Journal articles: 'Paid and unpaid work'

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NELSON, MARGARET K. "BETWEEN PAID AND UNPAID WORK." Gender & Society 13, no. 4 (August 1999): 518–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089124399013004006.

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Morse, Janice M. "The Paid/Unpaid Work of Participants." Qualitative Health Research 15, no. 6 (July 2005): 727–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1049732305277430.

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Reisine, Susan T., and Judith Fifield. "Defining Disability for Women and the Problem of Unpaid Work." Psychology of Women Quarterly 12, no. 4 (December 1988): 401–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1988.tb00973.x.

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National policy and much of scholarly research on disability overlook the importance of unpaid family work and instead focus on disability in paid work, largely in male samples. Because of societal expectations about appropriate social roles for men and women, women tend to assume responsibility for unpaid work in the family and also tend to have paid work that is characterized by low pay and limited autonomy. This article discusses the political, theoretical, and methodological issues relating to defining and measuring paid and unpaid work disability for women and men within the context of these structural factors. The results of a study analyzing disability in both paid work and unpaid family work among a sample of 206 women with rheumatoid arthritis are presented. The study demonstrates the feasibility of measuring disability in family work and shows that women experience significant limitations in homemaker functioning as well as in paid work roles.

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Bowes, Jennifer. "Parents’ Work and Family Roles: Their Contribution to Children's Learning about Work." Australasian Journal of Early Childhood 23, no. 3 (September 1998): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/183693919802300309.

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Parents’ work and family roles influence their children in many ways. An often overlooked impact is on children's developing ideas about work. This paper reviews research on young children's developing ideas about work, particularly of unpaid duties in the home. It argues that children learn about work and cultural values, ownership of work, work relationships and the links between work and money from their observations and experiences of household chores. The contribution of parents’ paid and unpaid work roles to children's learning about work and the processes by which children learn about paid and unpaid work are discussed, as are the implications for early childhood professionals in their direct and indirect teaching of young children about the world of work.

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Santana, Vilma S., Dana P. Loomis, and Beth Newman. "Housework, paid work and psychiatric symptoms." Revista de Saúde Pública 35, no. 1 (February 2001): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-89102001000100003.

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OBJECTIVE: To evaluate the hypothesis that work burden, the simultaneous engagement in paid work and unpaid family housework, is a potential risk factor for psychiatric symptoms among women. METHODS: A cross-sectional study was carried out with 460 women randomly selected from a poor area of the city of Salvador, Brazil. Women between 18 to 70 years old, who reported having a paid occupation or were involved in unpaid domestic activities for their families, were eligible. Work burden-related variables were defined as: a) double work shift, i.e., simultaneous engagement in a paid job plus unpaid housework; and b) daily working time. Psychiatric symptoms were collected through a validated questionnaire, the QMPA. RESULTS: Positive, statistically significant associations between high (>7 symptoms) QMPA scores and either double work shift (prevalence ratio -- PR=2.04, 95% confidence interval -- CI: 1.16, 2.29) or more than 10 hours of daily work time (PR=2.29, 95% CI: 1.96, 3.43) were found after adjustment for age, marital status and number of pre-school children. CONCLUSIONS: Major correlates of high QMPA scores are work burden variables. Being married or having pre-school children are also associated with high QMPA scores only when associated with work burden.

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Kabylova, M. T. "Degenderisation of paid and unpaid work in Kazakhstan?" Bulletin of Kazakh National Women's Teacher Training University, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.52512/2306-5079-2022-92-4-17-26.

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The current article applies theoretical framework of degenderisation and aims to explore to what degree women are degenderised by state policies in the labour market and unpaid work in Kazakhstan. The study applied the qualitative research method of semi-structured focus group discussion among 30 women from Almaty and Turkestan. The findings in the current research demonstrate that women’s paid work in the labour market and unpaid work at home do not prove the degenderisation, but rather confirm genderisation process. Women bear costs of emotional, social and time resources as a result of motherhood, which results in them fulfilling less of their potential in professional sphere. There is also a strong influence of cultural factor that causes women to prevent the degenderisation and reinforces genderisation in unpaid work due to their beliefs in traditional gender roles and division of labour in family. The research contributes to theoretical significance by applying theory developed by Western authors, degenderisation, to the case of Kazakhstan.

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Kobayashi, Erika, Yoko Sugihara, Taro Fukaya, and Jersey Liang. "Volunteering among Japanese older adults: how are hours of paid work and unpaid work for family associated with volunteer participation?" Ageing and Society 39, no. 11 (July 17, 2018): 2420–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x18000545.

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AbstractAs the population ages, older adults are increasingly expected to play multiple productive roles. This study examined how hours of paid or unpaid work were associated with volunteering among older Japanese. Data came from the 2012 National Survey of the Japanese Elderly, a nationwide survey of Japanese aged 60 and older (N = 1,324). We performed multinominal logistic regression analyses to predict volunteering (regular or occasional versus non-volunteer) based on hours of paid work and unpaid work for family consisting of sick/disabled care, grandchild care and household chores. Those who worked moderate hours were most likely to be a regular volunteer while working 150 hours or more per month had a lower probability of volunteering, regardless of whether the work was paid or unpaid. Thus, full-time level work competed with volunteering for both paid and unpaid work for family, but it was more so for paid work. By types of activities, doing household chores and substantial grandchild care were positively associated with volunteering, and the latter complementary relationship was explained by a larger community network among grandparents. Our findings indicate that delaying retirement from full-time paid work may reduce the supply of regular volunteers in the community. Thus, policies to increase part-time work for older adults as well as the types of volunteer work in which paid workers can participate are necessary.

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Lloyd-Evans, B., S. Marwaha, T. Burns, J. Secker, E. Latimer, R. Blizard, H. Killaspy, J. Totman, S. Tanskanen, and S. Johnson. "The nature and correlates of paid and unpaid work among service users of London Community Mental Health Teams." Epidemiology and Psychiatric Sciences 22, no. 2 (October 18, 2012): 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045796012000534.

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Aims.Little is known about how the rates and characteristics of mental health service users in unpaid work, training and study compare with those in paid employment.Methods.From staff report and patient records, 1353 mental health service users of seven Community Mental Health Teams in two London boroughs were categorized as in paid work, unpaid vocational activity or no vocational activity. Types of work were described using Standard Occupational Classifications. The characteristics of each group were reported and associations with vocational status were explored.Results.Of the sample, 5.5% were in paid work and 12.7% were in unpaid vocational activity, (including 5.3% in voluntary work and 8.1% in study or training). People in paid work were engaged in a broader range of occupations than those in voluntary work and most in paid work (58.5%) worked part-time. Younger age and high educational attainment characterized both groups. Having sustained previous employment was most strongly associated with being in paid work.Conclusions.Rates of vocational activity were very low. Results did not suggest a clear clinical distinction between those in paid and unpaid activity. The motivations for and functions of unpaid work need further research.

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Hantrais, Linda, and Marie-Thérèse Letablier. "The Gender of Paid and Unpaid Work Time." Time & Society 6, no. 2-3 (July 1997): 131–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x97006002002.

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lázaro, Nieves, María Luisa Moltó, and Rosario Sanchez. "Paid employment and unpaid caring work in Spain." Applied Economics 36, no. 9 (May 20, 2004): 977–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0003684042000233203.

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Woldehanna, Tassew, Nicola Jones, and Bekele Tefera. "The Invisibility of Children's Paid and Unpaid Work." Childhood 15, no. 2 (May 2008): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0907568207088421.

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Ghosh, Anweshaa, and Deepta Chopra. "Paid work, unpaid care work and women's empowerment in Nepal." Contemporary South Asia 27, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 471–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2019.1687646.

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Bonke, Jens. "Paid Work and Unpaid Work: Diary Information Versus Questionnaire Information." Social Indicators Research 70, no. 3 (February 2005): 349–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-004-1547-6.

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Mondal, Nandita. "Book review: Ritu Dewan, Radha Sehgal, Aruna Kanchi and Swat Raju, Invisible Work, Invisible Workers: The Sub-Economies of Unpaid Work and Paid Work Action Research on Women’s Unpaid Labour." Social Change 50, no. 1 (March 2020): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085719901177.

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Ritu Dewan, Radha Sehgal, Aruna Kanchi and Swat Raju, Invisible Work, Invisible Workers: The Sub-Economies of Unpaid Work and Paid Work Action Research on Women’s Unpaid Labour. Delhi, UN WOMEN and ActionAid, 203 pp.

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Terpstra, Sietse ES, Lotte van de Stadt, Annelies Boonen, Wendy Damman, Frits Rosendaal, and Margreet Kloppenburg. "Hand osteoarthritis is associated with limitations in paid and unpaid work participation and related societal costs: the HOSTAS cohort." RMD Open 8, no. 2 (July 2022): e002367. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/rmdopen-2022-002367.

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ObjectivesData on work participation impairment and related societal costs for patients with hand osteoarthritis (OA) are scarce. Therefore, we aimed to investigate the association of hand OA with work limitations and costs of productivity loss in paid and unpaid work.MethodsWe used data from the Hand Osteoarthritis in Secondary Care cohort, including patients with hand OA diagnosed by their treating rheumatologist. Using the validated Health and Labour Questionnaire, we assessed experienced unpaid and paid work restrictions, unpaid work replacement by others and inefficiency and absence during paid work related to hand OA over the last 2 weeks. Societal costs (€) per hour of paid and unpaid work were estimated using Dutch salary data in 2019.Results381 patients were included (mean age 61 years, 84% women, 26% high education level, 55% having any comorbidity). Replacement of unpaid work by others due to hand OA was necessary for 171 out of 381 patients (45%). Paid work was reported by 181/381 patients (47%), of whom 13/181 (7%) reported absenteeism, 28/181 (15%) unproductive hours at work and 120/181 (66%) paid work restrictions due to hand OA.Total estimated work-related societal costs per patient with hand OA (381 patients) were €94 (95% CI 59 to 130) per 2 weeks (€2452, 95% CI 1528 to 3377 per year).ConclusionsHand OA is associated with impairment in paid and unpaid work participation, which translates into substantial societal costs of lost productivity. These results highlight the importance of adequate hand OA treatment.

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Salin, Milla, Minna Ylikännö, and Mia Hakovirta. "How to Divide Paid Work and Unpaid Care between Parents? Comparison of Attitudes in 22 Western Countries." Social Sciences 7, no. 10 (October 7, 2018): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7100188.

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Sharing responsibilities for paid work and unpaid care between men and women is recognised as one of the challenges that Western countries face in the 21st century. This article examines attitudes towards sharing paid work and unpaid care responsibilities in 22 Western countries by addressing the following questions. (1) How do attitudes towards different earner-carer models vary across countries? (2) Which socio-demographic and country-level factors explain differences in attitudes to an equal division of paid work and unpaid care responsibilities? International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) data 2012 is used as the data source and research methods include logistic multi-level regression analysis. Results reveal that cross-national variations in attitudes are significant: Most traditional attitudes are found in many Eastern European countries, whereas Nordic countries are the least traditional. At the individual level, those who are highly educated, in paid work, single, childless, and religiously non-active support the equal division of paid work and unpaid care responsibilities more often than other respondents. At the country level, longer father-specific parental leave, a stronger tradition of women’s paid work, and less traditional gender roles are related to stronger support for an equal division of paid work and unpaid care.

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Overgaard, Charlotte. "Rethinking Volunteering as a Form of Unpaid Work." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 48, no. 1 (November 15, 2018): 128–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764018809419.

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This article aims to problematize the ways in which volunteering is presently conceptualized, theorized, and studied by positioning it as a form of unpaid labor. Over six focal points, the article highlights areas that deserve closer scrutiny: the question of when volunteering is work; the formal–informal and paid–unpaid distinctions of work; the notion of “choice,” especially volunteering as the lack of paid work choices; the assumption that volunteer work is similar to informal work; and a recognition that volunteering consists of many different forms of activities, not just one.

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K. Prodromídis, Pródromos-Ioánnis. "Approaching the female labor supply from the unpaid work and non-work functions." International Journal of Manpower 35, no. 5 (July 29, 2014): 643–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijm-05-2014-0121.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to study the allocation of time to paid work, unpaid work and non-work by women in Britain in 1998-1999. To infer the labor supply from the other time-use expressions. Design/methodology/approach – The paper uses weekly diary data to estimate the unpaid work and non-work functions. It infers the (residual) paid work expression. As the latter is recovered from uncensored regressions, it makes direct use of the complete set of observations. Hence, it contains more information than the conventional labor supply functions that are estimated from the data obtained from paid work participants via the Tobit and Heckit or selection-bias correction (SBC) techniques. Findings – The women surveyed generally allocated 69 percent of their time toward non-work, 18 percent to unpaid work, and 13 percent to paid work. The non-work function is dominated by the autonomous component, and all three functions depend on subjects’ age, wage, non-labor income, household composition, the unpaid work contributions of adult relatives and region of residence. The unpaid work and non-work functions are more consistent with the SBC rather than the Tobit version of the labor supply. Moreover, the Tobit predicts unrealistic paid work allocations for women engaging in very little non-work. Research limitations/implications – The unpaid work and non-work functions are regressed separately, as often the case in the literature. Their consideration within a seemingly unrelated regression framework necessitates a reduction in the number of observations to match those considered in the Tobit and SBC versions of the labor supply. Nuances may arise when the time reported in the diaries does not add up to 24 daily hours for all respondents. Knowledge of the recovered regional, age, household member and other effects on women time allocation might had come handy to economic development authorities who sought to attract women out of the household into market production, and from part-time to full-time employment in the context of the 2000-2010 Lisbon Strategy. Similar lessons may be valid today. Originality/value – The data set derives from a survey that has not been used before. It relies on week-long diaries in order to avoid the occurrence of many zeros in a good number of activities (which is the norm in short diaries), and to ensure the study of a censored time-use function through its uncensored complements. The findings are compared to those of a weekly diary survey conducted in 1987 that solicited similar information. Hence, the study fills a gap in time-use analysis. Identifying the factors which influence the number of hours that women engage in work (both paid and unpaid) and non-work is useful for economic policy purposes. The study exposes a limitation in the conventional estimation of the labor supply which, in turn, casts doubt on the reliability of empirical results for policy making.

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Singh, Pushpendra, and Falguni Pattanaik. "Economic status of women in India: paradox of paid–unpaid work and poverty." International Journal of Social Economics 46, no. 3 (March 4, 2019): 410–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-05-2018-0277.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to understand the dynamics of women labor considering their unpaid work status. The intention is to understand the precise meaning of unpaid work and its magnitudes and trends in India. This study explores the causes of women to be engaged in unpaid work and the reason behind the non-reduction of unpaid labor as prophesied by the standard theories of economic development. Furthermore, this study aims to examine the nexus of the work status of women and its impact on poverty to give possible recommendations for promoting faster and more inclusive growth of the Indian economy. Design/methodology/approach For addressing the above-mentioned issues, this study has used the data of 50th, 55th, 61st and 68th surveys conducted from 1993–1994 to 2011–2012 by National Sample Survey Office. In the first stage of analysis, the magnitude of unpaid work by women has been estimated. Subsequently, the relative contributions of socio-economic and demographics on the work status of women (paid and unpaid) in India have been assessed by using logistic regression model. In the second stage, the level of poverty among paid and unpaid women has been measured by using poverty estimation methodology. Furthermore, the incidence of poverty among unpaid women has been decomposed, and the contribution of socio-economic predictors has been measured. Findings The study reveals that the participation of women in paid activities has been consistently declined. During the study period, it is observed that the amount of unpaid work activities of women has significantly increased. Moreover, the increase of unpaid activities is more intense for those women who are less educated, marginalized and belong to the poorer household. Originality/value The key contributions of this study are to underpin the issue of low and declining participation of female labor force in India as well as to understand the dynamics of changing work status (paid to unpaid) of females in the neo-liberal development framework. Furthermore, this study explores the consequences of the increase in unpaid work on poverty, which has not been the focus of previous studies.

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Ophir, Ariane. "The Paid and Unpaid Working Life Expectancy at 50 in Europe." Journals of Gerontology: Series B 77, no. 4 (December 5, 2021): 769–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geronb/gbab223.

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Abstract Objectives Amid growing concerns about the economic implications of population aging and the sustainability of older adults’ working life, unpaid family care work receives less attention despite its direct relevance to population aging. This article systematically compares the paid and unpaid working life expectancy at age 50 to understand the overlap and trade-off between paid and unpaid work among older European adults. Method Using data from the Survey of Health and Retirement in Europe with the Sullivan method, the article presents gender differences across 17 countries in life expectancy at age 50 at various paid (employment) and unpaid (caregiving) role configurations. Results When work is defined to include unpaid family caregiving, women and men have similar working life expectancies at age 50, in contrast to prior research. However, its paid and unpaid components are gendered. The results also show that at age 50, women are expected to spend a similar number of years providing grandchild care and activities of daily living/instrumental activities of daily living care and that most of these years take place after retirement. Discussion The results highlight that the gendered tension between paid and unpaid work persists into older adulthood and needs to be accounted for in working life expectancy measures. The results also underscore the gendered implications of population aging and unpaid work in older adulthood for retirement age policies and strategies for promoting gender equality in later life.

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Armstrong, Hugh, and Paula Bourne. "Women's Paid and Unpaid Work: Historical and Contemporary Perspective." Labour / Le Travail 20 (1987): 294. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142894.

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Meiners, Jane E., and Geraldine I. Olson. "Household, Paid, and Unpaid Work Time of Farm Women." Family Relations 36, no. 4 (October 1987): 407. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/584492.

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Beaujot, Roderic, and Jianye Liu. "Models of Time Use in Paid and Unpaid Work." Journal of Family Issues 26, no. 7 (October 2005): 924–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192513x04273583.

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Models of time use need to consider especially the reproductive and productive activities of women and men. For husband-wife families, the breadwinner, one-earner, or complementary-roles model has advantages in terms of efficiency or specialization and stability; however, it is a high-risk model for women and children. The alternate model has been called two-earner, companionship, “new families,” or collaborative in the sense of spouses collaborating in the paid and unpaid work needed to provide for and care for the family. Adopting the common metric of time use to study paid and unpaid work, we find that the complementary-roles model remains the most common, and the “double burden” is the second most frequent; however, there is some evidence of change in the direction of shared-roles arrangements, especially for younger couples with children, when both are employed full-time.

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Bonke, Jens, and Bent Jensen. "Paid and unpaid work in Denmark – Towards gender equity." electronic International Journal of Time Use Research 9, no. 1 (November 30, 2012): 108–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.13085/eijtur.9.1.108-119.

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Macdonald, Fiona, Eleanor Bentham, and Jenny Malone. "Wage theft, underpayment and unpaid work in marketised social care." Economic and Labour Relations Review 29, no. 1 (February 22, 2018): 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304618758252.

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Marketised models of social care provision in Australia are placing pressures on service providers and driving changes in work organisation and employer practices, with potential to degrade social care jobs. While international experience of marketised social care has demonstrated the vulnerability of social care workers to wage theft and other violations of employment laws, Australia’s relatively strong industrial relations safety net might be expected to be better able to protect these low-paid workers. Nevertheless, there is emerging evidence of negative impacts on the pay and entitlements of frontline workers in the expanding community support and homecare workforce. This study investigates the paid and unpaid work time of disability support workers under Australia’s new National Disability Insurance Scheme. The research takes a novel approach combining analysis of working day diaries and qualitative interviews with employees to expose how jobs are being fragmented and work is being organised into periods of paid and unpaid time, leaving employees paid below their minimum entitlement. The article highlights the role of social care policy along with inadequate employment regulation. JEL Codes: J390, J81, J88

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Terpstra, S., L. Van de Stadt, A. Boonen, F. Rosendaal, and M. Kloppenburg. "POS1121 HAND OSTEOARTHRITIS IS ASSOCIATED WITH LIMITATIONS IN PAID AN UNPAID WORK PARTICIPATION AND RELATED SOCIETAL COSTS: THE HOSTAS COHORT." Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 81, Suppl 1 (May 23, 2022): 889.1–889. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2022-eular.2798.

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BackgroundRheumatic musculoskeletal diseases (RMDs) can cause impairment in paid and unpaid work which can contribute to societal burden and costs. However, data on this topic concerning hand osteoarthritis (OA) is scarce, while this is crucial for assessing the societal impact of this disease.ObjectivesTo investigate the association of hand OA with paid and unpaid work limitations, productivity loss and costs of productivity loss.MethodsWe used data of the Dutch Hand OSTeoArthritis in Secondary care (HOSTAS) cohort, a primary hand OA cohort from a general rheumatology outpatient clinic. The treating rheumatologist defined hand OA presence. We assessed patient and OA characteristics using validated questionnaires and tests. We investigated work impairment due to hand OA with the Health and Labour Questionnaire (HLQ) which assesses the last two weeks on hand-OA related limitations, hours of sick leave and unproductiveness during paid work, and limitations and hours of the necessity of being replaced by others for unpaid work tasks.We estimated societal costs of paid work by multiplying unproductive and sick leave hours due to hand OA by the average Dutch hourly societal costs of paid work for persons of the same age category and sex. We estimated societal costs of unpaid work by multiplying the hours of unpaid work replaced by others by the Dutch gross average hourly salary of a household help (€12.50).ResultsHLQ data was available for 382 patients (mean age 61 years, 86% women, 26% having a university degree, 41% having any comorbidity). Of these persons, 181 (47%) had paid work, 16 (4%) had full work disability due to hand OA and 117 (30%) were retired. Thirteen employed persons (7%) reported sick leave due to hand OA in the last two weeks, for whom a median of 42 working hours (interquartile range (IQR) 24 to 54) was lost. Unproductive paid work hours were present for 28 (15%) patients, with a median of 4 hours in the last two weeks (IQR 2 to 6). Hinder at work in the last two weeks was reported by 120 out of 181 working patients (66%), for whom median hinder score (score range 6-24) was 7 (IQR 6 to 8). Work production loss in the last two weeks due to hand OA (the sum of sick leave hours and unproductive hours) was present for 36 patients (19%). Patients with paid work productivity loss (n = 35, 19%) did not differ statically significantly in patient and disease characteristics from those without productivity loss (n = 146, 19%).Unpaid work replacement in the last two weeks was reported by 171 patients (45%), with a median of three hours replaced (IQR 2 to 7). Any unpaid work hinder was reported by 297 (78%). Median unpaid work hinder score (score range: 4-16) was 8 (IQR 7 to 10) . Patients with unpaid work replacement by others due to hand OA (n=171, 45%) were statically significantly more often female and had a higher BMI than with those without any replacement (n=210, 55%).We estimated total societal costs of hand OA related to paid work production loss at €61 (95% confidence interval (CI) 27 to 96) per two weeks, and societal costs for unpaid work at €33 (CI 27 to 40). Total estimated work-related societal costs per patient with hand OA were €94 (CI 59 to 130), translating to €2452 (CI 1528 to 3377) per year.ConclusionHand OA is associated with impairment in paid and unpaid work, which translates into substantial societal costs. This highlights the social and economic importance of adequate hand OA treatment. It also highlights the importance of investigating work impairment experienced by hand OA patients visiting the outpatient clinic, for potentially more tailored treatment.Disclosure of InterestsNone declared

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Addati, Laura. "Transforming care work and care jobs for the future of decent work." International Journal of Care and Caring 5, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/239788221x16099530336652.

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The article is an edited version of a keynote speech given at the 2019 Global Carework Summit and highlights the findings of the International Labour Organization report Care Work and Care Jobs for the Future of Decent Work. It takes a comprehensive look at the nexus between unpaid care work, paid work and paid care work, and its contributions to the future of work debates and global policy work around the achievement of gender equality.

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Nyberg, Anita. "Feministiska ekonomer och feministisk ekonomi - exemplet nationalekonomi." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 22, no. 3-4 (June 16, 2022): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v22i3-4.4264.

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Economics is one of the most women and gender resistant disciplines of all. Some Economists who are critical of mainstream economic theory and method have, however, started to apply a gender perspective to economic models. One important feminist critique of macroeconomic theory and policy has been that they do not take into consideration unpaid care work (including domestic work) and paid work in the informal sector. Feminist economists have therefore started to present an alternative view of economic reality that includes work of this kind. Making unpaid care work and paid informal work visible offers a more comprehensive picture of the economy and women's place in it. It also makes it possible to analyse different sectors of the economy and the connections between them. When consideration is given only to the monetary economy, men are seen as more economically active than women, while resources are redistributed from men to women through social security systems and women are subsidised more than men by public services such as childcare and care for the elderly. If however unpaid care work is also included in the analysis, women appear to be as economically active as men, and since they have as long or longer working days, resources might rather be seen as being redistributed from women to men and women's unpaid care work as subsidising men's paid work. Economic theories and models, which integrate paid and unpaid work, are needed especially since the time available for care work, paid and unpaid now seems to be decreasing as a consequence of women's increasing participation on labour märket, savings in the public sector as well as of the fact that services are continuously becoming more expensive in relation to goods since these cannot be replaced by technological advances. At the same time the demand for care work expands because the proportion of elderly is increasing and because children seem to need an ever increasing investment of human and social capital to be able to cope on the labour märket.

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Patel, Vibhuti. "Introduction: Changing Contours of Paid and Unpaid Work of Women." Social Change 50, no. 1 (March 2020): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085719901049.

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Marszałek, Marta. "Podział obowiązków w gospodarstwach domowych w Polsce: analiza sezonowości pracy domowej i zawodowej." Studia Demograficzne, no. 1(175) (March 4, 2020): 81–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/sd.2019.1.4.

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The analysis based on data from the Time Use Survey 2013 presents how household activities related to paid and unpaid work are distributed between women and men in Poland. The share of persons involved in selected activities at the defined time is presented. The 24‑hour rhythm of paid and unpaid work refers to weekdays (working days and weekends separately) and months. The analysis covers different groups of households, defined by the source of income and household living arrangements. The results confirm the hypothesis about double burden of women imposed by the asymmetric allocation of household duties between women and men, irrespectively of the source of household income. They also demonstrate how living arrangements contribute to the differences in paid and unpaid work of women and men.

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Baines, Donna, Ian Cunningham, and John Shields. "Filling the gaps: Unpaid (and precarious) work in the nonprofit social services." Critical Social Policy 37, no. 4 (February 1, 2017): 625–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018317693128.

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Unpaid work has long been used in nonprofit/voluntary social services to extend paid work. Drawing on three case studies of nonprofit social services in Canada, this article argues that due to austerity policies, the conditions for ‘pure’ gift relationships in unpaid social service work are increasingly rare. Instead, employers have found various ways to ‘fill the gaps’ in funding through the extraction of unpaid work in various forms. Precarious workers are highly vulnerable to expectations that they will ‘volunteer’ at their places of employment, while expectations that students will undertake unpaid internships is increasing the norm for degree completion and procurement of employment, and full-time workers often use unpaid work as a form of resistance. This article contributes to theory by advancing a spectrum of unpaid nonprofit social service work as compelled and coerced to varying degrees in the context of austerity policies and funding cutbacks.

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McMullin, Julie Ann. "Patterns of Paid and Unpaid Work: The Influence of Power, Social Context, and Family Background." Canadian Journal on Aging / La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 24, no. 3 (2005): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cja.2005.0079.

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ABSTRACTOver the last several decades there have been changes in how paid and unpaid labour is divided between men and women: The rate of women's participation in the labour force women has increased as has men's participation in household labour. Although a plethora of research has addressed these changes by analysing couple and individual data, few have examined them within the context of multi-generational families. Using a case study analysis of a three-generation family, this paper shows that gender, class, social context, and family background influence how paid and unpaid work is divided within families. The case study shows that the social context of a given time conditions the options women and men have available to them in negotiating the balance of work and family responsibilities. Yet within this context, family background also matters. Negative childhood experiences were an impetus for adult children negotiating patterns of paid and unpaid labour that were different from those of their parents.

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Blom, Victoria, Pia Svedberg, Gunnar Bergström, Lisa Mather, and Petra Lindfors. "Stress in paid and unpaid work as related to cortisol and subjective health complaints in women working in the public health care sector." International Journal of Workplace Health Management 10, no. 4 (August 7, 2017): 286–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijwhm-12-2016-0086.

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Purpose Focusing on 420 women employed within the woman-dominated health care sector, the purpose of this paper is to investigate how any variation in their total workload (TWL) in terms of paid and unpaid work relate to various subjective health complaints (SHC) (n=420) and the neuroendocrine stress marker cortisol (n=68). Design/methodology/approach The authors explored how any variation in their TWL in terms of paid and unpaid work related cross-sectionally to SHC (n=420), and the neuroendocrine stress marker cortisol (n=68). Findings Hierarchical regression analyses showed that stress of unpaid work was most strongly related to diurnal variations in cortisol. Both stress of paid and unpaid work as well as TWL stress, but not hours spent on TWL, were related to SHC. Practical implications Taken together, objective measures of hours spent on various TWL domains were unrelated to outcome measures while perceptions of having too much TWL and TWL stress were linked to both cortisol and SHC, i.e. how individuals perceive a situation seem to be more important for health than the actual situation, which has implications for research and efforts to reduce individual TWL. Originality/value This study is unique in showing that unpaid work and perceptions having too much TWL relate to stress markers in women working in the public health care sector.

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Warren, Tracey, Gillian Pascall, and Elizabeth Fox. "Gender Equality in Time: Low-Paid Mothers' Paid and Unpaid Work in the UK." Feminist Economics 16, no. 3 (July 2010): 193–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545701.2010.499997.

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Özen, Yelda. "Body work and later-life care in Turkey: a qualitative study of paid and unpaid carers of older people." Ageing and Society 40, no. 10 (July 30, 2019): 2106–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x19000989.

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AbstractThe ageing population of Turkey has brought later-life care into question. Family care remains most prevalent, but institutional, paid and professional care are increasing. Literature in Turkey has focused on the medical or social policy aspects but not care-givers’ experiences, nor how the care is performed. This study aims to illuminate care-givers’ experiences using qualitative methods, through in-depth interviews in Ankara with 19 care-givers providing home care for people aged 65 and over. Commonalities and differences were revealed among unpaid family care-givers, paid care-givers and professional care-givers. First, whether paid or unpaid, the bodily and emotional aspects of care work are intertwined. To cope with the ‘negativities’ involved in the work, nurses usually medicalised bodily tasks, unpaid care-givers cited traditional responsibilities and employed infantilisation, while paid care-givers mostly informalised the relationship, infantilised the person cared for and underlined their asexuality. Secondly, care work is gendered; silenced, invisible and ambivalent; related to intimacy with older bodies; and performed in the home space, which blurs the distinction between the private and public field for paid care. Finally, it involves emotional work regarding managing the bodily aspects and navigating the relationships surrounding the older person; and it is labour-intensive with an exploitative character.

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Brook, Orian, Dave O’Brien, and Mark Taylor. "“There’s No Way That You Get Paid to Do the Arts”: Unpaid Labour Across the Cultural and Creative Life Course." Sociological Research Online 25, no. 4 (February 4, 2020): 571–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780419895291.

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Unpaid labour is an important element of how precarity has been theorised. It is also an issue that is often seen as endemic to cultural and creative work. Questions as to the role of unpaid work, including but not limited to unpaid internships, have become central to understanding how the social exclusiveness of many cultural and creative jobs is reinforced through their precarity. This article uses survey and interview data to outline the differing experiences of unpaid labour in cultural jobs. It contrasts the meaning of ‘free’ work over the life courses of a range of creative workers, showing how it is stratified by social class, age, and career stage. By exploring the stratification of unpaid work as a form of precariousness in cultural jobs, and of who describes their experiences of unpaid work as benign, the article offers new empirical evidence for those challenging the negative impacts of precarious working conditions.

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Ding, Regina Y., and Allison M. Williams. "Places of paid work and unpaid work: Caregiving and work‐from‐home during COVID‐19." Canadian Geographer / Le Géographe canadien 66, no. 1 (January 12, 2022): 156–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cag.12740.

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Dennerstein, Lorraine. "Mental Health, Work, and Gender." International Journal of Health Services 25, no. 3 (July 1995): 503–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/qjra-8nmb-kr1r-qh4q.

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Women have significantly higher prevalence rates than men for many mental disorders, particularly affective disorders. Married women are more at risk for mental ill-health than single women or married men. The detrimental effects of marriage on mental health appear to relate to the contexts of role performances and the reduction in opportunities in paid employment. This review examines the influence of women's paid and unpaid domestic work and roles on mental health. Many studies show positive effects of paid employment on mental health, and multiple roles have been found to have beneficial rather than adverse effects on mental health. However, husbands' negative attitudes to women's paid employment, with resultant marital conflict, and husbands' lack of participation in child care may erode these potential beneficial effects.

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Carcel, Cheryl, Sara Farnbach, Beverley M. Essue, Qiang Li, Nick Glozier, Stephen Jan, Richard Lindley, and Maree L. Hackett. "Returning to Unpaid Work after Stroke: The Psychosocial Outcomes in Stroke Cohort Study." Cerebrovascular Diseases 47, no. 1-2 (2019): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000496399.

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Background: While returning to paid work is a crucial marker of stroke recovery, little is known about the differences in unpaid work by sex following stroke. We aimed to determine the sex differences in participation in unpaid work 12 months after stroke. Methods: Psychosocial outcomes in stroke were a prospective, multicentre observational study that recruited individuals, 18–64 years, within 28 days of stroke from New South Wales, Australia. Unpaid work was defined as ≥5 h per week of one or more of: unpaid domestic work for the household; unpaid care of others; looking after own children without pay or looking after someone else’s children without pay. Data was collected before stroke, 28 days (baseline), 6 and 12 months follow-up. Results: Eighty per cent of women and 52% of men engaged in ≥5 h per week of unpaid work before stroke. At 12 months after, 69% of women and 53% of men completed ≥5 h of unpaid work per week. For women, there was a significant association between participation in unpaid work at 12 months and having financially dependent children (OR 2.67; 95% CI 1.08–6.59). A return to unpaid work in men was associated with participation in unpaid work before stroke (OR 3.74; 95% CI 2.14–6.53). Conclusions: More women are engaged in unpaid work before and at 12 months after stroke, but there is a reduction in the proportion of women returning to unpaid work at 12 months not seen in men. Consideration may need to be given to the development of rehabilitation strategies targeted at the specific needs of stroke survivors.

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McMunn, Anne, Lauren Bird, Elizabeth Webb, and Amanda Sacker. "Gender Divisions of Paid and Unpaid Work in Contemporary UK Couples." Work, Employment and Society 34, no. 2 (July 25, 2019): 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017019862153.

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This article uses data from the UK Household Longitudinal Study to describe how contemporary British couples divide a range of work types. Our findings support the hypothesis, suggested by previous authors, that a shared egalitarian ideology is required for gender equality in divisions of work. In response to bargaining theories, the article also hypothesises that differentials in educational attainment within couples are more strongly associated with gender divisions of work when a couple’s gender ideology is in conflict. Interaction analysis does not support this hypothesis.

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Evans, Karen. "Lifelong Learning in Paid and Unpaid Work. Edited by David Livingston." British Journal of Educational Studies 59, no. 4 (December 2011): 488–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00071005.2011.626585.

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Schlosser, Francine K., and Deborah M. Zinni. "Transitioning ageing workers from paid to unpaid work in non-profits." Human Resource Management Journal 21, no. 2 (March 14, 2011): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-8583.2010.00131.x.

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Bowlby, Sophie, and Sally Lloyd Evans. "Between State and Market: The Non-Profit Workforce in a Changing Local Environment." Social Policy and Society 10, no. 3 (June 1, 2011): 417–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746411000133.

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This article explores some impacts of relationships between the third sector, the state and the market on the non-profit sector workforce in Reading, England. We argue that: the growth of state influence has brought forth paid and unpaid workers to represent the sector to the state; in most non-profit organisations paid workers create the conditions for unpaid work. For a minority the opposite is true; labour in the non-profit sector is influenced by competition from the private sector for workers and ‘clients’; workers’ paid work, family commitments and market services limit volunteering, especially for what we term ‘lifestage’ volunteers.

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Glucksmann, Miriam, and Dawn Lyon. "Configurations of Care Work: Paid and Unpaid Elder Care in Italy and the Netherlands." Sociological Research Online 11, no. 2 (July 2006): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1398.

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Most current sociological approaches to work recognise that the same activity may be undertaken within a variety of socio-economic forms - formal or informal, linked with the private market, public state or not-for-profit sectors. This article takes care of the elderly as an exemplary case for probing some of the linkages between paid and unpaid work. We attempt to unravel the interconnections between forms of care work undertaken in different socio-economic conditions in two settings, the Netherlands and Italy. The research is part of a broader programme concerned with differing interconnections and overlaps between work activities. In this article, we are concerned with: 1) how paid and unpaid care work map on to four ‘institutional’ modes of provision - by the state, family, market, and voluntary sector; and 2) with the configurations that emerge from the combination of different forms of paid and unpaid work undertaken through the different institutions. Despite the centrality of family-based informal care by women in both countries, we argue that the overall configurations of care are in fact quite distinct. In the Netherlands, state-funded care services operate to shape and anchor the centrality of family as the main provider. In this configuration, unpaid familial labour is sustained by voluntary sector state-funded provision. In Italy, by contrast, there is significant recourse to informal market-based services in the form of individual migrant carers, in a context of limited public provision. In this configuration, the state indirectly supports market solutions, sustaining the continuity of family care as an ideal and as a practice.

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Ogawa, Reiko. "Family and Care Work Facing Social Change and Globalization." International Journal of Public and Private Healthcare Management and Economics 2, no. 4 (October 2012): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpphme.2012100103.

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This article examines the complex interplay between family and elderly care in Japan by taking into account both paid and unpaid reproductive work. The elderly care has gone through a discursive shift from the private sphere to the public sphere since 2000 through the introduction of Long Term Care Insurance. The article first elaborates the two major structural changes in the society namely demographic change and deterioration of the social welfare system including the transformation in the family institutions. Secondly, it discusses the globalization of care work through the entry of migrants into care workforce especially the resident migrants in Japan and how family serves as a driving force in affecting their decision. The article attempts to analyze the role of family in relation to both paid and unpaid reproductive work within the global restructuring of care, which is not only gendered but increasingly becoming ethnicized.

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Yaqoob, Sidra. "Determinants of Participation of Women to Paid Labor Market Work and Unpaid Household Work." Pakistan Social Sciences Review 4, no. III (September 15, 2020): 668–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.35484/pssr.2020(4-iii)47.

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Carr, D. C., and B. L. Kail. "The Influence of Unpaid Work on the Transition Out of Full-Time Paid Work." Gerontologist 53, no. 1 (August 2, 2012): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geront/gns080.

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Beigi, Mina. "Book review: The sociology of work: Continuity and change in paid and unpaid work." Management Learning 45, no. 3 (June 13, 2014): 354–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350507614532567.

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Carlson, Daniel L. "Time Availability: Assessing Causal Ordering in the Performance of Paid Labor and Unpaid Housework." Journal of Comparative Family Studies 52, no. 2 (June 2021): 180–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcfs-52-2-003.

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Key to understanding gender inequality in families, the time availability hypothesis implies that one’s time in paid work negatively affects one’s time in unpaid housework. Although dozens of studies have demonstrated an association between husbands’ and wives’ time in the paid labor force and their performance of housework, most suffer from numerous limitations, especially the use of unidirectional modeling and cross-sectional data. This is problematic since these methods cannot assess causal directionality and since human capital theory suggests that housework responsibilities affect time in paid work. Using structural equation modeling and two stage least squares regression—two methods that can help parse causal ordering—and data from the 1987–88 and 1992–94 waves of the U.S. National Survey of Families and Households (NSFH) this study finds no support for the time availability hypothesis regarding the association between paid work hours and unpaid housework. Consistent with human capital theory, husbands’ housework time affects their own time in paid work. No association is found among wives.

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Seddik, Ahmed H., Jennifer C. Branner, Dennis A. Ostwald, Sara H. Schramm, Martin Bierbaum, and Zaza Katsarava. "The socioeconomic burden of migraine: An evaluation of productivity losses due to migraine headaches based on a population study in Germany." Cephalalgia 40, no. 14 (August 6, 2020): 1551–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0333102420944842.

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Background This study estimates the socioeconomic impact of migraine headaches on paid and unpaid work productivity in the adult German population in 1 year. Methods We used data on headache frequency (days per month) from a longitudinal population-based study. Prevalence estimates of migraine were derived from the Global Burden of Disease Collaborative Network. Demography data were derived from official statistics in 2017. Aggregate headache days in 1 year were translated to losses in paid and unpaid productive hours based on estimates of presenteeism and absenteeism along with other socioeconomic parameters. Paid hours lost were distributed across the industry sectors. In this way, an age-, gender- and industry sector-specific monetary value was calculated for paid hours lost. Unpaid hours lost were valued by assigning the unpaid activities to their nearest market substitute. In a last step, value-added multipliers derived from input-output tables were used to calculate the economic value chain effects. Results A total of 15.5 million persons (20 years or older) suffer from migraine in Germany. Our analysis shows that 60% of those have three or fewer headache days per month, while patients suffering chronic migraine (15+ headache days per month) account for 5.4% of the adult migraine population. Females bear 65% of the total 836 million headache days per year. The socioeconomic losses due to migraine amount to €100.4 billion (€6493 on average per patient) in one year. Conclusion In addition to time losses in paid work, migraine causes substantial socioeconomic losses to unpaid work activities due to its disproportionate prevalence among females. Economic value chain effects provide a novel perspective on losses beyond a patient’s time loss. Overall, the elements of socioeconomic burden provide a strong rationale that innovative migraine therapies could be of high value to society.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Paid and unpaid work'

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