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1
Cohen, Stephen P., and Brian Cloughley. "A History of the Pakistan Army: Wars and Insurrections." Journal of Military History 64, no. 2 (April 2000): 609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120322.
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Vorobiev, V. V. "ROLE OF THE ARMY IN MODERN PAKISTAN." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 156–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-156-164.
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The article studies the political development of the country in the modern period. Special attention is paid to the position of the army and its role in the Pakistani society. The article explores in detail the processes of gradual distancing of the army from politics and strengthening of civil society institutions. It is the first time in the Pakistani history that the civilian government managed to complete its full five-year constitutional term. Meanwhile, the country has been advancing on the path to democracy even after the elections 2013: a new civilian government has been formed in Pakistan. As compared with the previous phases of the country's development, the status of the army has considerably changed, evolved from "guiding force" to "shadow" guarantee of democratic development. The process has been largely encouraged by popular among officers feeling of tiredness: many of them are not ready to take power into their own hands and committed to their strictly constitutional duties. Despite this recent positive trend, the army continues to enjoy great authority in the society, often brokers political crisis and helps civilian authorities in settling such pressing problems as, for example, fight against extremism. The military will exert influence on government unless civil authorities are able to resist the current challenges and settle the actual problems. The role of "power broker" fully serves the interests of the top army brass.
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Shamim, Muhammad Usman, Saira Iqbal, and Muhammad Shoaib. "Socio-Economic Requisites of Democracy: A Historical Analysis of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan." Global Economics Review VIII, no. I (March 30, 2023): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/ger.2023(viii-i).02.
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This article thoroughly examines the socio-economic requisites of democracy in Pakistan in the context of history. It also discusses the social and economic difficulties faced by Pakistan's due to the uneven transition of democracy. The objective of the research is to evaluate the element related to democratic change and moreover, it investigates the variables connected with Pakistan's democracy decline. This article is descriptive and analytic in nature. Secondary sources such as books, research papers, newspaper articles and reports are used for the collection of data. The findings suggest that Pakistan’s democratic transition has been faced many socio-economic problems. This critical socio-economic condition challenges local security allows the military to take over Pakistan several times. The involvement of the army in government raises many issues related to socio-economic challenges. The patterns of continuous ascent in Islamic hostility have also been related with the military government. Pakistan promotes the religion-nationalistic institution worked as local armies to achieve foreign policies to come up with military governments; therefore, socio-economic development was neglected. As the result, Pakistan faced an uneven transition to democracy.
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Ankit, Rakesh. "Mountbatten, Auchinleck and the End of the British Indian Army: August–November 1947." Britain and the World 12, no. 2 (September 2019): 172–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2019.0325.
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Juxtaposing the private papers of Louis Mountbatten and Claude Auchinleck, this article seeks to shed light on the most influential factor in the reconstitution of the British Indian Army into the Indian and Pakistani armies, namely, the two men's worsening relationship between April and November 1947, in view of what each saw as the other's partisan position, and its consequences: the closure of Auchinleck's office and his departure from India. In doing so, it brings to the fore another aspect of that fraught period of transition, at the end of which the British Indian Empire was transformed into the dominions of India and Pakistan, and highlights the peculiar predicament in which the British found themselves during the transfer of power.
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Sultana, Summer, and Nuzhat Jahan. "SACKING OF DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENTS IN PAKISTAN: A CRITICAL REVIEW." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 57, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v57i1.110.
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A commonly accepted definition of the democracy is; “Rule of the majority by the supreme power vested in the people and exercised by them directly”. The democratic government may remain in power until and unless people repose the confidence over it. In Pakistan the main reason of failure of the democracy is that, it is generally against the social behavior of Pakistan. Just because of this the democracy could not come around in Pakistan, yet people cannot be incriminated for the same. The history is witnessed that Pakistani people had supported all social movements having collective ambitions but unluckily after freedom no political party or leadership was available to Pakistanis which could do something for them. Soon after freedom bureaucrats had prevalence in the government due to this the overall control remained in the hands of Governor General or non-representatives. So, democratic institutions could not attain freedom from them. Undoubtedly from the beginning the Pakistan Army attained a dominating role in the system of government and in the field of politics and during the last 60 years they remained in rule for more than a half of the tenure and the political governments were never allowed to take any step freely. In the current scenario Pakistan should have to pass through a democratic way which was stopped by the Armed forces and bureaucracy by adopting different means.
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Kuszewska, Agnieszka. "Naya Pakistan?" Politeja 17, no. 1(64) (February 26, 2020): 295–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.64.15.
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Naya Pakistan? The Selected Issues of Pakistan’s Foreign Policy in View of the Transformations in the Regional Security
The Islamic Republic of Pakistan faces many internal and external challenges and remains a major point of reference in contemporary international security analysis. This article examines selected issues relating to Pakistan’s foreign policy contextualized within the transformations in the security dynamics of South Asia. The specificity of the security environment in South Asia, the least politically and economically integrated region of the world, engaged in the protracted Kashmir conflict, serves as the starting point for the multi-dimensional study of the key objectives of Pakistan’s foreign strategy towards its neighbouring states, such as India, China and Afghanistan. Methodological approach for this research is based on offensive realism, which seems to present the appropriate explanatory tool for studying the South Asian securityrelated specificity. The naya (new) Pakistan narrative, promoted by the Prime Minister Imran Khan seems hardly a game-changing chapter in the history of the state. Analysis of Pakistan’s current policies, persistent domination of the army over the state’s bureaucracy, increasing dependency on external loans and bailouts provokes rather opposite conclusions. Pakistan’s strategic goals vis-à-vis Afghanistan and India exploit its own resources and strongly affect the regional security system whilst the country has no adequate means to achieve them. Consequently, there is a vital need of a paradigm shift in Pakistan’s regional security calculus from ideologically motivated, unfeasible claims to a more cooperative posture, supplemented by campaigns for de-radicalization. This research study was conducted during seven trips to Pakistan during the last decade; the results and conclusions of this study were discussed and debated with academics and other South Asia experts both in Asia and in Europe.
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Al-Mubarak, Tawfique. "Sarmila Bose, Dead Reckoning: Memories of the 1971 Bangladesh War." ICR Journal 4, no. 3 (July 15, 2013): 472–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v4i3.470.
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In 1971, by a devastating war, Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) achieved independence from (West) Pakistan. Since then, both parties have documented and presented their research findings on the war. However, many of these findings have lacked credibility. Perhaps the only objective account on the 1971 war has been Richard Sisson and Leo Rose’s War and Secession: Pakistan, India and the Creation of Bangladesh (1991). Sarmila Bose’s recent work, Dead Reckoning, today constitutes a significant contribution to the research on Bangladesh’s war of independence, all the more so for its unique methodology in using multiple sources of original information and cross-checked eyewitness testimonies from all parties involved. Pakistani army personnel as well as Bangladeshi muktijoddhas (freedom fighters) and victims of the war were interviewed to authenticate currently available materials, many of which appear to have been exaggerated with the force of emotion. This distinguishes the work from many other books authored by proponents of either party to the conflict. This book is certainly an eye-opener for researchers on the 1971 war.
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Parray, Tauseef Ahmad. "UNDERSTANDING PAKISTAN THROUGH LITERATURE: AN APPRAISAL OF SOME RECENT WORKS." Analisa: Journal of Social Science and Religion 4, no. 01 (August 1, 2019): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v4i01.778.
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Pakistan, the second most populous Muslim country after Indonesia, came into existence on 14th August, 1947, after the division of ‘British ruled’ India (into India and Pakistan). From its inception to present, Pakistan covers a tumultuous history of over seven decades (1947-2019). Among the South Asian countries, no quantum of scholarship has been produced on any country—its history, religion (and religious ideology), politics, society, economy, and other inter-related issue—than Pakistan. This has continued in the last as well as present century. From 2010 onwards, numerous works have been published on religion, politics, military, and other aspects of Pakistan. This review essay, in this framework, presents an assessment of three (3) important works, published in between 2012 and 2014, so that to get clues of the various aspects of Pakistan. Following a descriptive-cum-comparative methodological approach, the books assessed and examined are: Ian Talbot, Pakistan: A New History (2012); Faisal Devji, Muslim Zion: Pakistan as a Political Idea (2013); and Aqil Shah, The Army and Democracy: Military Politics in Pakistan (2014). This assessment helps us in understanding the diverse scholarly approaches adopted (by different scholars) in studying Pakistan. The major argument put forth is that such an appraisal helps us not only in understanding the history of Pakistan, but in analyzing the issues and challenges Pakistan has faced, and is facing—be they religious, political, or related to military and security, etc.
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Asgher, Muhammad Faizan, and Shabnam Gul. "Intelligence Cooperation and National Security Shift of Pakistan." Global Political Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2021): 101–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(vi-i).09.
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The concept of intelligence cooperation and national security is not new, particularly after realism which interpreted these concepts with different perspectives. International states are sovereign, and they got the capacity to secure themselves from internal and external threats, i.e., army is a key to state security as it can attack the enemy to protect its borders. States are not all the time hostiles, but after 9/11, the concept of national security with refers to intelligence cooperation is a highly debatable issue. This paper study the concept of intelligence cooperation with reference to Pakistan in the previous history and present perspectives after 9/11 and the Global war against terrorism.
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Mookherjee, Nayanika. "‘Occupying’ the womb: Disrupted kinship futures and sovereign logics in sexual violence during wars." Critique of Anthropology 43, no. 4 (December 2023): 422–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x231216250.
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This article seeks to ethnographically highlight the multiple uses of gene/alogy (as explored by Franklin and McKinnon in the 2000s) in the context of the Bangladesh war of 1971, and hence maps out the range of violence and ambivalences at the heart of kinship. It aims to do so by exploring the process through which disrupted kinship futures are seen as a cornerstone for discourses of war and sovereign practices to justify sexual violence during wars. The formation of Bangladesh in 1971 coincided with the rape of 200,000 (contested and official numbers) Bengali women perpetrated by the Pakistani army and its local collaborators. The article explores the occupation of the womb, that is, the connotation of genetic or ethnic fixing through sexual violence by the Pakistani army, which is apparently an attempt to disrupt the kinship futures of East Pakistan (that later became independent Bangladesh). The sovereign logic of disrupting kinship futures of those that one feels the need to attack, weaken and annihilate (in this case East Pakistanis) is, however, based on a process of naturalisation of inequalities drawn from historical and racialised accounts. The article argues that the sovereign belief in being able to genetically and behaviourally ‘fix’ East Pakistanis through wartime sexual violence, and to instil fear, is possible through the sovereign inhabitation of the inhumanity of sexual violence. Therein lies the vulnerability of sovereign power, the paradox of kinship and its processes of inclusions and ruptures in the future. In seeking to develop a wider theoretical contribution about kinship as the cornerstone of statecraft and wars, the article also seeks to show how military rape alters the grounds of the nation itself, the experiences and imaginations over a period of half a century, and instils various forms of ambiguities about the history of wartime sexual violence.
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Shah, Jamal, Zahir Shah, and Syed Ali Shah. "An Assessment of the Emergence of Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan, in the 2002 General Elections." Global Political Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2021): 142–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(vi-i).13.
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Though Pakistani politics is heavily influenced by religion assumed to be the reason d'etat of the creation of Pakistan, prior to 2002, religious, political parties had never achieved effective electoral results. The October 2002 elections for the National and Provincial Assemblies were a turning point for the religious, political parties in the history of Pakistan. It was the first time that a conglomeration of six religious, political parties, the Jamaat-i-Islami, the Jamiat-i-Ulema-iPakistan (JUP-N), Jamiat-i-Ahle Hadith (JAH-S), the Jamiat-Ulema-iIslam (JUI-F), Jamiat-Ulema-i-Islam (JUI-S), and the Tehrik-i-Jaferia Pakistan (TJP) swept the polls under the umbrella of the Muttahida Majlise-Amal (MMA) (United Council for Action) due to the active support of the Army and America. The alliance emerged as the third-largest political force in the country, with 45 out of the 272 National Assembly general seats. Moreover, the MMA got an overwhelming mandate in the KhyberPakhtunkhwa (KP) and Baluchistan, allowing it to form a government in the KP and became a coalition partner in Baluchistan. The present study is an attempt to answer the question, "what were the causative factors of MMA's emergence and whether it achieved what it promised during the election campaign?".
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Khan, Sanaullah. "Book review: Maria Rashid. 2020. Dying to Serve: Militarism, Affect and the Politics of Sacrifice in the Pakistan Army." Journal of South Asian Development 16, no. 2 (August 2021): 310–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09731741211025356.
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Farooq, Muhammad Anwar, Muhammad Sadiq, Ehsan Ali, and Waheed Shahzad. "The Afghan Crisis and its Implications for Pakistan (2014-2021)." Journal of Policy Research 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2024): 289–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.61506/02.00234.
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Afghanistan's geostrategic and geopolitical position has made it a major participant in Asian geopolitics. Since the ancient Silk Road, it has served as a crossroads between the Middle East, Central Asia, and the Indian subcontinent. Because of its strategic position and shared borders with six other countries, including Iran, Pakistan, China, and Turkmenistan, it has become a flashpoint for regional tensions and opportunities for collaboration. As a result, Afghanistan's role and position in Asia have been significantly altered after the Soviet disengagement from the Afghan Civil War. As a result, Afghanistan has descended into anarchy due to the rise of multiple Mujahidin parties funded by neighboring nations and outside meddling. Five common threads have evolved in Afghanistan and Pakistan's shared history since the colonial era. This frigid tolerance is marked by significant skepticism on both sides and is the result of three factors: sovereignty concerns, security interests, and geopolitical forces. Cross-border connectivity and trade provide a glimpse of what could be possible if relations between the two countries improve. Pakistan, despite continuing to influence the Durand Line to allow Taliban fighters to cross through, has recently increased security along its border. It was in 2014 that Islamabad decided to enshrine its successes in border security by building a two-layer fence over the entire border with Afghanistan and Iran. Cross-border settlements have been disrupted and Afghans have reacted angrily because of the fence, which has also attracted cross-border shooting. Pakistan also expanded constitutional authority to the surrounding FATA region, incorporating it into a nearby province. As a result, Kabul's official response has been quite restrained given the country's many other issues to contend with. Khyber District's border with Afghanistan is guarded by Pakistani Army forces. To build "strategic depth in Afghanistan," Islamabad has supported the Kabul government while limiting New Delhi's role.
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Sultan, Shazia, and Tahira Jabeen. "Changing Facetsof Judicial Activism in Pakistan." Review of Education, Administration & LAW 3, no. 3 (December 31, 2020): 523–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/real.v3i3.75.
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This paper deals with the troublesome history of Pakistan Judiciary in comparative perspective. The judicial restraint showed by the superior courts in the initial phase of Pakistan’s emergence and its failure in the enactment of extra-constitutional deeds of Military Generals and executive heads that troubled the smooth political and constitutional progress has been highlighted. The paper throws light on the struggle of the Judiciary for its independent status in the defiance of the military establishment in 2007 that catapulted the Judiciary as main stakeholder in the governmental power structure of the state. The key role played by Supreme Court in the defense of democratic norms, rule of law, corruption free politics and transparent governance has also ben focused. Overstepping of judiciary in executive matters in Justice Saqib Nisar is also the part of this investigation. Nonetheless empowering the public representative to legislate on the matter of the tenure extension of the COAS (Chief of Army Staff) has also been discussed along with the decision of special court and then High court in the treason case of Musharraf that raise is the part of this paper. The paper concludes that hurdles in the way to independent judiciary desperately needed to be removed for the dispensation of justice.
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Rooh ul Amin, Dr. Ghulam Muhammad Awan, and Afzal Mahmood. "PAK–US Relations: Paradoxes & Enigmas during War on Terror." sjesr 3, no. 3 (October 21, 2020): 408–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol3-iss3-2020(408-414).
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Pakistan –USA relations with the punctuated history of over seventy years roller-coaster motion have passed through phases of intense engagement to era of sanctions and betrayal during the Cold war, followed by spells of distrust, suspicions, and discord during the War against Terror. The intensity of close relations of the 50s and 60s shifted from one extreme to that of complete ignorance in the 70s, followed by urgent marrying up during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and turning in to a most sanctioned Ally after soviet withdrawal. 9/11 served as another anchorage once again for the two old allies; however the warmness of relations remained frequently affected by numerous vexatious irritants thereby eroding mutual trust and War results. The discord in bilateral relations was transformed into cooperation by the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the US and Pakistan is listed as a key ally in the war against Afghanistan. Since the commencement of the War against Terror in Afghanistan, the pattern of interstates relations has taken turns with every major event and the changing tones of the last few years indicated that the sky over Pakistan once again seems to be overcast. The rhetoric of "do more" and suspension of all kinds of military and economic aid was a true replica of the past. The backlash of War in Afghanistan appeared with bangs in Pakistan threatening its peace and stability on one hand and polarizing its socio-political fibre of the society on the other. Soon Pakistan's army was left alone by the US and the NATO in its operation against the safe havens of terrorists alongside Durand line with disregard to all of its human and economic cost, suffered as a non-NATO ally. Pakistan's role in the fulfilment of USA interests in Afghanistan is once again signified in the wake of US Withdrawal forces and culmination of promising peace process in Afghanistan. The situation is once against ripe for Pakistan to pursue the USA's objectives and in return seek USA's support in resolving its economic, security, and Kashmir.
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Gohar, Lubna, Umbreen Ahmed, Nadeem Zafar, Mansoor Wahid, Shoaib bin Aleem, and Shazia Junaid. "Comparison of Serum Visfatin Levels in Post-Menopausal Pakistani Women with and Without Breast Carcinoma." Pakistan Armed Forces Medical Journal 73, no. 6 (December 28, 2023): 1858–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.51253/pafmj.v73i6.6929.
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Objective: To compare serum Visfatin levels in Pakistani post-menopausal women having breast carcinoma with healthy women. Study Design: Comparative cross-sectional study. Place and Duration of Study: Physiology Department, Army Medical College, in collaboration with Armed Forces Institute of Pathology, Rawalpindi, Pakistan, from Dec 2019 to Dec 2020. Methodology: Eighty post-menopausal Pakistani women were included, out of which forty women were post-menopausal newly diagnosed and histologically confirmed cases of breast carcinoma awaiting their treatment. Menopause was confirmed through interviews and relevant history. Serum Visfatin levels were determined using an enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA). Result: Mean serum Visfatin levels were significantly higher in the Breast Carcinoma-Group (28.14±8.17 ng/ml) compared to the Healthy Control-Group (13.64±1.07 ng/ml). Moreover, serum Visfatin levels correlated positively with weight (r=0.735), body mass index (r=0.678), waist circumference(r=0.295) and waist-to-hip ratio (r=0.220). Conclusion: Serum Visfatin levels were markedly elevated in post-menopausal women with breast carcinoma as compared toHealthy Controls. Higher serum Visfatin may be regarded as a potential risk factor in the development of breast carcinoma.
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Ghaffar, Sunia, Nasir Uddin, Samia Ghaffar, Hala Haq, Izza Nawab, and Bushra Ghaffar. "Trends of Erythrocyte Alloimmunization in Transfused Women." Pakistan Armed Forces Medical Journal 72, no. 6 (December 29, 2022): 1986–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.51253/pafmj.v72i6.7174.
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Objective: To identify the trends of red cell alloimmunization in multi-transfused females using red blood cell panels.Study design: Cross-sectional study.
Place and Duration of Study: Army Medical College and Armed Forces Institute of Transfusion with the collaboration of Pak Emirates Military Hospital, Rawalpindi Pakistan, from Jan to Aug 2018.
Methodology: Blood samples of 75 females with prior history of blood transfusion were collected from Pak Emirates Military Hospital, Rawalpindi Pakistan, selected by a non-probability consecutive sampling technique. After pilot diagnostic tests for ABO and Rh D blood grouping, samples were screened by three cell panels to identify the presence of RBCs alloimmunization. Positive results were further recognized by 11 cell panels.
Results: Seventy-five women with a history of at least one blood transfusion were selected for the screening of red cell alloimmunization. The frequency of alloantibodies in transfused women was 1(1.3%). The only alloantibody identified was anti-e, which was a rare alloantibody.
Conclusion: Study confirmed that Rh alloantibodies are the most prevalent antibodies, regardless of age, ABO blood grouping, Rh grouping and ethnicity. Our study also confirmed that multiple transfusions are associated with the development of red cell alloimmunization.
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Waseem, Hafsa, Afnan Naeem, Sakhawat Ali, Sharjeel Sarfraz, Javaid Usman, and Mehreen Gilani. "MULTIPLEX POLYMERASE CHAIN REACTION (PCR) FOR THE DETECTION OF NEISSERIA GONORRHOEAE AND THE QUINOLONE RESISTANCE GENE IN PAKISTAN." PAFMJ 71, no. 3 (June 29, 2021): 866–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.51253/pafmj.v71i3.4692.
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Objective: To detect Neisseria gonorrhoeae from the urine of male patients reporting with active urethral discharge using multiplex polymerase chain reaction (PCR). And the simultaneous detection of the quinolone resistance determining region (QRDR) on the Neisseria gonorrhoeae gene using multiplex polymerase chain reaction.
Study Design: Cross sectional study.
Place and Duration of Study: Microbiology department, Army Medical College Rawalpindi Pakistan, from Mar to Dec 2018.
Methodology: Male patients with active urethral discharge with no past history of antibiotic use for urethral discharge were included in study and patients without active urethral discharge and history of antibiotic use for urethral discharge were excluded. Urine of patients of active urethral discharge was collected and multiplex polymerase chain reaction was done by using two forward primers along with common reverse primer.
Results: In this study 24 (40%) of patients who presented with active urethral discharge were positive for gonorrhea. However Quinolone Resistance Determining Region is detected in 17 (70.83%) of cases and only 7 (29.17%) were sensitive to ciprofloxacin.
Conclusion: The multiplex polymerase chain reaction is very efficient and effective method for the simultaneous detection of Neisseria gonorrhoeae and status of isolate susceptibility to ciprofloxacin. And in Pakistan ciprofloxacin cannot be used as first line drug for the treatment of gonorrhea.
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Paul, T. V. "The Army and Democracy: Military Politics in Pakistan. By Aqil Shah. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014. Pp. xiii, 416. $35.00.)." Historian 78, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 129–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.12116.
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Jalal, Ayesha. "Inheriting the Raj: Jinnah and the Governor-Generalship Issue." Modern Asian Studies 19, no. 1 (February 1985): 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014542.
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In 1947 the British partitioned India and transferred power to two separate Dominions. Partition, however, did not mean the division of India between two ‘successor’ states. ‘India’ inherited British India's unitary centre, while ‘Pakistan’ consisted of areas with Muslim majorities which were merely seen as ‘contracting out’ of the ‘Union of India’. Congress's inheritance of the existing union centre gave it effective control over the joint assets of the two Dominions. The notion of a common Governor-General was, on the face of it, intended to safeguard Pakistan's share in the division of assets. The Indian Independence Bill was drafted on the implicit assumption that Mountbatten would remain as Governor-General for both Dominions until the division of the Indian army had been completed. As common Governor-General, Mountbatten could supervise the reallocation of assets and at the same time encourage co-operation between the two Dominions. But the reallocation of assets could not take place until a new centre had been created for the ‘seceding’ areas. The implication was that if a Pakistan centre was not formed, the assets would not be divided, and a Governor-General with a common touch could guide the Muslim areas back into the ‘Union of India’. Mohammad Ali Jinnah clearly recognized what might happen if there was a common Governor-General for two Dominions, one of which was to be regarded as the ‘successor’ and the other as the ‘seceder’.
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Shackle, Samira. "Under the watchful eye of the army: Elections are approaching in Pakistan, and the army has the nation’s journalists and bloggers in its sights." Index on Censorship 47, no. 2 (June 20, 2018): 70–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306422018784512.
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Dr Md Nasir Uddin. "Bangabandhu and Islamic Values: Manifestations and Effects." Dhaka University Arabic Journal 23, no. 26 (June 14, 2024): 163–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.62295/mazallah.v23i26.69.
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Bangabandhu (1920-1795) Seikh Mujibur Rahman, the architect of Bangladesh and the Father of the nation, was born on 17 March 1920, in the village of Tungipara of patagati union under the Gopalganj district. His parents used to affectionately call him ‘Khoka’. He spent his childhood in Tungipara. Seikh Mujib married Seikh Fazilatunnesa at the age of 18. In 1940, he joined “All India Muslim Students Federation”. Before that in 1938, he was introduced with Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy while he came to visit the Gopalganj Missionary school. After the partition of India, he founded “East Pakistan Muslim Chhatra League” on 04 January 1948. He was elected joined secretary of “Awami Muslim League” on June 23, 1949, at the age of 29. He had great contribution in language movement in 1952, to establish Bangla as the state language of Pakistan. He was elected Secretary General of “East Pakistan Awami Muslim League” on July 9, 1953. Seikh Mujib achieved a great victory in Gopalganj constituency on 10 March, 1954, while “United Front” secured 223 seats out of 237 (Awami League143). Seikh Mujib took the charge of Agriculture and Forest Ministry. But the Central government dissolved that cabinet. Seikh Mujib presents the historic 6 point in Lahore on 5 January, 1966, demanding autonomous government in East Pakistan. Seikh Mujib was publicly declared as “Bangabandhu” on 23 February, 1969. Bangabandhu Seikh Mujib achieved a landslide victory in the general election of 1970. In the great war of Independence during the nine month the Pakistan Army surrendered to the allied forces made of Mukti Bahini and Indian Army on 16 December, 1971. As a result, Bangladesh became independent in the history of the world. Bangabandhu Seikh Mujibur Rahman was elected as the prime minister of the country. He along with his family members and personal staffs were assassinated by a group of Bangladesh rebellious Army on 15 August, 1975. He would practice Islamic values in his personal life. He used to pray his prayers with Maulana Bhasani and Mr. Fazlul Huq. when they had finished their evening prayers the Maulana would discuss about religion from the holy Qur’an. This became a regular routine in the prison life. He also recites verses from the holy Qur’an every day. He had Bengali translation of the holy Qur’an in several volumes. While he was in Dhaka jail he had taken Muhammed Ali’s English translation of the holy Qur’an and had read it regularly. But his philosophy in the state life is as follows: He was always wishing to make Bangladesh a country of peace for all religions. He was interested to give importance to all citizens equally. He has contributed to establishing religious tolerance in Bangladesh. His outstanding contribution was to spread Islamic values through Islamic Foundation and other religious institutions. However, the Article tries to highlight that Bangabandhu respects Islamic values in his personal life, and his attitude was to reduce the extremism, and build a peaceful Bangladesh in-between various cultures and religions.
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Shackle, C. "Stephen P. Cohen: The Pakistan army. ix, 177 pp. Berkeley, Los Angeles and London.: University of California Press, 1984. £22." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 49, no. 2 (June 1986): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00024460.
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Hisam, Aliya, Syed Fawad Mashhadi, Amna Kaneez Fatima Raja, Muhammad Ameer Hamza, Rida Sabir, Tahoora Naveed, and Muhammad Umer. "Frequency and Risk Factors Associated with Musculoskeletal Pain among the Medical Students of Rawalpindi." Pakistan Armed Forces Medical Journal 72, SUPPL-4 (January 24, 2023): S919–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.51253/pafmj.v72isuppl-4.9838.
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Objective: To find the frequency and risk factors associated with musculoskeletal pain (MSP) among the medical students of Rawalpindi.
Study Design: Analytical cross-sectional study
Place and Duration of Study: Army Medical College students, Rawalpindi Pakistan, were enrolled from Mar 2022 to Jul 2022.
Methodology: An online, self-administered, altered version of the standardized Nordic Questionnaire was distributed among the students of Army Medical College, Foundation Medical University and Rawalpindi Medical University. Data were analyzed using IBM SPSS-25. Frequencies and means were calculated. Chi-square test and student’s t test were done to find any significant associations with p-value <0.05 taken as statistically significant.
Results: The study population consisted of 371 medical students of which 127(34.2%) were males and 244(65.8%) were females. Musculoskeletal pain prevalence reported in the last week was significantly higher in students of clinical years (p=0.008), those with history of trauma (p=0.005), family history of musculoskeletal pain (p<0.001) and those with a higher screen time (p=0.007). Similarly, musculoskeletal pain prevalence reported in the last year was significantly higher in students of clinical years (p=0.003), those with a history of trauma (p=0.004), family history of musculoskeletal pain (p=0.011) and those with higher screen time (p=0.017). Coffee consumption, hours of study and body mass index had no significant association with musculoskeletal pain prevalence.
Conclusion: Musculoskeletal pain prevalence proved to be significantly high among the medical students of Rawalpindi.Awareness needs to be spread about this highly prevalent problem with medical colleges taking steps to reduce the contributing factors.
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Weiss, Anita M. "Crossed Swords: Pakistan, Its Army, and the Wars Within. By Shuja Nawaz. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2008. xliv, 586 pp. $34.95 (cloth)." Journal of Asian Studies 68, no. 02 (May 2009): 657. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911809001119.
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Mujahid, Maheen, Saadia Younus, Yumna Ali, and Noman Ali Khattak. "OCCURRENCE OF MUSCULOSKELETAL INJURIES AND ASSOCIATED RISK FACTORS IN ARMY RECRUITS DURING MILITARY TRAINING." Pakistan Journal of Rehabilitation 11, no. 1 (January 3, 2022): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.36283/pjr.zu.11.1/006.
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BACKGROUND AND AIM Musculoskeletal injuries are common in recruits during basic military training that cause a substantial loss of man power, working days, medical costs for treatment and increase the risk of attrition. The aim of this study was to examine the rate of injurers and associated risk factors among Pakistan Army recruits during military training. METHODOLOGY A cross sectional study was conducted on 370 Army recruits. Non-probability convenience sampling method was used to enroll male military recruits with age of 18 years or more undergoing training in air defense center. A self-administered tool was used as study questionnaire, adapted from previously reported literature. Data collection on the questionnaire included age, weight/height, smoking status, prior physical activity, prior injuries and occurrence of injury during training. RESULTS The rate occurrence of injury or fracture per recruit during the training was found to be 90/370 (24.3%). Univariate analysis between incidence of injury and the demographic variables included in the study shows that occurrence of injury/fracture was significantly associated with age, BMI, smoking status, history of prior injury and recovery from prior injury. CONCLUSION Rehabilitation efforts on the basis of increased knowledge related to the risk factors and also the injury mechanism should be made to prevent further from injuries. KEY WORDS Military recruits, Military training, Musculoskeletal injuries, Physical activity, Rehabilitation
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Chakravorty, PK. "Sino-Indian War of 1962." Indian Historical Review 44, no. 2 (December 2017): 285–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983617726649.
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More than half a century has elapsed since China and India fought a War in October–November 1962. The War saw the Chinese Army coming out with flying colours. India as a nation was shocked and had to strain every sinew to reorganise itself to win the ensuing wars with Pakistan in 1965 and 1971. There are many questions as regards the causes of the War, the events which preceded the conflict and what actually happened that led to the debacle. The article addresses these issues comprehensively and analyses the War in detail. Overall it was a failure to assess the Chinese threat in correct perspective. The Indian government did not expect China to fight a War against India. The obvious question to ask is what is the way ahead? The concluding portion of the article deals with the current situation and measures to be taken to deter China from undertaking a military adventure. There is a need to have a National Security Strategy as also leave no stone unturned to build our Comprehensive National Power. In this, our Armed Forces must be modernised to meet the Chinese forces. The Chinese Navy has of late gained strength and is making forays into the Indian Ocean. We should be prepared for this aspect and build our military diplomacy with the United States, Japan and Vietnam. Last of all to understand China, we must create nodes of excellence in our country.
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SARKAR, ABHIJIT. "Fed by Famine: The Hindu Mahasabha's politics of religion, caste, and relief in response to the Great Bengal Famine, 1943–1944." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 6 (February 14, 2020): 2022–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x19000192.
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AbstractThis article demonstrates how the Great Bengal Famine of 1943–1944 and relief activism during it fed the politics of the Hindu right, a development that has not previously received much scholarly attention. Using hitherto unused primary sources, the article introduces a novel site to the study of communal politics, namely, the propagation of Hindu communalism through food distribution during a humanitarian crisis. It examines the caste and class bias in private relief and provides the first in-depth study of the multifaceted process whereby the Hindu Mahasabha used the famine for political purposes. The party portrayed Muslim food officials as ‘saboteurs’ in the food administration, alleged that the Muslim League government was ‘creating’ a new group of Muslim grain traders undermining the established Hindu traders, and publicized the government's failure to avert the famine to prove the economic ‘unviability’ of creating Pakistan. This article also explores counter-narratives, for example, that Hindu political leaders were deliberately impeding the food supply in the hope that starvation would compel Bengali Muslims to surrender their demand for Pakistan. The politics of religious conversion played out blatantly in famine-relief when the Mahasabha accused Muslim volunteers of converting starving Hindus to Islam in exchange for food, and demanded that Hindu and Muslim famine orphans should remain in Hindu and Muslim orphanages respectively. Finally, by dwelling on beef consumption by the army at the time of an acute shortage of dairy milk during the famine, the Mahasabha fanned communal tensions surrounding the orthodox Hindu taboo on cow slaughter.
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Talbot, Ian. "SAFETY FIRST: THE SECURITY OF BRITONS IN INDIA, 1946–1947." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 23 (November 19, 2013): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440113000091.
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ABSTRACTA month into his viceroyalty, Lord Mountbatten took time out from sounding Indian political opinion about independence to discuss the future security of British residents with his provincial governors. By this stage, the concerns stemmed from fears of a general breakdown in law and order and Hindu–Muslim conflict rather than nationalist assault. Detailed plans were developed for a sea-borne evacuation. In the event, the only Britons who were evacuated were those airlifted from Srinagar in November 1947 as they were in the path of an invasion of the disputed Kashmir territory by Pakhtun tribesmen from Pakistan. Despite numerous articles on the British departure from India and the aftermath of Partition, little has been written about either the airlift or the broader strategic planning for European evacuation. The paper will focus on this neglected corner of the history of the transfer of power. It argues that while anti-British sentiment declined from a peak around the time of the Indian National Army trials, of 1945–6, the memories of the wartime chaotic flight from Burma and Malaya and the irreparable damage this had done to British prestige in Asia coloured the safety first approach adopted in 1947.
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Acharjee, Sushrita. "The Poetics of Borderlands: Reflections on Oral Folk Poetry from Assam’s Barak Valley during Bangladesh Liberation War." IAFOR Journal of Arts & Humanities 10, no. 1 (August 16, 2023): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/ijah.10.1.09.
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In 1971, the civil war in the Pakistani state and consequent genocide in present Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan) led to a great influx of refugees who were desperately crossing the porous borderlands of the eastern states of India. Despite the abject living conditions in the saturated refugee camps and the stringent regimentation of the youth camps and muktijoddhā (Liberation Warrior) training sectors in West Bengal, Tripura and Assam borderlands, the space inhabited by the refugees was charged with powerful national imaginaries laced with an eclectic blend of emotions – resistance, hope, nostalgia, desire, aspiration. Drawing on ethnographic and anthropological research, the essay aims to explore various folk forms of poetry which emerged out of these refugee camps and guerrilla army training sectors during the war, such as kabigān (a form of lyrical oral poetry where the poet spontaneously composes verses to be performed at a public gathering) or hāture kabitā (poems to be read aloud in the middle of a hāt or marketplace) written and performed by refugees from Assam’s Barak Valley in North-East India, and later collected by Bangladeshi historian Shahid Quader Chowdhury. Besides problematising aesthetic practices and their relationship to the idea of border-crossing, refugeehood and national identities, to what extent do these poems – loka kabitā or oral folk poetry, open up a discursive space where shared cultures, histories and memories play a momentous role in political mobilisation and in the creation of a radical alterity within the “national” culture and history? To what extent do these aesthetic registers succeed in combating the irrepresentability of violence, injustice and trauma? These are primarily the questions that this essay aims to ask and resolve.
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Pamment, Claire. "Dying to Serve: Militarism, Affect, and the Politics of Sacrifice in the Pakistan Army. By Maria Rashid. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2020. 267 pp. ISBN: 9781503611986 (paper)." Journal of Asian Studies 80, no. 4 (November 2021): 1112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911821001935.
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Fair, C. Christine. "The Army and Democracy: Military Politics in Pakistan. By Aqil Shah . Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2014. 416 pp. ISBN: 9780674728936 (cloth). - Army and Nation: The Military and Indian Democracy since Independence. By Steven I. Wilkinson . Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2015. 304 pp. ISBN: 9780674728806 (cloth)." Journal of Asian Studies 76, no. 1 (February 2017): 249–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911816001923.
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Riaz, Isma, Amir Rashid, and Asifa Majeed. "Demographic analysis of hearing impairment based on various parameters in patients with cochlear implant." Journal of the Pakistan Medical Association 74, no. 4 (February 11, 2024): 476–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.47391/jpma.8708.
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Objective: To analyse the demographic and clinical variables in children having undergone cochlear implant surgery because of deafness. Method: The cross-sectional study was conducted from January to November 2022at the Centre for Research in Experimental and Applied Medicine laboratory of the Department of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology, Army Medical College, Rawalpindi, Pakistan, in collaboration with the Ear, Nose and Throat Department of Combined Military Hospital, Rawalpindi, and comprised children of eith gender aged up to 10 years who had received cochlear implant. Data was collected through questionnaire-based detailed interviews. Syndromic Hearing Loss, Non-Syndromic Hearing Loss, and Acquired Hearing Loss were identified among the subjects. Data was analysed using SPSS 22. Results: Of the 250 cases, 147(58.8%) were boys, 146(58.4%) were aged 0-5 years, 219(87.6%) had prelingual onset of disease, and 202(80.8%) had a non-progressive disease course. In 203(81.2%) cases, normal developmental milestones were seen. Parental consanguinity was observed in 219(87.6%) cases. However, 63(25.2%) patients had a first-degree relative who had a history of deafness. In 170(68%) cases, hearing loss was hereditary, whereas in 80(32%) it was acquired. Meningitis was the most commonly identified risk factor 55(68.75%). Acquired risk factors and family history had significant association with hearing loss (p<0.05). Speech perception significantly improved in all 219(100%) patients with prelingual hearing loss who underwent cochlear implantation. Conclusion: Majority of the cases were found to be male, had a prelingual disease onset and a non-progressive disease course. Family history was a significant factor, while meningitis was the most common acquired cause of hearing loss. Key Words: Autosomal recessive hearing loss, Hereditary hearing loss, Non-syndromic hearing loss, Sensorineural hearing loss.
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Goulding, Gregory. "A tale of a tyre: National space, infrastructure, and narration in S. H. Vatsyayan’s ‘Parśurām se tūrxam’." Modern Asian Studies 57, no. 5 (September 2023): 1530–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x22000105.
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AbstractThe Second World War, although rarely an explicit topic in Hindi literature, was a crucial moment not only in articulating the politics of the nationalist movement, but in imagining new configurations of national and international space. This article considers a brief travelogue by the poet and novelist S. H. Vatsyayan ‘Agyeya’ that describes a journey from Assam to the borders of Afghanistan. Although purportedly a description of travel across a historical and mythic landscape of then-undivided India, Are yāyāvar rahegā yād? [Oh Wanderer, will you Remember?] unfolds in the final moments of the war effort in India in 1945. Agyeya, who, uniquely among major literary figures, joined the British Army despite being arrested for terrorism in the 1930s, was tasked with leading a convoy of jeeps from Parshuram, Assam, to Torkham, on what is today the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan. In fact, the majority of the route, through landscapes both of mythology and history as well as fuel depots and off-duty American soldiers, is narrated by the tyre of one of these jeeps. ‘Are Yayavar’ thus reveals a tense interrelationship between the unified, religio-historical space of India which the text presents the reader, and the world of international mobilization created by the war. Ultimately, Agyeya’s travelogue shows how Hindi writers engaged with the Second World War, and the ideas of space that it created, as ways of imagining the interrelations between national and international space in the first years of independence.
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Mushtaq, Iffat, Amir Rashid Amir Rashid, Asifa Majeed Asifa Majeed, Isma Riaz Isma Riaz, Zunaira Ali Baig Zunaira Ali Baig, and Anoshia Javaid. "Association of serum IL12 with clinical and biochemical parameters in a cohort of diagnosed rheumatoid arthritis patients on oral conventional synthetic disease modifying anti-rheumatic drugs." Journal of the Pakistan Medical Association 74, no. 2 (January 20, 2024): 310–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.47391/jpma.9254.
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Objective: To determine the association of serum interleukin-12 levels with disease progression in active rheumatoid arthritis patients on oral conventional synthetic disease-modifying anti-rheumatic drugs. Methods: The case-control study was conducted at the Army Medical College, Rawalpindi, in collaboration with the Pak Emirates Military Hospital, Rawalpindi, Pakistan, from January to December 2022, and comprised rheumatoid arthritis patients or either gender aged 18-75 years who were placed in group I, while group II comprised healthy controls. Demographic and clinical data was noted, and 2ml blood samples were drawn from each subject. The serum was separated and analysed using sandwich enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay to quantify serum interleukin-12 levels. Data was analysed using SPSS 22. Results: Of the 150 subjects, 75(50%) were in group I; 27(36%) makes and 48(64%) females with overall mean age 45.70±11.70 years. There were 75(50%) subjects in group II; 37(49.3%) males and 38(50.7%) females with overall mean age 31.70±7.70 years. Serum interleukin-12, erythrocyte sedimentation rate and C-reactive protein-quantitative levels were significantly higher in group I compared to group II (p<0.05). Smoking, positive family history of rheumatoid arthritis in a first-degree relative and history of consanguinity were identified as risk factors though they were not statistically significant (p>0.05). In group I (n=75), out of total study subjects, only 55(73.3%) cases belonged to the predominant castes, namely Awan, Rajput, Pathan, Araeen, Bhatti, Malik, Mughal, Sudhan, Chaudary, and Jutt. These individuals showed a significantly higher mean serum interleukin-12 levels compared to patients of other castes in the same group. Conclusion: Mean serum interleukin-12levelswere higher in rheumatoid arthritis patients despite being on oral conventional synthetic disease-modifying anti-rheumatic drugs. Key Words: Cytokines, Interleukin-12, Arthritis, Rheumatoid, Enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay.
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f, f. "The Relations Between Pakistan and China." Asia Social Science Academy 11, no. 2 (October 31, 2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.51600/jass.2023.11.2.1.
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Pakistan and China are exemplary friends and their friendship has laid down indelible imprints on the sand of time. the geographical proximity and mutuality of interest are the key features to promote bilateral relations. Pakistan and China assisted each other in different sectors to strengthen their friendship bond. Pakistan and China have a deep-rooted strategic partnership that spans several decades. This partnership is based on shared interests and mutual trust. Both countries have consistently supported each other on various international issues. Economic cooperation is a cornerstone of the Pakistan-China relationship. China has invested significantly in Pakistan through various infrastructure projects, including the China- Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which aims to connect China's western region to Pakistan's Gwadar Port through a network of roads, railways, and pipelines. This project is seen as a game-changer for Pakistan's economy. Pakistan and China have a growing trade relationship. China is one of Pakistan's largest trading partners, and the two countries have signed several agreements to enhance trade and reduce trade barriers. Pakistan exports various products to China, including textiles, agricultural goods, and seafood. Pakistan and China have a long history of military cooperation. they conduct joint military exercises and have a history of arms sales and technology transfers. the collaboration in the defense sector is an important aspect of their relationship. Both countries often support each other diplomatically in international forums. there are cultural exchanges and cooperation in education and tourism between the two countries. This helps foster people-to-people connections and a better understanding of each other's cultures. the Pakistan-China relationship has significant geopolitical implications, particularly in the context of South Asia. It provides China with a strategic foothold in the region and access to the Arabian Sea through Gwadar Port. It also has implications for the balance of power in the region, particularly in relation to India.
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Kryzhko, Evgeniy. "Features of the Activities of Political Agents in the Tribal Area of the North-West Frontier Province of British India (1919–1939)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 4 (2023): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080024885-0.
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The special form of government of the North-West Frontier Province, analyzed in the article, was established through the interaction of British political agents with local tribes. The territory under consideration was characterized by a high level of instability, which they tried to neutralize by creating a multi-level management system, as well as establishing parity among local elites with British mediation as an arbiter. The administrative system formed by agents has survived, territorially related to modern Pakistan, with its characteristic problems, which is presented as the historical experience of British India in controlling its northwestern border. The main task of the British officers was to establish a controlled system of checks and balances in the border zone, aimed at resolving issues of ensuring the reliable protection of British India from external threats. At the same time, the possibility of a foothold for the territory under consideration was created for further geopolitical competition in Asia. The presented hierarchy of subordination removed this region from the general system of colony management and prevented reforms. The tribal area was under the territorial jurisdiction of British India, had full autonomy with limited agents who had representation in local jirgas and coordinated the actions of the militias, self-defense units, scouts. The implementation of the set installations was carried out using a number of mechanisms for the management of the province, concluded in diplomatic agreements, supported by financial payments in favor of the local elite, as well as by engaging the Indian army in particularly unstable areas.
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Naeem, Afnan. "CHLAMYDIA TRACHOMATIS INFECTION IN PELVIC INFLAMMATORY DISEASE PATIENTS – A SNAP SHOT." Infectious Diseases Journal of Pakistan 32, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 93–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.61529/idjp.v32i3.159.
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Background: Chlamydia trachomatis is a sexually transmitted infection which due to its asymptomatic nature remains undiagnosed and presents as pelvic inflammatory disease in females. The objective of the study is to find prevalence and risk factors associated with positive testing of Chlamydia trachomatis infection in women suffering from pelvic inflammatory disease visiting a tertiary care hospital in Pakistan. Material and Methods: This cross-sectional study was carried out at Department of Microbiology, Army Medical College/ National University of Medical Sciences from March 2019 to September 2019. This cross-sectional study was conducted among women presenting with pelvic inflammatory disease over a period of seven months. Socio-demographic and behavioral data were collected and real-time PCR diagnostic method was used to detect the presence of Chlamydia trachomatis infection in urine samples. Samples were collected by non-probability convenient sampling technique; Samples were analyzed for risk factors identification and association with Chlamydia trachomatis infection was determined. Results: The prevalence of Chlamydia trachomatis was 12 (20%) out of total 60 participants. Maximum positive cases were seen in 20-24 years of age group. Risk factors i.e., age, number of sexual partners, gross monthly income, level of education, place of residence and past sexual history were evaluated. Positive association p =0.046 was found between number of sexual partners and Chlamydia trachomatis infection. Conclusion: Chlamydia trachomatis a sexually transmitted infection is deadly infection because of its wide range of complications. Therefore, it should be diagnosed promptly and treated effectively. Due to its asymptomatic nature individuals having risk factors should be screened as early possible to avoid complications. Information about Chalamydia trachomatis risk factors and education about how to avoid infection should be given to individuals on large scale. Keywords: Chlamydia trachomatis, Pelvic inflammatory disease, Polymerase chain reaction
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Rahman, Mahmudur. "Evaluation of Pakistani Challenge to Indian Hegemonic Ambition: A Look into History." Journal of Research in Philosophy and History 5, no. 2 (April 26, 2022): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jrph.v5n2p1.
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South Asia is the largest region in the world in terms of population and India is the most dominant power among the eight member states that comprise the region, two of which possess nuclear weapons. The region is widely regarded as potential conflict zone because of the historic rivalry between India and Pakistan. As the British exited from the subcontinent, India aspired to inherit the hegemonic pole position of the colonial power as its successor. But refusal of nuclear Pakistan, the second most powerful state in South Asia to surrender to the Indian material superiority resulted in the conflict formation during the last seven decades. The enmity between India and Pakistan commenced from the violent partition of British India in 1947. In addition to the three wars that India and Pakistan fought since the British relinquished colonial occupation, there were many other conflicts that could have ignited full-fledged armed confrontation. One of the core reasons for tension in South Asia is the unresolved Kashmir problem. Pakistan’s possession of nuclear arms has further dented Indian ambition to establish unchallenged regional hegemonic stability. The nuclearization of the subcontinent in the 90’s has benefitted much smaller Pakistan by elevating it to a more potent challenger to the Indian military might. The failure of India to rise above the perennial Indo-Pak confrontation not only has acted against fulfilling its dream of achieving the great power status, but also proven to be a formidable barrier in the creation of favorable environment needed for regional cooperation in order to maintain socio-economic development in the poverty-stricken South Asia. This paper focuses on the root causes of the conflict with chronological history of events.
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Rahman, Mahmudur. "Evaluation of Pakistani Challenge to Indian Hegemonic Ambition: A Look into History." Journal of Research in Philosophy and History 5, no. 2 (April 26, 2022): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jrph.v5n2p1.
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South Asia is the largest region in the world in terms of population and India is the most dominant power among the eight member states that comprise the region, two of which possess nuclear weapons. The region is widely regarded as potential conflict zone because of the historic rivalry between India and Pakistan. As the British exited from the subcontinent, India aspired to inherit the hegemonic pole position of the colonial power as its successor. But refusal of nuclear Pakistan, the second most powerful state in South Asia to surrender to the Indian material superiority resulted in the conflict formation during the last seven decades. The enmity between India and Pakistan commenced from the violent partition of British India in 1947. In addition to the three wars that India and Pakistan fought since the British relinquished colonial occupation, there were many other conflicts that could have ignited full-fledged armed confrontation. One of the core reasons for tension in South Asia is the unresolved Kashmir problem. Pakistan’s possession of nuclear arms has further dented Indian ambition to establish unchallenged regional hegemonic stability. The nuclearization of the subcontinent in the 90’s has benefitted much smaller Pakistan by elevating it to a more potent challenger to the Indian military might. The failure of India to rise above the perennial Indo-Pak confrontation not only has acted against fulfilling its dream of achieving the great power status, but also proven to be a formidable barrier in the creation of favorable environment needed for regional cooperation in order to maintain socio-economic development in the poverty-stricken South Asia. This paper focuses on the root causes of the conflict with chronological history of events.
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Vernigora, A., and G. Makarevich. "Evolution and Prospects of Turkiye–Azerbaijan–Pakistan Scalene Triangle." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 9 (2023): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-9-79-89.
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The article concentrates on historic prerequisites of Turkiye–Azerbaijan–Pakistan triangle with special emphasis on two vibrant tracks: Turkiye–Azerbaijan relations before the establishment of the USSR and Turkiye–Pakistan relations during the Cold War. Combined, these tracks shape the basis for the present triangle. The authors trace the triangle’s history back to the establishment of Azerbaijan’s independence and cover crucial spheres of cooperation between the nations: political interaction and their shared stance on security problems such as Nagorno-Karabakh, Kashmir, the Cyprus issue, as well as tensions in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean; economic links in general and energy cooperation in particular; defense cooperation, assistance in military training, dynamics of arms trade and its prospects. The institutionalization of the triangle took place in 2017 after the signing of Baku Declaration and was tested during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War of 2020. Since the triangle saw success in the war, the parties have boosted their brotherly partnership with the first trilateral joint military drills launched in 2021. The authors claim that Turkiye and Azerbaijan will remain agenda-setters with Pakistan trying to correlate its national interests, which are hardly existent in the South Caucasus, with the triangle’s core. In case of Pakistani involvement in regional security issues, the authors propose two scenarios for Russia. The first one entails Russia serving as a mediator between Armenia, Iran and India. The second one calls on Armenia, India and Russia to develop trilateral defense cooperation that would benefit all the parties: Armenia would gain new sophisticated arms, India could acquire a reliable client, with Russia trying to implement a new form of defense cooperation so as to strengthen its position in global arms market.
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Ahmed, Sidra, Samreen Bari, and Rizwana Jabeen. "WOMEN IN PAKISTAN- SOCIAL MOBILITY, HUMAN DEVELOPMENT AND EMPOWERMENT." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 60, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v60i1.426.
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The word Development is devious and captivating, however, the development path is perplexed. In most cases, the governments try to attain economic, military, technological, and infrastructural development, whereas, the power centers evade investing and working on issues of Human Development. The governments of countries like Pakistan strive to shuffle the attentiveness of the world by spending a huge amount on building the roads, on bridges, and transportation and in maximization of arms and ammunition. Human development in Pakistan has always been neglected due to various reasons. A huge population of almost a 22million having as low as 154th (out of 189 countries) position in the human development index. The patriarchal system has created the social and cultural environment that is supporting persistence male domination, remains the major obstacle in the intellectual, social, and economic growth of women. This paper addresses the conceptual and methodological aspects of human development and women’s empowerment in Pakistan, it explains the challenges and trends concerning women’s empowerment throughout Pakistan’s history, specifically in key areas such as individual, education, and health, economic and political participation, and especially Women’s limited and controlled mobility.
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Iqtidar, Humeira. "War-Weary Pakistan's Internal Divides." Current History 114, no. 771 (April 1, 2015): 130–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2015.114.771.130.
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[T]he decade and a half of demands placed on the army since the start of the war have opened up a growing chasm within the ranks that is beginning to threaten its viability as the main arm of American influence …
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Ahmed, Ashfaq, Sadaf Ghayoor, and Abdul Ghafar. "UNDERSTANDING INDIA-PAKISTAN NUCLEAR WEAPONS DEVELOPMENT AND CHALLENGES FOR THE NUCLEAR NON-PROLIFERATION TREATY (NPT)." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 02 (June 30, 2022): 146–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i2.462.
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This paper aims at investigating whether nuclear developments in South Asia challenge the Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT)? New Delhi and Islamabad have distinct nuclear weapons programmes both are tangled. South Asian nuclearization helps readership understand that states faced with existential threats mange to overcome technological challenges and acquire fissile material to develop nuclear weapons. South Asian nuclear proliferation enables arms control and disarmament activists to analyse, comprehend and draw lessons to strengthen disarmament efforts and prevent future nuclear proliferation. Primarily mutual suspicions, turbulent history and trust deficit resulted in mutual security dilemma. It resulted in qualitative and quantitative conventional arms race leading to nuclear proliferation. Security competition in South Asia and strategic environment in Pakistan’s case affirms realist notion that self-help is the only recipe to survive in international system. Indian case ascertains that nuclear proliferation begets nuclear proliferation. Further, nuclear weapons deter nuclear weapons. It essentially has grave impact on nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT). Keywords: Nuclear Non-Proliferation, India, Pakistan, Technologically, Fissile Material.
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Mubariz Khan, Sultan, Saiqa Hanif, and Shumaila Rafique. "Pak-U.S. Relations: An Analysis of Major Challenges (Post-9/11)." Global Social Sciences Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 298–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2020(v-iii).31.
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The Pak-U.S. relations have been through many ups and downs throughout the history of Pakistan. For most of the time during the cold war, relations remained either warm or normal except for some short periods. The ties went down the slope after the cold war and towards the onset of the twenty-first century. In addition to some drastic shifts in the regional and global political scenario, the incident of 9/11 proved a watershed for Pak-U.S. ties as well. Pakistan's decision to stand with America and her allies provided an opportunity for both the states to improve bilateral ties. Key challenges include, but not limited to, issues of trust and coordination, the problems of strategic harmony and divergence of interests and varied policies about arms and nuclear proliferation. Pak-U.S. relations have also been affected by their respective relations with other states. From Pakistan's perspective, it is essential not only to identify points of convergence and divergence with the United States but also to explore policy options to meet such challenges.
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Fajria, Rayhana. "Menilai Potensi Perang dibalik Kepemilikan Nuklir India dan Pakistan." Nation State Journal of International Studies 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.2018v1i2.131.
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India and Pakistan are two nuclear ownership that flank Kashmir. Claims against Kashmir territory and their history sparked long debate between countries. The conflict became one of the main roots of why India and Pakistan still continue to increase their nuclear power. Conflict continues to heat up creating such an arms race which makes both of them consider the existence of a potential big threat to their sovereignty. In analyzing the issue, this article examine the use of the deterrence theory, where this theory says there are several factors that are important conditions in seeing the possibility of nuclear war. Some of these factors are like; rational state as a condition of the nuclear launch command system, the two countries’ abilities to develop second strike, and the India-Pakistan history of direct involvement in armed conflict.
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Ansari, Wafa Munir, Abdul Khaliq Naveed, and Dilshad Ahmed Khan. "PREMATURE CORONARY ARTERY DISEASE." Professional Medical Journal 22, no. 11 (November 10, 2015): 1428–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.29309/tpmj/2015.22.11.920.
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Introduction: Genetic information which is specific to an individual has thepotential to improve Coronary Artery Disease (CAD) risk prediction. 13 CAD risk SNPs wereselected by removing SNPs in loci which had not been identified in CARDIoGRAMplusC4DGWAS. Linkage disequilibrium patterns differ between ethnic groups pointing towards theneed to investigate how the gene score would perform in different populations which is stilllargely unknown. Objective of the study was to investigate whether the 13 SNP CAD risk genescore has a role in the risk prediction of Pakistani Premature Coronary Artery Disease (CAD)cases and controls and to compare the CAD risk allele frequency between Pakistanis andCaucasians (samples obtained from the Northwick Park Heart Study II). Study Design: Casecontrolstudy. Setting: Army Medical College, National University of Sciences and Technology(NUST) in collaboration with the Cardiovascular Genetics Institute, University College London,UK. Materials and Methods: Total of 650 subjects with a history of chest pain were selected bynon-probability convenience sampling. Out of these subjects with > 70% stenosis in at least 1coronary vessel on angiography were labelled as Premature coronary Artery disease (PCAD)cases (n=340). The 13 SNPs were genotyped in a Pakistani case-control study (n=340 CADcases, 310 controls) using KASPar and Taqman assays. The use of 13 SNP gene score wastested in the prospective Northwick Park Heart Study (NPHSII) of 2775 healthy UK men (284cases) and the Pakistani case-control study subjects (n=650). Results: Mean ± SD age ofCAD patients was 42.7±3.80yrs while in controls it was 39.0±7.8yrs. Complete genotypingwas obtained for 635 samples (333 cases, 302 controls). The mean 13 SNP gene score wassignificantly higher in cases compared to controls (p=0.044). Odds ratio for CAD for eachquintile of 13 SNPs gene score showed a trend for higher quintiles of gene score to haveincreased odds ratio for CAD (p-value for trend=0.01) especially after adjusting for age, sexand ethnicity. There was a significant difference in risk allele frequency between Pakistanis andCaucasians (NPHSII) for all CAD risk SNPs except rs599839 (SORT1) (p=0.08). Conclusion:A 13 SNP gene score has significant potential role at differentiating between Pakistani PCADcases and controls. Risk allele frequencies for CAD differ significantly between Pakistanis andCaucasians stressing the need to develop population specific gene score keeping in view theethnic stratification.
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Katz, Mark N. "Less-Than-Great Expectations: The Pakistani-Russian Rapprochement." Current History 104, no. 680 (March 1, 2005): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2005.104.680.137.
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The expansion of Pakistani-Russian ties to include a significant arms relationship appears to depend on a deterioration in the Russian-Indian relationship that Moscow will not initiate and desperately wants to avoid.
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Ahmad, Zahoor, Kinza Anwar, Umaira Naz, Khizra Tariq, Mah Noor, and Junaid Anwar. "Prevalence of musculoskeletal impairment in traffic police of District Swabi, Pakistan." LIAQUAT MEDICAL RESEARCH JOURNAL 3, no. 3 (September 29, 2021): 65–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.38106/lmrj.2021.3.3-04.
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The number of vehicles has been increasing out of proportion for the capacity of road infrastructure in particular in developing countries. The duty of a traffic police officer includes the implementation of daily traffic regulations. This involves long-standing hours and also particular repeated body movements. There is limited literature available on the musculoskeletal disorders develop among traffic police. Therefore this study was designed to include 219 traffic police officers from 23 traffic booths of district Swabi, Pakistan. Data was collected using a structured questionnaire and Cornell Musculoskeletal Discomfort Questionnaires (CMDQ). Informed consent was taken before filling the questionnaire. Age distribution of the participants was grouped as: 20 to 30 years (n=51, 23.4%), 31 to 40 years (n=141, 64.7 %), and over 40 years (n=26, 11.9%). Out of 219, 23% were diabetics, hypertensive participants were 21.9% (n=48), while 54% (n=120) had no history of chronic illness. The majority of traffic cops in district Swabi reported mild discomfort in their shoulders, arms, forearms, thighs, lower legs, knees, and feet, but moderate discomfort in their neck and back. The results of the study indicate that the traffic cops in the district of Swabi suffer back and neck pain, causing them to have moderate difficulty doing their duties.
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Khalid, Ammara, Sara Aslam, Mehboob Ahmed, Shahida Hasnain, and Aimen Aslam. "Risk assessment of FLT3 and PAX5 variants in B-acute lymphoblastic leukemia: a case–control study in a Pakistani cohort." PeerJ 7 (September 10, 2019): e7195. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.7195.
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AIMS B-cell acute lymphoblastic leukemia (B-ALL) is amongst the most prevalent cancers of children in Pakistan. Genetic variations in FLT3 are associated with auto-phosphorylation of kinase domain that leads to increased proliferation of blast cells. Paired box family of transcription factor (PAX5) plays a critical role in commitment and differentiation of B-cells. Variations in PAX5 are associated with the risk of B-ALL. We aimed to analyze the association of FLT3 and PAX5 polymorphisms with B cell leukemia in Pakistani cohort. METHODS We collected 155 B-ALL subject and 155 control blood samples. For analysis, genotyping was done by tetra ARMS-PCR. SPSS was used to check the association of demographic factors of SNPs present in the population with the risk of B-ALL. RESULTS Risk allele frequency A at locus 13q12.2 (rs35958982, FLT3) was conspicuous and showed positive association (OR = 2.30, CI [1.20–4.50], P = 0.005) but genotype frequency (OR = 3.67, CI [0.75–18.10], P = 0.088) failed to show any association with the disease. At locus 9p13.2 (rs3780135, PAX5), the risk allele frequency was significantly higher in B-ALL subjects than ancestral allele frequency (OR = 2.17, CI [1.37–3.43], P = 0.000). Genotype frequency analysis of rs3780135 polymorphism exhibited the protective effect (OR = 0.55, CI [0.72–1.83], P = 0.029). At locus 13q12.2 (rs12430881, FLT3), the minor allele frequency G (OR = 1.15, CI [1.37–3.43], P = 0.043) and genotype frequency (OR = 2.52, P = 0.006) reached significance as showed p < 0.05. CONCLUSION In the present study, a strong risk of B-cell acute lymphoblastic leukemia was associated with rs35958982 and rs12430881 polymorphisms. However, rs3780135 polymorphism showed the protective effect. Additionally, other demographic factors like family history, smoking and consanguinity were also found to be important in risk assessment. We anticipate that the information from genetic variations in this study can aid in therapeutic approach in the future.