and India. Equally warmand sincere support came from Iran.Pakistan and West Asia: Evolution of RelationsImmediately on achieving independence, Pakistan displayed notable enthusiasmin advocating the cause of Islam and Islamic states but soon learntto be more patient. Pakistan’s call for Islamic unity was seen by the Arabsas a move to stifle nascent Arab nationalism at the instigation of the West.These developments corresponded to the early 50s when Pakistan, under intensethreat from India, signed the Mutual Defense Aid pact with the UnitedStates and became a suspect in the eyes of the Arabs who thought of Pakistanas an instrument of the West. Pakistan's joining of the Baghdad Pact in 1954along with Iraq was also interpreted by the Arab nationalist leaders as a neocolonialmove to divide the Arab world. Saudis even called it a stab in theheart of the Arab and Muslim states. In 1956, Indian Prime Minister JawaharLal Nehru’s warm welcome in Saudi Arabia followed by the Suez Crisis putPakistan’s relations with those important Islamic states at their lowest level.During that period the Arabs viewed the region mostly in the Arab and non-Arab context ...
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Zarychta, Stanisław. "Pakistan – w kierunku triady jądrowej." Gdańskie Studia Azji Wschodniej, no. 23 (August 31, 2023): 209–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23538724gs.23.013.18159.
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Pakistan’s political history since independence has been marked by periods of political, military, and economic instability. The Kashmir conflict remains a major point of contention between Pakistan and India. Therefore, Pakistan’s main reason for building nuclear weapons was as a deterrent against Indian conventional forces and a desire to gain a leading role in the Islamic world. The assessment of Pakistan’s nuclear potential is very difficult due to limited information and lack of transparency on the part of military circles. While all nuclear-weapon states generally aim to lower their capabilities, Pakistan, on the contrary, is developing its nuclear capabilities and is currently projected to have around 165 nuclear warheads. Pakistan’s nuclear policy is to have a full spectrum of nuclear weapons from tactical nuclear weapons to strategic ballistic missiles. The main task of Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal is deterrence. Pakistan’s nuclear doctrine is intended firstly to deter India from aggression against Pakistan and secondly to prevent India from being victorious in the event of war. The basis of the doctrine of the Pakistani armed forces is the current concept of offensive defense, which assumes conducting a counterattack, the purpose of which will be to transfer a possible armed conflict to the enemy’s territory.
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Kapur, S. Paul, and Sumit Ganguly. "The Jihad Paradox: Pakistan and Islamist Militancy in South Asia." International Security 37, no. 1 (July 2012): 111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00090.
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Islamist militants based in Pakistan pose a major threat to regional and international security. Although this problem has only recently received widespread attention, Pakistan has long used militants as strategic tools to compensate for its severe political and material weakness. This use of Islamist militancy has constituted nothing less than a central component of Pakistani grand strategy; supporting jihad has been one of the principal means by which the Pakistani state has sought to produce security for itself. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, the strategy has not been wholly disastrous. Rather, it has achieved important domestic and international successes. Recently, however, Pakistan has begun to suffer from a “jihad paradox”: the very conditions that previously made Pakistan's militant policy useful now make it extremely dangerous. Thus, despite its past benefits, the strategy has outlived its utility, and Pakistan will have to abandon it to avoid catastrophe. Other weak states, which may also be tempted to use nonstate actors as strategic tools, should take the Pakistani case as a cautionary lesson.
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Nadiri, Khalid Homayun. "Old Habits, New Consequences: Pakistan's Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001." International Security 39, no. 2 (October 2014): 132–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00178.
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Since September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued seemingly incongruous courses of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and international intervention in Afghanistan at the same time as it has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban's political leadership and many of its military commanders to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of indiscriminate and costly violence directed against Islamabad by Pakistani groups affiliated with the Afghan Taliban. Pakistan's policy is the result not only of its enduring rivalry with India but also of historically rooted domestic imbalances and antagonistic relations with successive governments in Afghanistan. Three critical features of the Pakistani political system—the militarized nature of foreign policy making, ties between military institutions and Islamist networks, and the more recent rise of grassroots violence—have contributed to Pakistan's accommodation of the Afghan Taliban. Additionally, mutual suspicion surrounding the contentious Afghanistan-Pakistan border and Islamabad's long record of interference in Afghan politics have continued to divide Kabul and Islamabad, diminishing the prospect of cooperation between the two capitals. These determinants of Pakistan's foreign policy behavior reveal the prospects of and obstacles to resolving the numerous issues of contention that characterize the Afghanistan-Pakistan relationship today.
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Iftikhar, Zainab, and Ishtiaq Hossain. "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC): Its Impact on Paki-stan’s Economy and Society (Koridor Ekonomic China-Pakistan (CPEC): Kesan terhadap Ekonomic dan Sosial di Pakistan)." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN 2289-8077) 17, no. 1 (July 6, 2020): 380–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v17i1.952.
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This paper focuses on the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a mega-initiative of Pakistan and China. The CPEC is important to both Pakistan and China. It is viewed in Pakistan that CPEC is a great opportunity for development of Pakistan. This article examines the impact of CPEC on Pakistan’s economy and society. It highlights the impacts of a number of projects undertaken by CPEC such as infrastructures, Special Economic Zones (SEZ), energy, Gwadar port and social sector projects on Pakistan’s economy and society. This paper adopts a qualitative research method and the analysis made concludes that CPEC has more positive than negative impacts on Pakistani economy and society. In order to draw benefits from CPEC, its proper implementation and functioning is important.
Keywords: CPEC, Special Economic Zones, Pakistan, China.
Abstrak
Kajian ini membincangkan Koridor Ekonomi China-Pakistan (CPEC) sebagai inisiatif mega antara Pakistan dan China. Projek infrastuktur ini penting untuk kedua-dua buah negara ini terutamanya dalam memberi peluang kepada pembangunan di Pakistan. Kajian ini juga bertujuan untuk menghuraikan kesan CPEC terhadap sektor ekonomi dan sosial di Pakistan. Ia menekankan kesan projek-projek CPEC seperti dalam infrastruktur, Zon Ekonomi Khas (SEZ), Tenaga, Pelabuhan Gwadar dan projek-projek sektor Sosial untuk ekonomi dan masyarakat Pakistan. Kajian ini telah menggunakan kaedah kualitatif dan analisa dalam mengkaji bahawa pembinaan infrastruktur CPEC mempunyai kesan yang positif berbanding daripada kesan negatif untuk sektor ekonomi dan sosial. Pelaksanaan yang rapi sangat penting untuk mencapai hasil yang memuaskan.
Kata Kunci: CPEC, Zon Ekonomi Khas, Pakistan, China.
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Kamran, Taj, and Dr. Hussan Ara Magsi. "China –Pakistan Educational and Cultural Cooperation Under BRI." Pacific International Journal 6, S1 (March 5, 2023): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.55014/pij.v6is1.292.
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China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a mega-investment project that has accelerated Pakistan’s socio-economic growth. Pakistan’s higher education sector is one key area to be upgraded under CPEC. Since the conclusion of CPEC agreement in 2015, Sino-Pakistan collaboration in higher education is expanding. Beijing is offering scholarships, vocational training and Chinese language courses to Pakistani youth and providing opportunities for academic and research collaboration. This study is an attempt to examine China’s effective employment of higher education as a soft power tool to increase its influence and prestige in Pakistan. It argues that growing educational cooperation is fostering intercultural linkages as well as faculty and students’ mobility between Pakistan and China. The article suggests that Islamabad needs to expand cooperation with Beijing in areas such as faculty development, emerging fields of science and technology, industry-university linkages and digital collaboration of technology in higher education sector.
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Ahmed, Zahid. "The Unseen Effects: Assessing Zia's Socio-Economic Policies in Pakistan." Regional Tribune 2, no. 1 (December 30, 2023): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.63062/trt/2k23a.24111.
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Most of Pakistani society is segregated by ethnicity and driven by sectarian warfare. The problem harms society economically, politically, and socially. Pakistan is plagued by religious extremism. The issue has become the toughest. Pakistani Islam was deeply ingrained, but power politics, radical militarization, and political use of Islam fostered its militant expression. Zia-ul-Haq radicalized Pakistani society to build his dictatorial dictatorship. This study investigates the multiple repercussions of Zia ul Haq's socio-economic and political developments in Pakistan, focusing on Islamization. Nizam-i-Mustafa, Shariah legislation, and the Federal Shariah Court's role in reconciling Pakistan's diverse populace are examined in the study. The paper explores how these measures affect women, ethnic groups, and the judiciary. Zia's economic initiatives, including interest-free banking, Zakat, and Ushr Ordinance, are examined for Islamicity and economic impact. The study also explores political effects, highlighting public discontent in sectarian violence-affected areas. It also investigates how extremism claims have affected Pakistan's global standing. The study illuminates how religion and politics affected Pakistan's socio-political climate during Zia ul Haq.
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Evans, Malcolm D., and J. G. Merrills. "I. Recent Cases." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 50, no. 3 (July 2001): 657–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/50.3.657.
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On 21 September 1999 Pakistan filed an application instituting proceedings against India in respect of a dispute relating to the destruction in the previous month of a Pakistani military aircraft. According to Pakistan the aircraft, which was unarmed, was shot down by Indian fighter aircraft while in Pakistan air space and without warning. The 16 people aboard the aircraft, who were mostly naval trainees, were all killed. India denied all responsibility for the incident and rejected Pakistan's suggestion that a United Nations fact-finding mission should be sent to the area. Having unsuccessfully demanded some 60 million dollars compensation for India's allegedly illegal action, Pakistan then referred the matter to the Court.2
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Abdullah, Syed Shaheer Ali Shah, and Muniba Nafees. "Role of Pakistan as a Facilitator in the Intra-Afghan Dialogues." Global Political Review VIII, no. I (March 30, 2023): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(viii-i).01.
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The Afghan peace negotiations with the United States have established a unified forum for the country's future. Since the Soviet invasions and 9/11, the imbroglio and terrors attacks destabilize the Afghanistan area. Pakistan plays a key role in the resumption of the peace process. Pakistan has taken significant action to open the dialogue and invite the Taliban and the United States to the negotiating table in order to negotiate peace and stability. The Pakistani Foreign Ministry began working to reduce tension, and including Pakistan in a peace agreement would both enhance Pakistan's influence in the region and yield positive benefits as part of the peace talks process. Pakistan's efforts and dedication were important in facilitating the Two Plus Two peace talks, which had been impasses since the 9/11 terrorist attacks, as well as the US and China's roles as observers. In this paper, I will focus to illustrate Pakistan's role and to find out the critical assumption about the role of Pakistan in Afghan Peace Talks.
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Gregory, Shaun. "The View Across the Durand Line." Central Asian Affairs 1, no. 1 (April 18, 2014): 90–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00101007.
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As the regional state with the greatest influence on Afghanistan, Pakistan is pivotal to the prospects for a smooth us/nato transition in Afghanistan and for a stable Afghanistan over the longer term. Despite this, Pakistan has been largely side-lined in us and Afghan efforts to engage the Taliban and find a negotiated peace. The explanations for this lie in part in the strained contemporary us-Pakistan relationship and in historic Afghan-Pakistan antipathy and mutual suspicion, the latter shaped decisively by Afghan-Indian relations. This paper considers the view from Islamabad and argues that Pakistan could be a more constructive player in Afghanistan if the West did more to recognise and accommodate Pakistan’s national interests and paid more attention to Pakistani prescriptions for security problem-solving. It argues for a moratorium on drone strikes and cautions the West not to disengage from Pakistan or subject it to punitive sanctions.
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Khan, Muhammad Asghar, Ali Hadi Rabbani, Zamir ul Hussain, Mehwish Rafiq, Amjad Ali Maitlo, Aziz Ullah, and Asma Yasmin. "Effects of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) on the Economies of China and Pakistan." Bulletin of Business and Economics (BBE) 12, no. 4 (December 25, 2023): 341–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.61506/01.00134.
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China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which is an infrastructure and economic development project initiated by China in Pakistan in 2013. The project aims to connect China's western province of Xinjiang to the Pakistani port of Gwadar through a network of roads, railways, pipelines, and power plants. The CPEC is expected to bring several benefits to both China and Pakistan, including expanding China's economic and geopolitical influence in the region and addressing Pakistan's chronic infrastructure deficits, creating new jobs, and attracting foreign investment. The CPEC can also help to alleviate China's domestic overcapacity issues and reduce its dependence on the South China Sea for its energy imports. Moreover, it can improve Pakistan's regional and global connectivity and enhance its geopolitical importance as a gateway to South Asia and the Middle East. However, the success of the CPEC will depend on various factors, including political stability, security, and effective implementation of the project. Overall, the CPEC represents a win-win scenario for China and Pakistan, as it can provide economic benefits to both countries while promoting regional connectivity and integration.
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Ahmed, Zahid Shahab. "Islam and the Politics of Secularism in Pakistan." Religions 14, no. 3 (March 19, 2023): 416. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14030416.
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In terms of their political and ideological success, Pakistani Islamists have had several ups and downs since Pakistan became the Islamic Republic in 1956. Islamists strive to safeguard the Islamic state’s status quo while simultaneously expanding the reach of Sharia. Despite insignificant electoral victories, Islamists have largely been able to dictate national identity policies to civilian and military governments. A major hurdle to the promotion of pluralism in Pakistan is noticeable through persistent opposition to secularism by major political actors. Despite different political ideologies, major political parties refrain from promoting secularism in Pakistan; however, such views are more rigid in the case of Islamists. The purpose of this article, therefore, is to examine and compare the discourses of Islamists and other political parties in relation to Pakistan’s identity, reforms and anti-Westernism, religious minorities, and secularism. Based on the analysis, this paper argues that the views of Islamists and non-religious political parties are very similar regarding Islam and Pakistan’s identity, secularism, and minority rights in Pakistan.
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Maqbool, Muhammad Shahid, Furrukh Bashir, Hafeez ur Rehman, and Rashid Ahmad. "Pakistan’s Exports and Global Economy: Export Competitiveness and Efficiency of Toys and Games." Review of Education, Administration & LAW 4, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 813–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/real.v4i4.200.
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The aim of this study is to examine the export performance and competitiveness of Pakistan's toy exports by using different indices of revealed comparative advantage. The data were looked at from the International Trade Centre (ITC) for Pakistan’s toys exports during 2004-2020. The results of this study show that Pakistan enjoyed a comparative advantage in exporting toys to the world market during 2004-2020, because the RCA index is greater than 1. The positive values of RSCA and LnRCA indicate that Pakistan had a CA in the concerned sector during 2004-2020. The study also observed that Pakistan had a competitive advantage by employing Vollrath index (RCA#). In addition, the revealed competitiveness index (RC) indicates that Pakistan experienced competitiveness in the toy export sector. The RMA index shows that Pakistan also enjoyed a comparative advantage in the imports of toys during 2004-2020. This means that Pakistan also imports these products from other economies of the world. The index of RTA describes that Pakistan had a net comparative advantage in this sector during analysis. TBI illustrates that Pakistan is the net-exporter in the toys and games sector in the global economy. Pakistan's toy manufacturers need to find new innovative and technologically advanced methods to stimulate domestic toy production and exports.
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Zahid, Naeem, Haakon E. Meyer, Bernadette N. Kumar, Bjørgulf Claussen, and Akhtar Hussain. "High Levels of Cardiovascular Risk Factors among Pakistanis in Norway Compared to Pakistanis in Pakistan." Journal of Obesity 2011 (2011): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2011/163749.
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Objectives. Previous studies have shown that the Norwegian-Pakistanis had considerably higher prevalence for diabetes and obesity compared to Norwegians. We studied the additional risk of obesity, dyslipidemia, and hypertension among Pakistanis in Norway compared to Pakistanis living in Pakistan.Method. 770 Norwegian-Pakistani adults (53.9% men and 46.1% women) born in Pakistan from two surveys conducted in Norway between 2000 and 2002 were compared with a sample of 1230 individuals (29.1% men and 70.9% women) that participated in a survey in Pakistan in 2006.Results. Both populations had similar height, but Norwegian-Pakistanis had considerably higher mean weight. Of the Norwegian-Pakistanis, 56% of the males and 40% of the females had a BMI above 25 kg/m2, as opposed to 30% and 56% in Pakistan, for males and females, respectively. Norwegian-Pakistanis had higher total cholesterol.Conclusion. Obesity and an unfavourable lipid profile were widely prevalent in both populations; the highest level was recorded amongst those living in Norway. The increased risk for obesity and dyslipidemia may be ascribed to change of lifestyle after migration.
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Khan, Rustam, and Muhammad Riaz Mahmood. "Challenges in the Application of Islamic Ideology to the Foreign Policy of Pakistan." ISLAMIC STUDIES 61, no. 4 (December 31, 2022): 445–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.52541/isiri.v61i4.2493.
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This article analyses the challenges and prospects of applying Islamic Ideology to Pakistan’s foreign policy. Historically, Pakistan is a country that advocates and defends Islamic ideology that drove the independence struggle of the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent and was outlined in the Pakistan Resolution (1940), the vision of Allama Muhammad Iqbal, and the three Pakistani constitutions. Peace, respect for human rights, protection of the right to self-determination, and support for the oppressed are the main structural elements of Pakistan’s foreign policy. However, despite this ideological background, several practical challenges prevent harmonizing Pakistan’s foreign policy with Islamic principles. This article provides an analysis of these challenges.
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Gillani, Syed Karam Elahi, and Zeeshan Ashraf Qureshi. "Mal-Practices of Corporate Governance in Pakistani Financial Institutions: Overview of Panama and Pandora Leaks." Global Legal Studies Review VII, no. I (March 30, 2022): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glsr.2022(vii-i).02.
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Malpractices of corporate governance in Pakistan are identified in Panama and Pandora's papers published for secret gains. These leaks highlighted the names of Pakistan's personalities involved in financial crime, including tax evasion and money laundering. Further, there are certain allegations of financial crimes against the renowned personalities of Pakistan. Therefore, the matter is pivotal for Pakistan because of financial constraints due to the sanctions imposed by FATF. It is a need of the hour to look into this matter because our economy is on the ventilator due to financial crimes. Further, to understand how our institutions are dealing with financial crimes. For this research, the library and internet sources were used for data collection. The qualitative methodologies are adopted for this analytical and descriptive study, and data analysis is carried out through a critical analysis of the Pakistani legal framework. Therefore, this article has highlighted the issues related to governance and its impact on the economic system of Pakistan. Further, it is concluded that Pakistani institutions need statutory help preventing the increasing rate of mal-practices of financial transactions and white color crime in Pakistan.
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Khan, Asghar, Amjad Ali Dadda, and Syed Ali Shah. "Nuclear Security and Diplomacy in South Asia: Future Prospects for the Nuclear Pakistan." Global Regional Review III, no. I (December 30, 2018): 182–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2018(iii-i).13.
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This paper rationalizes the major pressures on Pakistani nuclear program in a regional perspective and explores the sufficiency of various solutions that Pakistan can adopt to cope with them. The paper argues that though Pakistan reluctantly entered the nuclear race compelled by India, the club of early nuclear powers does not recognize this compulsion. The pressures on Pakistan are multifarious: sanctions on acquisition of arms, aid, and engaging in economic activities and overt/covert diplomacy (ranging from persuasion to intimidation and isolation). The paper finds that for Pakistan, besides nuclear arms, the main issues are her statehood, security, and development. The paper recommends that future demographic developments and finding a solution to the economic woes would help Pakistan in making its nuclear programme safe. The change in global perception about Pakistan’s economic and security needs would help in achieving this aim.
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Shah, Ayaz Ali, Mehreen Ali, and Syed Aizaz Ali Shah. "Pakistan's Foreign Policy and Eastern Border Security Threats (1947-55)." Volume 2, Issue 2 2, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.55737/qjssh.449446601.
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Since Independence in 1947, Pakistan's foreign policy has been indo-centric. There were two main goals that drove foreign policy decisions during the 1947-55 period: security and foreign economic aid. Rather than going to the Soviet Union to achieve its goals, Pakistan turned to the West and offered conditional support against the spread of communism throughout South Asia. In the end, Pakistan joined the U.S.-backed anti-Soviet alliances without receiving any guarantees of security from the United States. Pakistan's foreign policy was radically altered as a result of this. Strategic, political, and economic implications of this new overture are the focus of this paper. These two phases of foreign policy are examined in terms of their costs and benefits. Pakistan's security and economic affairs will also be examined in light of this development. Relations between the United States and Pakistan and Pakistani institutions will also be considered.
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Kanafyeva, Shynar. "Discourse of Ethnic and Religious Minorities in Modern Pakistan." Eurasian Journal of Religious Studies 38, no. 2 (2024): 84–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.26577//ejrs.2024.v38.i2.r8.
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This study examines the Pakistani state’s policy towards religious minorities and some criteria for identifying ethnic groups. The study revealed the characteristics of perceptions of religious minorities and ethnic groups as dynamic, processual, relational, contextual, situational and intersectional. By analyzing the censuses and their indicators, Pakistan's legal framework for religious minorities, their geographical location is revealed. Much attention is paid to the 2017 census, which has raised issues regarding the size of religious minorities. The article cites several important differences in numbers, origins, legitimacy, and social status among religious minorities. This article is based on field research in cities of Pakistan such as Lahore, Peshawar, and Islamabad, where focus group interviews were conducted with professors at the Pakistan Study Center, University of Peshawar, and a semi-structured interview with Iqbal Kaiser, Director of the Punjabi Khoj Garh Research Center.Thus, the purpose of this study was to reveal Pakistan’s policy towards religious minorities and ethnic groups in the context of the legal framework. The study of the legislative framework and overt policies of the Pakistani administration as well as analyzing the status of religious minorities were the main objectives of this study. On the basis of historiographical analysis and comparative-historical discourse method, the emergence of the category and problem of religious minorities in the context of concepts of nation-state, democracy and international politics is assessed.
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Sarfraz, Najam, Hassnain Moawia, and Humna Abdul Jabbar. "PAKISTAN’S STRATEGIC DEPTH IN AFGHANISTAN AMBIVALENCE AFTER THE TALIBAN-US AGREEMENT OF 2020." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 01 (March 31, 2022): 551–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i1.678.
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The purpose of this study is to examine how Pakistan's choice of strategic depth affected the security environment between Afghanistan and Pakistan. After analysing the changing geopolitical landscape in Afghanistan in the wake of the US-Taliban agreement on February 29, 2020, this study also outlines numerous Pakistani strategic challenges and rational choices. Data was be collected and processed using primary documents, such as draughts of agreements between the United States of America and the Taliban, draughts of joint declarations of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and the United States of America for bringing peace to Afghanistan, and official statements from the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of the United States, China, Russia, Pakistan, Iran, and India. Research papers, think tank studies, newspaper sources, official statements from key players, and other secondary sources will be used to collect data. The prior research did not examine how Pakistan's rational decision to pursue strategic depth affected the Afghan-Pakistan issue, how this understanding is interpreted by defence policy stakeholders, or what other rational options Pakistan might have. This study has overcome this gap. Keywords: Strategic, Ambivalence, Taliban-US Agreement, Pakistan
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Hassan, T. "Forensic psychiatry in Pakistan: Where next following the Supreme Court judgement." European Psychiatry 65, S1 (June 2022): S600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/j.eurpsy.2022.1536.
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Introduction No statutory mental health services exist for justice-involved individuals in Pakistan. The lack of expertise in forensic psychiatry serves to deny individuals with mental illness the critical support needed for mental healthcare and adequate court dispositions with serious unintended consequences including capital punishment for those who could otherwise be deemed treatment and not punishment worthy. A landmark judgement by the Supreme Court of Pakistan in February 2021 criticized the lack of forensic psychiatry expertise in Pakistan and directing the development of forensic mental health services and forensic psychiatry training in Pakistan. Objectives The key objectives are: 1. Understanding the timeline of how justice invloved individuals are manged by psychiatric services 2. The importance of the Supreme Court of Pakistan Judgement in affecting change 3. Highlights on how Queen’s University will enhance forensic psychiatry in Pakistan Methods A literature review and personal networking facilitated the collection of important data in how justice invloved individuals are supported in Pakistan. The author has published and presented to Pakistani psychiatrists and the Pakistani judiciary on this topic. Queen’s University is aiming to implement a 3-year plan to develop an online curriculum and certificate course to help train the trainers. Results In the Pakistan’s most populous province, Punjab, prevalence rates for psychotic illnesses (3.7%), major depression (10%), and personality disorders (65%) among men with higher rates for psychotic disorders (4.0%) and major depression (12%) among women. Conclusions In conclusion there is a dire need to develop forensic psychiatry in Pakistan and other low/middle income countries. Disclosure No significant relationships.
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Faqih, Muhammad, and Ellyda Retpitasari. "KONSEP KETATANEGARAAN PAKISTAN PERSPEKTIF FIQH SIYASAH." Tafáqquh: Jurnal Penelitian Dan Kajian Keislaman 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.52431/tafaqquh.v9i1.383.
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The purpose of this research is to find out the pakistani constitutional system in terms of tate institutions and fiqh siyasah. The method used is library reaserch with two approaches, namely conseptual approach and historical approach. The results of the research of the concept of Pakistani state regulation fiqh siyasah perspective in the era: (1) In general the state of Pakistan can be said to be a country with a weak democracies system, this is motivated by the unstable system of government and constitutional system since Pakistan's independence in 1947. In addition, the cause of the instability of the country is the violence and feud between three social forces, namely Hindus who are the majority in India, indian Muslims who are minorities and The British as invaders with modern political and technological forces that developed in the country of pakistan. (2) The establishment of the Indian Muslim League, Muhammad Ali Jinnah initiated the theory of "two nations" and formally presented the demands of a Muslim homeland separate from India. In a 1940 resolution the Muslim League conveyed the establishment of an independent and fully sovereign Pakistani state. (3) On 15 August 1947 Pakistan was born as a fully sovereign state for Indian Muslims. Islam and Muslims in Pakistan have made a real contribution in the development of civilization in the Islamic world. Pakistan is a country that takes Islam as a source of law has become a phenomenon in the study of the relationship of the country and religion in Islam.
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Shah, Syed Asad Ali. "Challenges and Opportunities: The Fluctuating Relations Between Pakistan and Iran." Journal of Advances in Humanities Research 2, no. 3 (July 7, 2023): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.56868/jadhur.v2i3.165.
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Pakistan and Iran are considered key players in regional and international politics. Despite their religious and cultural similarities, Pakistan and Iran have had a long history of strained diplomatic ties. This paper explores both countries' significant security and political challenges in maintaining friendly relationships. Furthermore, public perception has also been considered to examine public opinion on the relationship between Pakistan and Iran. This study uses the Gallup and Gilani Pakistan National Survey's (1991 & 2015) empirical polling data on public opinion regarding Pak-Iran relations to understand how Pakistanis view the relationship between the two countries. The survey results indicate that the majority of the Pakistani general public favor Pak-Iran relations. The study shows that Pakistan and Iran have managed to ensure their state survival by making tough security and political decisions that, in many cases, have damaged or even caused disharmony and friction between them.
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Kapur, S. Paul. "India and Pakistan's Unstable Peace: Why Nuclear South Asia Is Not Like Cold War Europe." International Security 30, no. 2 (October 2005): 127–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016228805775124570.
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Scholars attribute conventional violence in a nuclear South Asia to a phenomenon known as the “stability/instability paradox.” According to this paradox, the risk of nuclear war makes it unlikely that conventional confict will escalate to the nuclear level, thereby making conventional confict more likely. Although this phenomenon encouraged U.S.-Soviet violence during the Cold War, it does not explain the dynamics of the ongoing confict between India and Pakistan. Recent violence has seen Pakistan or its proxies launching limited attacks on Indian territory, and India refusing to retaliate in kind. The stability/instability paradox would not predict such behavior. A low probability of conventional war escalating to the nuclear level would reduce the ability of Pakistan's nuclear weapons to deter an Indian conventional attack. Because Pakistan is conventionally weaker than India, this would discourage Pakistani aggression and encourage robust Indian conventional retaliation against Pakistani provocations. Pakistani boldness and Indian restraint have actually resulted from instability in the strategic environment. A full-scale Indo-Pakistani conventional confict would create a significant risk of nuclear escalation. This danger enables Pakistan to launch limited attacks on India while deterring allout Indian conventional retaliation and attracting international attention to the two countries' dispute over Kashmir. Unlike in Cold War Europe, in contemporary South Asia nuclear danger facilitates, rather than impedes, conventional confict.
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Arhama Siddiqa. "Pakistan-GCC Relationship: Reframing Policy Trajectories." Strategic Studies 41, no. 1 (May 9, 2021): 87–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.01.0054.
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For some time, Pakistan’s Gulf policy has largely focused on upholding cultural and religious ties, rather than building sustainable economic linkages. Though energy resources have been prioritised, overall efforts towards improving economic ties with the Gulf have been lacklustre. Given the present global economic crunch, if Pakistan’s underutilised economic card is used wisely, it could give the Pakistani economy much-needed reprieve. This article briefly outlines the nature of Pakistan’s relations with the GCC. Then it will continue on to argue that Pakistan should shift from a more strategic/political relation to a more economic-based one with all of the GCC since economic interdependence is more sustainable. By revitalising trade with all the GCC countries, improving the system of remittances and maintaining neutrality on all fronts, the state of Pakistan can help to steer its economy and could gain immense economic benefits out of the present turbulent economic situation country is facing.
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Gohar, Nadia, Muhammad Saqib Irshad, Saima Liaqat, and Aminah Khawer. "Trade Opportunities, Competitiveness, and Trade Potential in Pakistan: An Analysis of GCC Regional Countries." Empirical Economic Review 5, no. 2 (December 28, 2022): 65–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.29145/eer.52.04.
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Pakistan and GCC region share a common religion and cultural characteristics, increasing their importance to Pakistan regarding trade policy. To promote economic, cultural, and technical cooperation with GCC members, Pakistan is committed to signing a free trade arrangement with GCC. This paper aims to examine Pakistan's trade opportunities, competitiveness, and trade potential in the GCC region during 2003-2017. The result shows that Pakistan has the maximum comparative and competitive advantage with Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and UAE amongst GCC countries. PPML shows that the main trade indicators responsible for Pakistan’s bilateral trade enhancement are GDP in both countries and partner country trade openness. Amongst the GCC countries, Pakistan has the highest trade potential with Bahrain, Kuwait, and Qatar. In contrast, with UAE and Saudi Arabia, Pakistan has a lower trade potential than the rest of the countries. Therefore, Pakistan needs to sign FTA with GCC before boosting their mutual trade and cooperation.
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Qayum, Huma, Syed Ali Shah, and Zubaria Andlib. "Implications of Pak-Afghan Transit Trade for Regional Security." Global Regional Review I, no. I (December 30, 2016): 167–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2016(i-i).13.
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Pak-Afghan relations have almost remained far from being normal and under the grip of allegations and counter allegation due to several bilateral political issues. However, trade relations have remained unrestrained from several decades. Afghanistan as a landlocked state always relied on Pakistani ports for its trade requirements with the rest of the world. Despite ups and downs in the relations, Pakistan provided the trade provision to Afghanistan under 1965 trade agreement which was replaced in October 2010 with agreement providing better trade facilities to Afghanistan with India. Pakistan has security concerns over India, as Indo-Afghan trade will reduce Pakistan’s imports of goods. Growing Indian presence in the form of huge investment in Afghanistan has threatened Pakistan’s security. Trade has great potential for Pakistan, India, and Afghanistan but security and sincereity are required for implementation of such agreements.
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Usman, Sahibzada Muhammad. "FATA Merges into Pakistan’s National System." South Asian Survey 29, no. 1 (February 3, 2022): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09715231221075126.
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This article examines the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) in the Pakistani national system. In the current global war on terrorism, Pakistan’s FATA became a stronghold from jihadist to terrorist. After 9/11, under international pressure, the Pakistani government worked hard to implement its law in FATA. During this process, Pakistani forces push the Taliban out of tribal areas through military operations. To guarantee peace, prosperity and stability in the area, Pakistan combines mainstream tribal areas into the country by implementing a comprehensive legal framework for illegal areas. This article examines Pakistan’s integration options that allow FATA to enter its federal system and inspects the integrating tribal areas with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) Province, which has great similarities with its race, religion and culture and is part of the federal system for 70 years. This article also focuses on the economic and administrative reforms necessary to establish real national control and FATA’s consolidation on an equal footing with other provinces of Pakistan.
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Nadeem, MSc, Ali Bin, and YSA Chandna. "Remotely Piloted Life-Saving Effort vehicles and emergency management: An analysis on revolutionizing humanitarian assistance in Pakistan." Journal of Emergency Management 16, no. 1 (March 5, 2018): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5055/jem.2018.0349.
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The majority of the Pakistani public has known little of the unmanned aerial vehicles, also known for their onomatopoeically inspired name “drones,” except the fact that it regularly rains Hellfire missiles in Pakistan, claiming the lives of many innocent Pakistanis settled in the western provinces. In actuality, in addition to their destructive capacities, these remotely piloted vehicles have been used since the turn of the century in a variety of live-saving and risk-reducing roles. This research article primarily addresses the third stage of Emergency management response, with Pakistan being the primary region of research. This research article will first begin by diagnosing and accurately delineating the types of humanitarian crisis that grip Pakistan, devastating its land, exhausting its limited resources in its weak, and now almost archaic, disaster response strategy that results in the prolongation of its citizens’ plight. Subsequently, this article will describe the history of the usage of unmanned vehicles, its multi-functional capacities, and its relevance in aiding humanitarian response efforts in disaster-stricken areas. Finally, this article will propose the introduction of Remotely Piloted Life-Saving Effort (RELIEF) vehicles in performing analysis and surveillance roles in Pakistan's disaster-prone and disaster-struck areas and its capacity to dramatically improve and expedite the existing relief supply delivery systems in place.
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Imran, Muhammad, Rao Qasim Idrees, and Muhammad Arif Saeed. "Pendency of Cases in Pakistan: Causes and Consequences." Current Trends in Law and Society 4, no. 1 (February 20, 2024): 52–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.52131/ctls.2024.0401.0031.
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The legal system of any civilized society is built on the principles of justice. Unfortunately, Pakistan's legal system is unable to keep up with the demand. Approximately, two million cases are under trial in Pakistani courts. In Pakistan, justice has become both a dream and an impossible goal. The only practice followed in Pakistan is a delayed. The main goal of this article is to highlight why justice is taking so long. Complex rules, outdated laws that don't work, the way judges and lawyers think, and a backlog of cases in Pakistan's higher and lower courts all add to how long it takes to get justice. This paper discusses about why the courts in Pakistan take so long and what can be done to fix the problems they cause. This study examines the relationship between the growing backlog of cases and the development of injustice. This article also discusses about how slow justice affects both society as a whole and the people who are going to court. This article concludes with suggestions to make an effective Justice system of Pakistan.
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Khan, Asghar Ullah, Zain Ul Abiden Malik, and Hani Fatima. "AN EXPLORATORY STUDY ON THE DYNAMICS OF RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM IN PAKISTAN." Journal of Social Research Development 01, no. 01 (June 30, 2020): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.53664/jsrd/01-01-2020-08-85-92.
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Although domestic terrorism has long been a global threat, many countries have only just started developing systemic policies to tackle the root causes of religious extremism. Studying front-line countries like Pakistan is critical to understanding how to tackle the challenge effectively. Despite Pakistan's war with anti-government rebels like Pakistani Taliban, Pakistan has struggling for more than decade to resolve theoretical aspects of those problems. Since the key majority of nefarious activities in Pakistan are carried out by entities that promote religion and justify Islam. It is vital that extremist drivers should be eliminated from Pakistan and other countries. We understand theological element. Ethnic minorities have targeted and harassed often by the religious fundamentalist groups for years. Unless the state avoids this trend, state will soon base itself on the prevailing narrative of extremism; it will only provide Sunni living space while restricting the limits of religious beliefs of minorities and living as free citizens. Most sensitive issue of Pakistan national security is extremism.
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Gul, Asha. "Analyzing Pakistan’s Trade Opportunity with Turkey." LAHORE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS 19, Special Edition (September 1, 2014): 349–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35536/lje.2014.v19.isp.a15.
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Growing economic cooperation between the Pakistani and Turkish governments—manifested in the recently proposed preferential trade agreement (PTA)—has served to strengthen the historically good relations between both countries. This paper explores the trade relationship between Pakistan and Turkey in an attempt to analyze the potential gains for Pakistan under the proposed PTA. We evaluate potential trade opportunities using descriptive statistics and three trade indices: a trade complementarity index, export similarity index, and intraindustry index. Our findings suggest that Pakistan’s trade surplus with Turkey, strong export similarities, and intra-industry trade would allow greater opportunities for firm synergies between the two countries. This, in turn, would help Pakistan achieve greater value addition and a broader market base for its exports. The Government of Pakistan should, therefore, lobby strongly for the proposed PTA (which might later evolve into a free trade agreement) and leverage the agreement in such a way that Pakistan can maximize its potential benefits.
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Fatima, Noor, and Imran Ashraf. "Pakistan: Identity in Foreign Policy and Anti-Westernism." Global Pakistan Studies Research Review V, no. I (December 30, 2022): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpsrr.2022(v-i).01.
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This article aims at dealing with different dimensions of Pakistan’s foreign policy, particularly the challenges to it during and after the Cold War. These challenges were mostly unilateral in the sense that Pakistan was captive to the grand American design in the Middle East and in Western Asia. There is much anti-American and anti-Western rhetoric by right-wing parties, both religious and non-religious, particularly after 9/11. The article attempts on developing an understanding on identity constructions that accompanied the Pakistani foreign policy collaboration with USA., the research seeks to understand what national identity constructions were attempted by the Pakistani foreign policymaking elite in the context of a foreign policy convergence between Pakistan and the USA. Therefore, examines the contradictions in the attempts at identity construction that how Pakistan the pursuit of security and consequent policy is accompanied by certain identity constructions highlighting the conformity non-conformity" of the element of "anti-western.
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Unnikrishnan, Athira, Abdullah Mohammad Khan, Preeti Narayan, and Maxim Norkin. "Striking age differences of multiple myeloma (MM) diagnosis in patients of Indian and Pakistani descent in the United States compared to native countries." Journal of Clinical Oncology 35, no. 15_suppl (May 20, 2017): e13070-e13070. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2017.35.15_suppl.e13070.
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e13070 Background: Several studies from India and Pakistan have reported a median younger age of MM diagnosis as compared that of western population. The exact reason for the younger age of myeloma diagnosis in this population is not well understood. Methods: We used the SEER database to analyze age of MM diagnosis in subjects of Indian and Pakistani descent in the United States and compared it to the published data of MM diagnosis in India and Pakistan. Patients with ICD—O-3 morphologic codes (9732/3) and race code 15/16/17 identifying Asian Indians and Pakistanis were identified in the SEER registry data (1973-2013). Data on year of diagnosis, race, sex and age were collected. Four published retrospective studies involving local Indians or Pakistanis patients identified using PUBMED. Average Median age and male to female ratio (M: F) was calculated in both groups and compared for any difference Results: 146 myeloma patients of either Indian or Pakistani descent were identified from the SEER registry. The median age of diagnosis was 67 years with a mean age of 66.1 years. The male to female ratio was 1.41. The retrospective studies analyzed had a total of 495 myeloma patients with median age at diagnosis of 56 years and male to female ratio of 2.01, suggesting that multiple myeloma presented almost a decade earlier in native Indian and Pakistani patients compared to their US counter parts. Conclusions: Subjects in India and Pakistan were significantly younger at the time of MM diagnosis as compared to subjects of Indian and Pakistani descent diagnosed with MM in the US suggesting an environmental factor involved with myeloma genesis in subjects living in India and Pakistan. [Table: see text]
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Ferdous, Reffat, and Saiyeed Shahjada Al Kareem. "Bengali Nationalism and Identity Construction in Fagun Haway (In Spring Breeze, 2019)." Social Science Review 40, no. 2 (April 1, 2024): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/ssr.v40i2.72127.
Full textAbstract:
The years 1948-1952 were pivotal for the history of Bangladesh. The question of what would be the state language was raised by the people of this country. Muslim leaders in Pakistan, at the time, believed that Urdu should be the state language because it had become recognized as the cultural symbol of sub-continental Muslims. However, most of Pakistan’s population, the Bengalis of eastern Pakistan, to whom Urdu was a foreign language, considered it a ploy by the West Pakistanis to colonize East Pakistan. Protests erupted across East Pakistan after the then Prime Minister of Pakistan replaced Bangla as the state language with Urdu. On February 21, 1952, a student protest resulted in the deaths of some students by police. The language movement drew Bengalis’ attention to their collective aspirations to create a new nation and nationalist identity, leading them to fight for an imagined sovereign state, Bangladesh. Against the backdrop of our language movement, Fagun Haway (In Spring Breeze, 2019), a film by Tauquir Ahmed, captures the anecdotes of Pakistani repression towards Bengalis by portraying the nationalist consciousness and identity approaches of this nation. Employing the concept of nationalism and the historical development of our identity approaches, this paper shows that Ahmed displays the coexistence of Bengali and Muslim identity approaches as well as the contentious relationship between these two approaches inside our nationalism at that time. Besides, Bengaliness is viewed as the dominating approach when the debate over the state language turns into a divisive political one and a fight for our very existence. Social Science Review, Vol. 40(2), December 2023 Page: 39-58