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1
CAMPBELL, JAMES T. "ROMANTIC REVOLUTIONARIES: DAVID IVON JONES, S. P. BUNTING AND THE ORIGINS OF NON-RACIAL POLITICS IN SOUTH AFRICA." Journal of African History 39, no. 2 (July 1998): 313–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853798007208.
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The Delegate for Africa: David Ivon Jones, 1883–1924. By Baruch Hirson and Gwyn A. Williams. London: Core Publications, 1995. Pp. x+272. £8.50, paperback (ISBN 897640-02-1).S. P. Bunting: A Political Biography, new edition. By Edward Roux. Bellville: Mayibuye Books. 1993. Pp. 200. No price given, paperback (ISBN 1-86808-162-1).Outsiders looking at the recent history of South African politics are apt to be struck by two conundrums. How can a nation that pushed the logic of ‘race’ as far as any society in history also have produced one of the world's most enduring non-racial political traditions? And how, in a period that has seen the crumbling of the Soviet Union and the discrediting of communist parties throughout the world, has the South African Communist Party (SACP) not only survived but risen to power, in coalition with the African National Congress and the Congress of South African Trade Unions?
2
Arif, Muhammad Syamsul. "Menguji Resistansi Doktrin Khilafah Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI); Sebuah Kajian Analitis dan Historiografis." FIKRAH 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 407. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/fikrah.v7i2.6485.
Full textAbstract:
<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="IN">Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) is one of the most active Islamic movements in Indonesia's contemporary history that seeks to implement Islam in a serious way. For political ideology and political thought, this party has no fundamental difference with central Hizbut Tahrir, and puts the idea of realizing the global caliphate at the center of its thinking. Is the global caliphate suitable idea for contemporary heterogeneous Indonesian society? Is historical, rational, hadith, and Quranic arguments obligate us to found global c</span><span>a</span><span lang="IN">liphate</span><span>’s system </span><span lang="IN">such as HTI’s thinkers and activists have claimed? These are two fundamental issues that the present treatise seeks to answer. The treatise has demonstrated, with a descriptive, analytical, and critical method, that the global caliphate’s thought of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia is in conflict with Islamic doctrines and historical defendable data.</span></p>
3
蘇致亨, 蘇致亨. "重新分期台語電視史：黨國資本主義、強人的沈默和蔣經國時期的雙面本土化." 中華傳播學刊 42, no. 42 (December 2022): 043–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.53106/172635812022120042002.
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<p>本文藉統計三臺臺語節目比例及爬梳廣播安全會報等檔案，重建以本土語言為中心的電視史分期，強調應以產業發展視角重構電視史，並指出是蔣經國死後的還我母語運動，而非解嚴，才帶來《廣電法》語言禁令的解除。回訪電視史，有助反思黨國文化治理的三組課題：一是在黨國資本主義下傳播媒體如何運作的政治經濟學；二是強人領袖對於語言管制不尋常的沉默；三是蔣經國時期在宣稱與實作的虛實之間、政治與文化的領域之間、菁英與庶民的階級之間等三個層次呈現的雙面本土化。</p> <p> </p><p>This study used statistics and archived information to reconstruct the native language–centric periodization of television history in Taiwan. Three characteristics of the party-state cultural governance in post-war Taiwan were analyzed: the power of marketization and the political economy of communication under an authoritarian regime; the self-fulfilling prophecy of language regulation due to the unusual silence of the dictators; and Chiang Ching-kuo’s Taiwanization policies—co-operating with Taiwanese political elites while strictly controlling the mass usage of the native language in everyday, for example, in television programs.</p> <p> </p>
4
But, Yulia E. "Political Culture of the Habsburg Peoples in the Mid-19th and Early 20th Centuries. Review of: Vashhenko, M. S., Velichko, O. I., Dronov, M. Yu., et al. (2018). Politicheskie partii i obshhestvennye dvizheniia v monarkhii Gabsburgov, 1848–1914 gg.: ocherki [Political Parties and Social Movements in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1848–1914: Essays]. Moscow: Indrik. 408 p." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 23, no. 2 (2021): 280–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2021.23.2.040.
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This review characterises the content and comments on the importance of a collective monograph which can be regarded as the first comprehensive work in the Russian historical science to depict the dynamics of political culture and the stages of party building by almost all the peoples of the multinational Habsburg monarchy in 1848–1914. In a series of essays, the authors demonstrate how Habsburg peoples fought, though with a varying degree of ardour and success, for the recognition of their collective identity and claimed to be recognised as collective subjects of the state. The review reveals the main issues that thwart drawing a comprehensive review of the political culture of the peoples of the monarchy resulting from the composite state structure, the nature of political associations and parties, and the different development stages of the national idea. The authors revise the teleological approach of 20th-century historiography which can be considered a novelty in the Central European studies in Russia. Yet, the book contains occasional weaknesses in the chains of reasoning and evidence. Nonetheless, the strengths of the book make it possible to rank it among the authoritative books on the Central European history of the modern period.
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Скрипник, Олена, and Віталій Друганов. "ІДЕЯ ЧОРНОМОРСЬКОЇ ФЕДЕРАЦІЇ: ПОГЛЯДИ МИХАЙЛА ГРУШЕВСЬКОГО І СТЕПАНА РУДНИЦЬКОГО ТА ПЕРСПЕКТИВИ СЬОГОДЕННЯ." Уманська старовина, no. 9 (December 26, 2022): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2519-2035.9.2022.269850.
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Ключові слова: Чорне море, геополітика, М. Грушевський, С. Рудницький, політична арена, Українськареволюція 1917-1921 рр.
У статті показано основні політико-ідеологічні засади геополітичного проєкту «Чорноморськоїфедерації», що був створений в працях українського історика М. Грушевського та його учня С. Рудницького вперіод Національно-визвольних змагань та Інтербелума, а також похідні ідеї цього проєкту що існують в XXIстолітті. Проаналізовано передумови, які викликали необхідність розробки концепції співпраці різних країнБалтійсько-Чорноморського регіону на початку ХХ ст. Окреслено основні перспективи імовірності розвиткуспівпраці в межах регіону у майбутньому. Зроблено висновок про те, що щоб бути міцною та незалежноюдержавою, Україна повинна міцно триматися за ті геополітичні переваги, які має, а винайдення новогоформату співробітництва між європейськими державами означеного регіону не може відбуватися безосвоєння досвіду попередників.
Посилання
Vynar, 1995 – Vynar L. Mykhaylo Hrushevsʹkyy: istoryk i budivnychyy natsiyi: statti i materiyaly [MykhailoHrushevskyi: historian and nation builder: articles and materials]. Kyyiv; Nʹyu-York; Toronto: Fundatsiya im. O.Olʹzhycha. 1995. 302 s. [in Ukrainian].Hrushevsʹkyy, 1920 – Hrushevsʹkyy M. V pershiy delehatsiyi Ukrayinsʹkoyi partiyi sots. revolyutsioneriv (kvitenʹ 1919r. – lyutyy 1920 r.) [In the first delegation of the Ukrainian Socialist Party. revolutionaries (April 1919 - February1920)] // Boritesya – poborete! Videnʹ. 1920. №3. S. 47–60. [in Ukrainian].Hrushevsʹkyy, 1918 – Hrushevsʹkyy M. Na porozi novoyi Ukrayiny: hadki i mriyi [On the threshold of a new Ukraine:ugliness and dreams]. Kyyiv: Druk. akts. t-va «Petro Barsʹkyy u Kyyivi», 1918. 120 s. [in Ukrainian].Hrushevsʹkyy, 2007 – Hrushevsʹkyy M. Na porozi Novoyi Ukrayiny. Hadky ta mriyi [On the threshold of New Ukraine.Abominations and dreams] // Tvory u 50 tomakh. – T.4 (1). Lʹviv. 2007. S. 225–267. [in Ukrainian].Hrushevsʹkyy, 1917 – Hrushevsʹkyy M. Khto taki ukrayintsi i choho vony khochutʹ [Who are Ukrainians and what dothey want]. Kyyiv. T-vo «Znannya» Ukrayiny. 1991. 240 s. [in Ukrainian].Hrushevsʹkyy, 2005 – Hrushevsʹkyy M. Ukrayina, Bilorusʹ, Lytva. [Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania]. Tvory: u 50 t.;redkol.: P. Sokhanʹ, YA. Dashkevych, I. Hyrych ta in.. Lʹviv. Vydavnytstvo «Svit». T 3. S. 65–68. [in Ukrainian].Dashkevych, 1997 – Dashkevych YA. Chornomorsʹki problemy v mynulomu i suchasnomu [Black Sea problems in thepast and present] // Shlyakh peremohy. K., Myunkhen, Nʹyu-York, 1997. − 26 chervnya (№ 26), S. 6. [in Ukrainian].Domashchenko, 2008 – Domashchenko L. M. Kontseptsiyi chornomorsʹkoyi oriyentatsiyi Ukrayiny u vitchyznyaniypolitychniy dumtsi pershoyi polovyny ХХ stolittya [Concepts of Ukraine's Black Sea Orientation in the NationalPolitical Thought of the First Half of the 20th Century]. Kyyiv. 2008. 204 s. [in Ukrainian].Kovalevsʹka, 2017 – Kovalevsʹka O. Stepan Rudnytsʹkyy ta yoho naukovyy dorobok // Stepan Rudnytsʹkyy (1877–1937). Istoriya. Heopolityka. Heohrafiya [Stepan Rudnytskyi and his scientific achievements // Stepan Rudnytskyi(1877–1937). History. Geopolitics. Geography]. T. 1. Kyyiv. 2017. S. 7–69. [in Ukrainian].Korolʹov, 2011 – Korolʹov H. Ukrayinsʹkyy piruet nad Baltiysʹko-Chornomorsʹkym Mizhmor'yam [Ukrainian pirouetteover the Baltic-Black Sea]. URL: https://www.pravda.com.ua/articles/2011/06/8/6247374/ [in Ukrainian].Levenetsʹ, 2001 – Levenetsʹ YU. A. Teoretyko-metodolohichni zasady ukrayinsʹkoyi suspilʹno-politychnoyi dumky:problemy stanovlennya ta rozvytku (druha polovyna ХІХ – pochatok ХХ stolittya) [Theoretical and methodologicalfoundations of Ukrainian social and political thought: problems of formation and development (second half of the 19th -beginning of the 20th century)].Kyyiv. Styslos. 2001. 285 s. [in Ukrainian].Novikova, Trybus, 2016 – Novikova K., Trybus V. Arkhitektory Mizhmorʺya [Architects of the Mediterranean]// Ukrayinsʹkyy tyzhdenʹ. 2016. № 36 (460). URL: https://tyzhden.ua/History/173436 [in Ukrainian].Potulʹnytsʹkyy, 1992 – Potulʹnytsʹkyy V. A. Istoriya ukrayinsʹkoyi politolohiyi (kontseptsiyi derzhavnosti v ukrayinsʹkiyzarubizhniy istoryko-politychniy nautsi) [History of Ukrainian political science (concepts of statehood in Ukrainian andforeign historical and political science).]. Kyyiv. Lybidʹ, 1992. 232 s. [in Ukrainian].Rudnytsʹkyy, 2017 – Rudnytsʹkyy S. Istoriya. Heopolityka. Heohrafiya [History. Geopolitics. Geography]. V 5-kh kn.Kn. 2. Kyyiv: Tempora. 736 s. [in Ukrainian].
6
Riveros, Claudio. "La crisis hegemónica y el fin del Antiguo Régimen chileno en el marco de las elecciones presidenciales de 1970: una reflexión desde la Sociología-Histórica." Academia y Crítica, no. 1 (July 26, 2017): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.25074/07199147.1.562.
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<p>El presente artículo tiene por objeto estudiar el término crisis hegemónica, aplicándolo a un período en particular de la historia de Chile. Se argumenta teóricamente, que se está en tiempos de crisis hegemónica, cuando se interrogan y cuestionan los valores predominantes en una sociedad. En concreto, se sitúa el análisis en el período previo a la elección de Salvador Allende (y al momento de su elección), pues dicho período daría cuenta de un proceso contra-hegemónico. En rigor, se afirma que la crisis hegemónica se produjo, por una parte, por una ingente movilización política; y por otra (y principalmente), por el quiebre del consenso político al interior del sistema de partidos. Al mismo tiempo, se sostiene que la crisis hegemónica era una “realidad” que solo se hizo efectiva al momento en que Allende fue elegido presidente, pese a que el <em>Antiguo Régimen</em> era una estructura político-económica que se encontraba en franca descomposición. El artículo se divide en dos partes: en la primera, se despliegan de manera crítica las distintas tesis que han circulado para explicar la existencia (o no) de una crisis hegemónica para el período que antecede y rodea a la elección de Salvador Allende, aunque centrando el análisis en las propuestas de dos autores, a saber, Arturo Valenzuela (2013) y Atilio Borón (1975). En la segunda parte, se expone porqué es correcto hablar de crisis hegemónica para el período en cuestión, argumentando que ésta se produjo debido a una polarización antagónica al interior del sistema institucional, pero que fue acompañado por fuera producto de una movilización político-electoral que puso fin al <em>Antiguo Régimen</em>.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Palabras claves:</strong></p><p>Crisis hegemónica/ Clases dirigentes/Antiguo Régimen/Polarización/Movilización político-electoral</p><p> </p><p> </p><p><strong>The hegemonic crisis and the end of the <em>Old Chilean Regime</em> during the 1970’s presidential election. A study from the point of view of the Historical Sociology</strong></p><p align="center"> </p><p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p align="center"> </p><p>This article deals with the concept of “hegemonic crisis”, applying it to a specific period in the Chilean history. The theoretical argument is that there is a hegemonic crisis when the prevailing values of the society are being questioned. Specifically, we analyze the period before the election of Salvador Allende (and upon election), because said period would correspond to a counter-hegemonic process. Strictly speaking, it is stated that, on one hand, the hegemonic crisis was due to a huge political mobilization and, on the other, due to the breaking point of the political agreement among the political parties. Also, we state that the hegemonic crisis was a “reality” that came to life when Allende was elected president, although the <em>Ancient Regime</em> was a decaying political-economic structure. The article is made up by two parts: in the first, we analyze, from a critical perspective, the different theories that explain the existence (or absence) of a hegemonic crisis in the period before and during the election of Salvador Allende; the analysis is focused on the proposals made by two authors, Arturo Valenzuela (2013) and Atilio Borón (1975). In the second part, we explain why it is correct referring to a hegemonic crisis for the period in question, arguing that this occurred due to an antagonistic polarization within the institutional system, together with a political-electoral mobilization that put an end to the <em>Ancient Regime</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Keywords:</p><p>Hegemonic crisis / The establishment / Ancient Regime / Polarization / Political-electoral mobilization</p>
7
Riveros, Claudio. "La crisis hegemónica y el fin del Antiguo Régimen chileno en el marco de las elecciones presidenciales de 1970: una reflexión desde la Sociología-Histórica." Academia y Crítica, no. 1 (July 26, 2017): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.25074/ac.v0i1.562.
Full textAbstract:
<p>El presente artículo tiene por objeto estudiar el término crisis hegemónica, aplicándolo a un período en particular de la historia de Chile. Se argumenta teóricamente, que se está en tiempos de crisis hegemónica, cuando se interrogan y cuestionan los valores predominantes en una sociedad. En concreto, se sitúa el análisis en el período previo a la elección de Salvador Allende (y al momento de su elección), pues dicho período daría cuenta de un proceso contra-hegemónico. En rigor, se afirma que la crisis hegemónica se produjo, por una parte, por una ingente movilización política; y por otra (y principalmente), por el quiebre del consenso político al interior del sistema de partidos. Al mismo tiempo, se sostiene que la crisis hegemónica era una “realidad” que solo se hizo efectiva al momento en que Allende fue elegido presidente, pese a que el <em>Antiguo Régimen</em> era una estructura político-económica que se encontraba en franca descomposición. El artículo se divide en dos partes: en la primera, se despliegan de manera crítica las distintas tesis que han circulado para explicar la existencia (o no) de una crisis hegemónica para el período que antecede y rodea a la elección de Salvador Allende, aunque centrando el análisis en las propuestas de dos autores, a saber, Arturo Valenzuela (2013) y Atilio Borón (1975). En la segunda parte, se expone porqué es correcto hablar de crisis hegemónica para el período en cuestión, argumentando que ésta se produjo debido a una polarización antagónica al interior del sistema institucional, pero que fue acompañado por fuera producto de una movilización político-electoral que puso fin al <em>Antiguo Régimen</em>.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Palabras claves:</strong></p><p>Crisis hegemónica/ Clases dirigentes/Antiguo Régimen/Polarización/Movilización político-electoral</p><p> </p><p> </p><p><strong>The hegemonic crisis and the end of the <em>Old Chilean Regime</em> during the 1970’s presidential election. A study from the point of view of the Historical Sociology</strong></p><p align="center"> </p><p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p align="center"> </p><p>This article deals with the concept of “hegemonic crisis”, applying it to a specific period in the Chilean history. The theoretical argument is that there is a hegemonic crisis when the prevailing values of the society are being questioned. Specifically, we analyze the period before the election of Salvador Allende (and upon election), because said period would correspond to a counter-hegemonic process. Strictly speaking, it is stated that, on one hand, the hegemonic crisis was due to a huge political mobilization and, on the other, due to the breaking point of the political agreement among the political parties. Also, we state that the hegemonic crisis was a “reality” that came to life when Allende was elected president, although the <em>Ancient Regime</em> was a decaying political-economic structure. The article is made up by two parts: in the first, we analyze, from a critical perspective, the different theories that explain the existence (or absence) of a hegemonic crisis in the period before and during the election of Salvador Allende; the analysis is focused on the proposals made by two authors, Arturo Valenzuela (2013) and Atilio Borón (1975). In the second part, we explain why it is correct referring to a hegemonic crisis for the period in question, arguing that this occurred due to an antagonistic polarization within the institutional system, together with a political-electoral mobilization that put an end to the <em>Ancient Regime</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Keywords:</p><p>Hegemonic crisis / The establishment / Ancient Regime / Polarization / Political-electoral mobilization</p>
8
Чорний, Олександр. "1924 : ЄЛИСАВЕТГРАД – ЗІНОВ’ЄВСЬК. ХРОНІКА ПЕРЕЙМЕНУВАННЯ." Уманська старовина, no. 8 (December 30, 2021): 158–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2519-2035.8.2021.249963.
Full textAbstract:
Ключові слова: партія, більшовики, місто, перейменування, Єлисаветград, Зінов’євськ, П. П. Амосов, Г. О. Зінов’єв.
Анотація
Радянізація топонімії в СРСР, що прокотилася в 1920‑х – 1930‑х роках, значно вплинула на формування в межах усієї країни тисяч нових географічних назв, якими увічнювалися вожді РКП(б) – ВКП(б). Широкомасштабне перейменування у 1920‑х – 1930‑х роках охопило і радянську Україну. Укорінену радянську топонімію в УСРР–УРСР вдалося частково ліквідувати лише у 2015–2016 роках під час декомунізації в Україні. Серед великих міст на території радянської України одним із перших було перейменовано Єлисаветград. 7 серпня 1924 року воно отримало назву Зінов’євськ, на честь діяча більшовицької партії Г. О. Зінов’єва.
У дослідженні вперше на основі архівних документів та матеріалів місцевої газети «Червоний шлях» названо ініціаторів перейменування, а також відтворено подробиці «вибору» нового «революційного» імені для «пролетарського» міста. Автор довів, що поштовхом до зміни назви Єлисаветграда стала смерть В. І. Леніна та перейменування на його честь Петрограда в Ленінград, що ініціатива щодо перейменування Єлисаветграда належала місцевим партійним функціонерам, що нова назва Зінов’євськ була узгоджена з самим Г. О. Зінов’євим задовго до офіційного перейменування міста постановою ЦВК СРСР, що він радо вітав увічнення свого імені та високо оцінював факт набуття містом нової назви, що перейменування 1924 року з часом спровокувало повторні перейменування у 1934 та 1939 роках.
Аналіз процедури перейменування та методів переконування містян, що нова назва дасть можливість усім «жити по-новому», дозволяє зрозуміти болісність декомунізації та небажання її реалізації у 1990‑х – у середині 2010‑х років.
Посилання
Agitprop, 1924 – Agitprop. K pereimenovaniyu g. Yelisavetgrada v Zinov'yevsk [To Renaming the city of Elisavetgrad to Zinovievsk] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 21 chervnya. S. 2. [in Russian].
Amosov, 1924 – Amosov P. Okruzhnaya partkonferentsiya [The District Party Conference] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 23 kvitnya. S. 1. [in Russian].
Arbenin A. Zinov'yevsk [Zinov'yevsk] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 15 lypnya. S. 2. [in Russian].
Vasetskiy, 1989 – Vasetskiy N. A. G. Ye. Zinov'yev: stranitsy zhizni i politicheskoy deyatel'nosti [G. E. Zinoviev: pages of life and political activity] // Novaya i noveyshaya istoriya. 1989. № 4. S. 111–139. [in Russian].
Verzhbin'ski, 2012 – Verzhbin'ski Ya. Toponimicheskiye sovetizmy, svyazannyye s imenami Lenina i Stalina [Toponymic sovietisms connected with the names of Lenin and Stalin] // Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia linguistica Rossia. Tom 8 (2012). S. 103–111. [in Russian].
Vtoroy, 1924 – Vtoroy s"yezd sovetov Soyuza Sovetskikh Sotsialisticheskikh Respublik: stenograficheskiy ocherk [Second Congress of Soviets of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics: a shorthand sketch]. M., 1924. 236 s. [in Russian].
VUTSIK utverdil, 1924 – VUTSIK utverdil pereimenovaniye goroda Yelisavetgrada v Zinov'yevsk i Yelisavetgradskogo okruga v Zinov'yevskiy [The All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee approved the renaming of the city of Elisavetgrad into Zinovievsk and the Elisavetgrad district into Zinovievsk district] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 10 lypnya. S. 1. [in Russian].
DAKO – Derzhavnyy arkhiv Kirovohradsʹkoyi oblasti [State archive of Kirovohrad region]. [in Ukrainian].
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K pereimenovaniyu, 1924b – K pereimenovaniyu Yelisavetgrada v Zinov'yevsk. Kak byl pereimenovan nash gorod. Beseda s Sekretarem Okruzhnogo partiynogo komiteta tov. Amosovym [To rename Elisavetgrad to Zinovievsk. How our city was renamed. Conversation with the Secretary of the District Party Committee comrade Amosov] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 12 lypnya. S. 2. [in Russian].
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Po Sovetskomu, 1924 – Po Sovetskomu Soyuzu. O pereimenovanii stantsii Yelisavetgrad [Across the Soviet Union. About renaming Elisavetgrad station] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 19 lypnya. S. 2. [in Russian].
Postanovleniye, 1924а – Postanovleniye Vseukrainskogo Tsentral'nogo Ispolnitel'nogo Komiteta ot 7 avgusta 1924 goda «O pereimenovanii Yelisavetgradskogo okruga v Zinov'yevskiy okrug i gor. Yelisavetgrada v gor. Zinov'yevsk» [Resolution of the All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee of August 7, 1924 «On renaming the Elisavetgrad district into the Zinovievsky district and the mountains. Elisavetgrad in the mountains. Zinovievsk»] // Sobraniye uzakoneniy i rasporyazheniy Raboche-Krest'yanskogo Pravitel'stva Ukrainy. 1924. № 20. S. 447–448. [in Russian].
Postanovleniye, 1924b – Postanovleniye Prezidiuma TsIK Soyuza SSR ot 6 iyunya 1924 g. «O pereimenovanii g. Yuzovki, Okruga Yuzovskogo i st. Yuzovo» [Resolution of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR dated June 6, 1924 «On renaming the town of Yuzovka, Yuzov District and station Yuzovо »] // Vestnik Tsentral'nogo Ispolnitel'nogo Komiteta, Soveta Narodnykh Komissarov i Soveta Truda i Oborony Soyuza SSR. 1924. № 6. S. 199. [in Russian].
Prazdnovaniye pereimenovaniya, 1924 – Prazdnovaniye pereimenovaniya Yelisavetgrada [Celebration of renaming of Elisavetgrad] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 10 lypnya. S. 1. [in Russian].
Ot redaktsii, 1924a – Ot redaktsii [From the editorial board] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 10 chervnya. S. 1. [in Russian].
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Tov. G. O. Zinov'yev, 1924 – Tov. G. O. Zinov'yev [Comrade G. O. Zinoviev] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 12 lypnya. S. 2. [in Russian].
Shalayeva, 2013 – Shalayeva N. Problemy kul'ta lichnosti V. I. Lenina (istoriograficheskiy analiz) [Problems of the personality cult of V. I. Lenin (historiographic analysis)] // Vlast'. 2013. № 5. S. 104–108. [in Russian].
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Chornyi, 2019 – Chornyi O. V. Yelysavet: pokhodzhennya nazvy ta istoriya yiyi vzhyvannya (1755–1924) [Yelisavet: The origin of the name and the history of its application (1755‑1924)] // Naukovi zapysky. Seriya: Istorychni nauky. Vypusk 25. Kropyvnytsʹkyy, 2019. S. 214–246. [in Ukrainian].
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Bezarov, Oleksandr. "Participation of Jews in the processes of Russian social-democratic movement." History Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, no. 53 (June 21, 2022): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2021.53.131-142.
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The formation of social democracy in the Russian Empire was another stage in the «Russian reception» of the Western models of the socialist movement, the result of certain ideological contradictions on the Russian ground. Given the semi-feudal society of the Russian Empire, the paternalism of autocratic power, the absence of deep traditions of liberal culture, the Russian social democratic movement could hardly count on obvious success without a deep revolutionary renewal of the entire socio-economic and political system of the Russian state. Since Jews were an urban ethnic group, it is not surprising that the provinces of the Jewish Pale in the late 19th century proved to be the epicentre of the revolutionary energy concentration.Thus, in the late 19th century the processes of formation and development of not the Russian, but the Jewish social-democratic movement continued on the territory of the Jewish Pale, the prominent centres of which were the Belarusian and Ukrainian cities of the Russian Empire. Despite the low level of the industrial development in the north-western part of the Russian Empire, as well as police persecution, imprisonment, and exile of many activists, the Jewish Social Democratic movement grew qualitatively and quantitatively, got loyal supporters, and spread to other cities such as Minsk, Grodno, Bialystok and Warsaw. The Bund (the Union of Jewish Workers in Lithuania, Poland, and Russia) played a key role in organizing the Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) on March 1-3, 1898, at which the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) was founded which was supposed to unite revolutionary Marxist groups of the empire, regardless of their ethnicity. The processes of formation of the organizational and personnel structure of the Russian Social-Democracy continued during the First Russian Revolution. Jews took an active part in these processes. Their role in the organization of Russian social-democratic movement and in its staffing is difficult to overestimate. In particular, S. Dikstein, H.S. Khurgin, E.A. Abramovich, I.A. Gurvich, E.A. Gurvich, O. Belakh, L. Berkovich and many other Jewish activists found themselves at the origins of Russian social-democratic movement, and such distinguished Jewish figures of Russian social democracy as P. Axelrod and Yu. Martov in the early 19th century headed the Menshevik wing of the RSDLP.The author noted that until 1917 the model for the development of the social democratic movement in the Russian Empire was the European Social Democracy, among the recognized authorities of which were also Jews (F. Lassall, E. Bernstein, V. Adler, O. Bauer). Eventually, the Jewish origin of Marx, the founder of «scientific» socialism, canonized his doctrine in the mass consciousness of the urban Jewry of the Russian Empire, which awaited a new messiah who would «bring» them out of the ghetto of the Jewish Pale.At the same time, the theory of self-liberation of the Jewish proletariat, adopted by the Jewish Social Democrats of Vilno, Minsk, and Kyiv as opposed to the seemingly utopian ideas of the Zionists from Basel, Switzerland, became the leading ideology of the Russia’s first political organization of Jewish proletarian – the Bund, which emerged in the same 1897, when the First World Congress of Zionists took place.Thus, the intensification of state anti-Semitism, the Jewish pogroms, and the escalation of the political crisis in the Russian Empire on the eve of the First Russian Revolution pushed Russian and Jewish Social-Democracy to develop a common position on the proletariat’s participation in future revolutionary events, optimized the search for overcoming the internal party crisis that arose after the withdrawal of the Bund from the RSDLP. For the first time in its history, the Jewish Social Democrats tried to ignite the fire of the Russian revolution on the «Jewish street» and prove the political significance of the powerful revolutionary potential of the Jewish masses in the Jewish Pale for the all-Russian social democratic movement.
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Minaev, Maxim. "UK Conservative Party's Political Strategists in 2019 Election Campaigns." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2022): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021036-7.
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In this article, the author examines the leading political strategists and spin doctors of the Conservative Party in the context of their involvement in the 2019 United Kingdom election campaigns. The purpose of the article is to demonstrate the political strategists’ contribution in Boris Johnson’s Tory leadership election victory and in the United Kingdom general election Conservative triumph. The focus of the article is on two main strategist groups – the Australian pool and the British pool. The main face of Australians was Lynton Crosby, of British - Dominic Cummings. The article considers the role both strategist groups’ main faces in the Conservative Party leadership election campaign and United Kingdom general election campaign, including Lynton Crosby, Dominic Cummings, Mark Fullbrook, Isaac Levido, Michael Brooks, Edward Lister, and Lee Cain. The author demonstrates that in 2019, the Conservative Party had the strongest Political Strategists Corps in its recent history. They ensured that the Tories retained their position as the main political force in the UK. The main sources of this article are publications in the British and Australian media, official Conservative Party documents, including the 2019 general election campaign manifestos, original writings of British politicians and policy-makers, especially those of Boris Johnson, and interviews with both British and Australian political analysts.
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Zhang, YuJiao, Yifan Cao, Mengzhen Xia, Zewei Deng, Min Liu, Yankun Qi, Mingrui Ouyang, Chuangxin Sheng, and Feng Tong. "THE IMPACT OF PUBLIC POLICY ON THE MOTIVATION AND ANXIETY SENSITIVITY OF STUDYING ABROAD: A REVIEW OF THE PROCESS OF CHINA'S CHOICE OF STUDENTS TO STUDY IN THE SOVIET UNION IN THE 1950S." International Journal of Neuropsychopharmacology 25, Supplement_1 (July 1, 2022): A36—A37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijnp/pyac032.050.
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Abstract Background In the early days of the founding of the People's Republic of China, China's higher education was very backward and could not meet the needs of the society. At that time, higher education in the Soviet Union was relatively developed and China Soviet relations were friendly, but China's relations with most western countries were not good. Therefore, the Chinese government chose and sent students to the Soviet Union for higher education. With the change of policy, the willingness of young people to study abroad has also changed. This political environment also has an impact on the anxiety sensitivity of groups studying abroad. Subjects and Methods In order to accurately grasp the motivation of Chinese students to study abroad and return home, this paper selects credible historical archives and data as the basis of the research. This paper reviews the process of selecting foreign students in the Soviet Union in the 1950s, analyzes the impact of public policy on the willingness to study abroad, and draws lessons from it. SPSS 22.0 software was used for data statistical analysis. The measurement data were expressed as mean ± standard deviation (x ± s). The statistical method was as follows: descriptive statistics was used for general demographic characteristics, t-test was used for the comparison of the mean of two independent samples, nonparametric Kruskal Wallis test was used for ordered classification data, and regression analysis was used to verify the mediating effect of RS between as and anxiety level according to the mediating effect test model. P < 0.05 was statistically significant. Results Our review of the selection process shows that the willingness to study in the Soviet Union is relatively weak, mainly for two reasons: (1) the deterioration of Sino Soviet relations in 1955; (2) Due to the uneven level of education in China, universal education is more in line with China's reality than elite education, but the selection strictly follows the standards of elite education. For China's future development, we propose to implement a comprehensive and flexible study abroad policy. The study also found that there was a negative correlation between study abroad anxiety and education level. Similarly, there is a significant negative correlation between study abroad anxiety and self-efficacy. There is a very significant positive correlation among state anxiety, trait anxiety and study abroad anxiety. The “anxiety” component of learners' personality characteristics plays a great role in the anxiety of studying abroad. The correlation coefficient between LCAS and trait anxiety was 0.408, while the correlation coefficient between LCAS and state anxiety was 0.395. Both reached a significant level (P < 0.01). There is a positive correlation between self-efficacy and willingness to study abroad. Research shows that anxiety, gender and self-efficacy can be used as comprehensive variables to measure willingness to study abroad. Conclusion In the 1950s, because most Chinese people did not have enough willingness, knowledge and funds to study abroad, it was necessary and reasonable for the Chinese government to provide financial support and students to study abroad. Although young people's willingness to study in the Soviet Union was relatively weak, and the results of the Soviet policy did not fully meet expectations, the policy at that time was probably the best. Since China implemented the market reform in the 1980s, the old education policy has become obsolete. Therefore, the role of the government in education has changed from a strict social planner to a leader in time. Although some people have the ability to study abroad, the government must provide financial support for people in certain fields according to the needs of the country. From this review, we can see that the Chinese government has timely adjusted its education strategy to stimulate the motivation to study abroad. In the 1950s, China's universal education was ahead of elite education. To sum up, through the comparative study on the impact of foreign students' ideas of studying abroad, this study found that the policy has a good role in promoting foreign students' ideas of studying abroad, which can not only effectively improve China's education level, but also enable them to face difficulties and setbacks rationally and better adapt to the society. Acknowledgements Supported by projects grant from The 2021 Guangdong Provincial College Ideological and Political Education Project “Comparative Research on National History Education after the Return of Hong Kong and Macao from the Perspective of the United Front” (Project No.: 2021GXSZ012) ,the 2020 key project of the Chinese National Cohesion Research Institute of Jinan University “Comparative Study on the Implementation of National History Education after the Return of Hong Kong” (Grant No.20ZHMZNJLZD05); the 2020 project of the Institute of Party Regulations of Jinan University “Guangdong from the Perspective of National Governance” Research on the Coupling Mechanism of Inner Party Laws, Regulations and Talents in the Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area” (Grant No.JNUD2020004); Guangdong Philosophy and Social Sciences “13th Five-Year Plan” Special Commissioned Project “Research on the History of Cantonese Chinese in South Pacific Island Countries” (Grant No.GD18TW18-08)
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Lam, Willy. "China´ s Communist Party: Atrophy and Adaptation." Contemporary Southeast Asia 30, no. 2 (August 2008): 348–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs30-2n.
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Thayer, Carlyle A. "Vietnam´s Sixth Party Congress: An Overview." Contemporary Southeast Asia 9, no. 1 (June 1987): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs9-1b.
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Andreev, Anton. "The phenomenon of the political party Cabildo Abierto in Uruguay." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 4 (2022): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0019316-6.
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The party-political system of Uruguay has always been characterized by stability and constancy. For many years, the development of the country was determined by two "traditional" parties - Partido Nacional (Blanco) and Partido Colorado - as well as the Frente Amplio coalition. The completed electoral cycle has shown that the current sys-tem is changing from both the right and the left side. In particular, the “Cabildo Abierto” party founded in May 2019, received strong support from the voters, changing the land-scape of the country's right-wing forces. This article discusses the history of the party, the factors of its formation and success, analyzes the domestic and foreign policy program, gives strokes to the political portrait of the party's founder, Guido Manini Rios.
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Lapp, Benjamin. "The German Communist Party in Saxony, 1924-1933." Central European History 39, no. 1 (March 2006): 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906280063.
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Norman LaPorte's The German Communist Party in Saxony, 1924-1933 contributes new and important material to the major debates on the history of German Communism during the Weimar Republic. Laporte distinguishes between an older historiography, which focused on the top-down imposition of a Stalinist model, with a post-1960s revisionist “history from below.” The revisionist historians explained Communist behavior “as a response to a range of social and economic conditions that influenced the mentality of party members and the choices of the party leadership” (p. 22). LaPorte sees his own work as a step beyond both schools. Following Weber, he argues that policy was indeed formulated from above, and he suggests that the revisionists have downplayed the significance of the “top-down system of control” in the KPD. At the same time, the party leaderships' directives were interpreted and responded to in specific political contexts. The rank-and-file could not be easily forced to carry out policies that “failed to account for the realities of their own specific political environment,” and the attempt of the party leadership to impose ideological uniformity, Laporte argues, “destabilized” the relationship between the party and its membership. Hence, he views his work as an attempt to fuse history “from above and below” (p. 31).
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Awotokun, Kunle, and Olu Okotoni. "Governance and the Executive – Legislative Relations since Nigeria’s Fourth Republic (1999 – 2019) and Beyond." Public Administration Research 9, no. 2 (October 13, 2020): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/par.v9n2p28.
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The Year 2019 is very significant in the history of party politics in Nigeria. It marked a two decade of uninterrupted democratic regimes culminating in violent-free transition of political power from the defeated ruling political party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the opposition Party-All Progressive Congress (APC). The cut-throat rivalries among the political parties, as represented in the Executive and legislature, have been responsible for the political instability of the previous republics. What has been responsible for the relative calm in the political space of Nigeria? How has political elites responded to the issue of governance since the inception of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic? How can the Nigerian state build and improve on the current political climate? These and other issues are what the paper has addressed.
The work relied contextually on secondary data for appropriate information germane to the work. The findings and analyses will benefit from prognosis that would be of immense value only not to Nigeria, but further implications for other African countries faced with similar political scenario.
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Willerton, John P. "Book Review: Putin’s United Russia Party, written by Sean P. Roberts." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 41, no. 2 (July 10, 2014): 253–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04102008.
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Gemilang, Adria Vitalya. "Another Side on Indonesian History of Communism through Leila S. Chudori�s Pulang." Journal of Language and Literature 15, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 57–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/joll.v15i1.373.
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At present, 2014, Indonesian people learn to exercise their political right in the biggest people party, which is held every 5 years, the presidential election. Observing the debate, the campaign, and the supporters, one can learn that Indonesia has reached a progress in their political life. The progress is achieved through complex process that only some experienced. Back in the 1960s Indonesia experienced an uprising which caused turmoil of its government. Indonesian learnt two versions of its story, one which was officially broadcasted since 1966 and one which is only stated implicitly through some literary works.Reading Leila S. Chudoris Pulang, there is another side that Indonesians comprehend about the life of the so called communists by the new order regime. It sees the life of the people who are accused of murder and communism. The depiction is far from judging and framing their political agenda, it shows the reader how their life, as human, affected by the event.Culler (1997) states that literature is the noise of culture as well as its information, and it is a writing which requires readers to be engaged in the problem of meaning. Thus, one can learn the history of a nation through its literary works. Pulang is considered particular in its publication because it needs a 6 year process and its first publication was in 2012, the time when Indonesia has achieved a different level of democracy since 1960.First, this paper discusses how Indonesian history, particularly on its political turmoil in 1965, 1968 and 1998, are read and written by Indonesians. Second, it discusses how the present social context influences the discourse of the novel.Keywords: communism, history, new historicism
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Ruiz Panadero, Diego. "Conflictividad social y movimiento sindical en Cuenca durante la Transición española (1976-1978)." Vínculos de Historia Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 11 (June 22, 2022): 514–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh_2022.11.25.
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El presente artículo pretende contribuir al debate sobre el rol que jugaron los sindicatos como canalizadores de la conflictividad social en las provincias subdesarrolladas durante la Transición. De esa forma, se parte de que las regiones rurales, aun carentes de un movimiento sindical potente, se convirtieron en importantes espacios de confrontación política en los primeros gobiernos de la monarquía. Cuenca se erige como arquetipo de región con escasos recursos de movilización que debió esperar hasta un momento avanzado de la Transición para poner en marcha la maquinaria de protesta. Así, a través de un análisis pormenorizado se estudia la importancia de los sindicatos como canalizadores de la conflictividad social y sus aportaciones a la democratización de España. Además, se examina la organización y evolución de la protesta en un contexto de coacción gubernamental. Palabras clave: sindicalismo; transición democrática; movimiento obrero; Comisiones Obreras; Unión General de TrabajadoresTopónimo: CuencaPeríodo: Transición española ABSTRACTThis article aims to contribute to the debate on the role played by trade unions as conduits of social conflict in underdeveloped provinces during the Spanish Transition. It is based on the principle that rural regions, albeit in the absence of a powerful trade union movement, became important spaces for political confrontation in the first governments of the monarchy. Cuenca stands out as the epitome of a region with limited mobilization resources that had to wait until an advanced stage of the Transition to set in motion its machinery of protest. Thus, through a detailed analysis, the importance of trade unions as conduits of social conflicts and their contributions to the democratization of Spain is studied. Furthermore, the organization and evolution of protest are examined in a context of government coercion. Keywords: syndicalism, democratic transition, labour movement, Comisiones Obreras, Unión General de TrabajadoresPlaces names: CuencaPeriod: Spanish Transition REFERENCIASArias Fernández, M. (2001), Puertollano durante la transición democrática (1973-1983), Puertollano, Gráficas Puertollano.Babiano Mora, J. (1995), Emigrantes, cronómetros y huelgas: un estudio sobre el trabajo y los trabajadores durante el franquismo (Madrid, 1951-1977), Madrid, Siglo XXI.— (2001), “Origen y ascenso de las Comisiones Obreras bajo el franquismo”, Gaceta sindical: reflexión y debate, 1, pp. 29-48.— (2006), 1 de mayo. Historia y significado, Albacete, Altabán.— (2018), “Movimiento obrero y oposición al franquismo”, en M. Ortiz Heras (coord.), ¿Qué sabemos del franquismo? Estudios para comprender la dictadura de Franco, Granada, Comares.Baby, S. (2015), “Volver sobre la ‘Inmaculada Transición’. 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(2011), Transición democrática y cambio político en Ciudad Real (1967-1982), Ciudad Real, Diputación Provincial.Domènech Sampere, X. (2012), Cambio político y movimiento obrero bajo el franquismo, Barcelona, Icaria.Díaz Díaz, B. y Pacheco Jiménez, C. (2008), “Los movimientos sociales en las postrimerías del franquismo en la provincia de Toledo”, en M. Ortiz Heras, Movimientos sociales en la crisis de la dictadura y la transición: Castilla-La Mancha, 1969-1979, España, Almud.Díaz Sánchez, P. (2019), “Sindicalismo rural y papel de las mujeres en el tardofranquismo y la transición”, en R. Quirosa-Cheyrouze y Muñoz y E. Martos Contreras (eds.), La transición desde otra perspectiva, España, Sílex.Ferrer Gálvez, F. (2017), “Conflictos, asambleas y democracia: transición y mundo rural en la provincia de Almería” en R. Quirosa-Cheyrouze y Muñoz y E. Martos Contreras (eds.), Movimientos sociales e instituciones locales en la transición: la lucha por la democracia en la Andalucía rural, España, Catarata.Ferrer González, C. (2018), “El pulso de 1976. Las movilizaciones de Tarragona en el contexto español”, Segle XX. Revista catalana d’història, 11, pp. 91-118. González Madrid, D. A. (2008), “Los trabajadores de Ciudad Real ante la dictadura franquista”, en M. Ortiz Heras (coord.), Los movimientos sociales en la crisis de la dictadura y la transición: Castilla-La Mancha, 1969-1979, España, Almud.— (2016), “La definición de cambio. Contienda política, represión y control institucional en la provincia de Albacete (1977-1979)”, en M. Ortiz Heras (coord.), La Transición se hizo en los pueblos. El caso de la provincia de Albacete, España, Biblioteca Nueva.— (2019), “La compleja democratización. Estrategias autoritarias y discursos ambiguos durante el proceso de cambio político en las provincias (1976-1979)”, en La construcción de la democracia en España (1868-2014). Espacios, representaciones, agentes y proyectos, París, Presses Universitaires de Paris Nanterre.González Sáez, J. M. (2012), “La violencia política de la extrema derecha durante la transición española (1975-1982)”, en C. Navajas Zubeldía y D. Iturriaga Barco (coords.), Coetánea, III Congreso Internacional de Historia de Nuestro Tiempo, España, Universidad de la Rioja.González Madrid, D. A. y Ortiz Heras, M. (2020): “Al servicio del estado, y del partido. Los gobiernos civiles durante la transición democrática (1976-1979)”, en J. A. Castellanos López, (coord.), Las crisis en la España del siglo XX: Agentes, estructuras y conflictos en los procesos de cambio, España, Sílex.González Fernández, Á. (2019), “El campo se mueve. Modernización y dinámicas de protesta en tiempos de dictadura en la Europa mediterránea”, en R. Quirosa-Cheyrouze y Muñoz y E. Martos Contreras (coords.), La transición desde otra perspectiva. Democratización y mundo rural, España, Sílex.Herrera González de Molina, A. (2007), La construcción de la democracia en el campo (1975-1988). El sindicalismo agrario socialista en la Transición española, Madrid, Ministerio de Agricultura, Pesca y Alimentación.— (2019), “¡Derechos para todos! Las luchas por un estado de bienestar para el mundo rural”, en R. Quirosa-Cheyrouze y Muñoz y E. Martos Contreras, E. (coords.), La Transición desde otra perspectiva. Democratización y mundo rural, España, Sílex.Lanero Táboas, D. (2018), El disputado voto de los labriegos, Granada, Comares.Luque Balbona, D. (2003), Las huelgas en España, 1905-2010, España, Germanía.Mainer, C. y Juliá, S. (2000), El aprendizaje de la libertad 1973-1986, Madrid, Alianza Editorial.Marín Arce, J. M. (1996), “La Coordinadora de Organizaciones Sindicales (COS): una experiencia de unidad sindical durante la transición”, Espacio, Tiempo y Forma, Serie V, 9, pp. 295-313.Martín García, O. (2008), A tientas con la democracia, Madrid, Catarata.Molinero, C. (2011), “Comisiones Obreras: de la lucha antifranquista a la acción sindical en un nuevo escenario económico y político”, en R. Quirosa-Cheyrouze y Muñoz (coord.), La sociedad española en la Transición: los movimientos sociales en el proceso democratizador, Madrid, Biblioteca Nueva.Molinero, C. e Ysàs, P. (1998), Productores disciplinados y minorías subversivas: clase obrera y conflictividad laboral en la España franquista, Madrid, Siglo XXI.— (2018), La transición: historia y relatos, Madrid, Siglo XXI.Moreno, J. (2012), Comisiones Obreras en la dictadura, Madrid, Fundación 1º de Mayo.Mota Muñoz, J. F. (2010), “La huelga de los 21 días de 1977: conflictividad en la construcción de Barcelona durante la transición”, Historia, Trabajo y Sociedad, 1, pp. 29-52.Moyano Estrada, E. (1984), “Ideologías y sindicalismo agrario en la transición democrática”, Agricultura y sociedad, 31, pp. 35-58.Ortega López, M. T. (1997-1998), “La negociación colectiva en la provincia de Granada (1958-1977)”, Revista de historia contemporánea, 8, pp. 215-252.— (2003), Del silencio a la protesta: explotación, pobreza y conflictividad en una provincia andaluza, Granada 1936-1977, Granada, Universidad de Granada.Ortiz Heras, M. (2011), “Nuevos y viejos discursos de la transición: la nostalgia del consenso”, Historia Contemporánea, 44, pp. 337-367.Pardo Pardo, M. R. (2000), “El tardío despegue industrial: luces y sombras en el proceso de industrialización”, en M. R. Pardo Pardo (coord.), Historia económica de Castilla-La Mancha (siglos XVI-XX), Madrid, Celeste Ediciones.Pérez Díaz, V. M. (1987), El retorno de la sociedad civil, España, Instituto de Estudios Económicos.Peñuelas Ayllón, M. A. (2008), “Cuenca entre la inercia inmovilista y la exigencia participativa para salir del olvido”, en M. Ortiz Heras (coord.), Los movimientos sociales en la crisis de la dictadura y la transición: Castilla-La Mancha, 1969-1979, España, Almud.Pociños Martínez, P., Tieso de Andrés, J. M. y Marín Merino, M. (2008), “Los movimientos sociales y las transformaciones sociopolíticas en Guadalajara”, en M. Ortiz Heras (coord.), Movimientos sociales en la crisis de la dictadura y la transición: Castilla-La Mancha, 1969-1979, España, Almud.Radcliff, P. (2012), “El ciclo de movilización ciudadana en la transición española”, Alcores, 14, pp. 23-48.Redero San Román, M. (2011), “La difícil apuesta de la UGT por un sindicalismo de corte socialdemócrata (1975-1985)”, en R. Quirosa-Cheyrouze y Muñoz, La sociedad española en la Transición: los movimientos sociales en el proceso democratizador, Madrid, Biblioteca Nueva.Redero San Román, M. y Pérez Delgado, T. (1994), “Sindicalismo y transición política en España”, Ayer, 15, pp. 189-222.Román Ruiz, G. (2019), “«Escuelas de democracia»: el tajo y la parroquia como espacios cotidianos de conflictividad durante el franquismo final en el campo altoandaluz”, Historia Agraria, 79, pp. 187-216.Sabio Alcutén, A. (2006), “Cultivadores de democracia. Politización campesina y sindicalismo agrario progresista en España, 1970-1980”, Historia agraria, 38, pp. 75-102.Serrano Sanz, J. M. (1994), “Crisis económica y transición política”, Ayer, 15, pp. 135-164.Soto Carmona, A. (2012), “El poder sindical en España: 1938-1994”, en A. Soto Carmona y M. Aroca Mohedano (dirs.), Combates por la democracia. Los sindicatos, de la dictadura a la democracia (1938-1994), Madrid, UAM Ediciones.
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Jung, Courtney. "Discordant Comrades: Identities and Loyalties on the South African Left By Allison Drew. Aldershot, Hampshire: Ashgate, 2000. 282p. $74.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 236–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402314333.
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Drawing on a wealth of new information made available by the opening of the Comintern archives, Drew sheds the light of hindsight on the relationship between the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) and, in turn, the Soviet Comintern, the South African liberation movement, and the white and black trade union movements in the first half of the twentieth century. This rich book makes a unique contribution to our understanding of ties between the Comintern and its satellite parties as well as the early history of the South African antiapartheid movement. There are only two other major books on this period of party history, and both are memoirs of party members who try to establish a particular version of the record. Drew contests the teleology of their accounts of communist party history and instead weaves a contingent narrative that identifies major turning points that narrowed the possibility for a radical reorientation of the party (p. 281). It was not inevitable that the party would split and finally dissolve in the way it did—other outcomes were possible, almost until the end. That they were not taken was the layered result of personal and ideological rivalries and party alliances that made socialism, and socialists, perpetually weak and vulnerable in the context of South African politics.
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Kowalenko, Nadezhda. "Bukharin's Response to the “Lessons of October” as a Reflection of Views in the Internal Party Discussion (1920s)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 5 (115) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019083-0.
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The article discusses the work of N. I. Bukharin “How not to write the history of October”. The work is a response to L. D. Trotsky’s famous work “Lessons of October” and contains Bukharin’s retrospective view of one of the most important episodes in the history of the party — the October armed uprising. The text of the work, it seems, helps to understand Bukharin’s positions in the intra-party discussion with Trotsky and the left opposition led by him and complements other works of Bukharin (in the 1920s, the leading ideologist of the party), created by him in polemics with the left and devoted directly to party building. The article aims to analyze this Bukharin text and analyze Bukharin’s perception of October Eve as the most important episode in the life of the party.
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Clark, William A. "Partisan Volatility in Russia 's Elections: District-Level Patterns of Party Support, 1993-2005." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 32, no. 1 (2005): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633205x00014.
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Koh, David. "The Politics of a Divided Party and Parkinson´s State in Vietnam." Contemporary Southeast Asia 23, no. 3 (December 2001): 533–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs23-3g.
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Buturlimova, O. "EVOLUTION AND ACTIVITIES OF THE BRITISH LABOR PARTY (1893-1931): A HISTORIOGRAPHY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 145 (2020): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.145.4.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the historiography of the British Labour Party in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The author tries to systematize an array of scientific literature on this theme based on the problem-chronological approach. The works were divided into four main groups: 1) the works of theorists and the Labour movement activists, 2) the studies devoted to the general history of the formation and activities of the Labour Party of this period, 3) the works devoted to the history of the relationship between church organizations and British Labour Party 4) Ukrainian researches in the field of British Labour history. The author proposes to outline 3 chronological periods in the scientific study of the history of the British Labour Party when a great amount of works has appeared. As we can see, the first period was 1930-1940’s, when the vast amount of the works of prominent leaders and active members of the Labour movement and the Labour Party were published. The second period, as we can outline, was in the 1950’s – the beginning of the 1960’s when the Labour Party lost its positions in the political sphere of Great Britain. And the third period is nowadays when in the early 2000’s Labour Party’s 100th anniversary was celebrated and besides it, the Party achieved the greatest success - it won parliamentary election three times in a row (1997, 2001 and 2005). The author concluded that the history of the British labor movement of the second half of the 19th – the first third of the 20th centuries and the theme of the party struggle for the electorate among the workers still needed to be reconsidered and re-evaluated. Although there are many works devoted to the British Labour Party history, the reasons for its strengthening, the factors of its rapid growth at the beginning of the 20th century, the causes and consequences of the crisis of 1931, etc. still remain debatable. Therefore, it is not a quiet time to talk about the completeness of the research topic. The author also noted that despite the number of historical researches of modern Ukrainian scholars, Ukrainian British studies still lack investigations with the analysis of the organizational structure of the British Labour party and its leadership.
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Capozzi, Eugenio. "Antipartito. Opposition to the political class and the party system in 1970’s Italy." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 10–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2020.1688574.
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Calhoun, Charles W. "Political Economy in the Gilded Age: The Republican Party's Industrial Policy." Journal of Policy History 8, no. 3 (July 1996): 291–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600005261.
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The nature of party contention and public discourse in the late nineteenth century is one of the least understood and most elusive subjects in American history and historiography. In the period itself many critics condemned the intense partisanship of the two major parties as a sham battle, aimed more at filling offices than fulfilling ideals, and all too often tainted with corrupt motives and methods. In the classic formulation of Englishman James Bryce, “neither party has any principles…. [P]oints of political doctrine … have all but vanished …. All has been lost except office or the hope of it.”
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Pizzimenti, Eugenio. "The evolution of party funding in Italy: a case of inclusive cartelisation?" Modern Italy 22, no. 1 (October 17, 2016): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2016.40.
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The aim of this paper is to analyse the evolution of the Italian public funding regime, in the light of the assumptions of the cartel party thesis. In the mid-1990s, the debate on party and party system change was revitalised by R. Katz and P. Mair (1995), who introduced the concept of the ‘cartel party’ as a means to study the increasing influence of the state on party politics. Among the main analytical dimensions of the cartel party argument, the system-level variables have received little attention with respect to the Italian case. In what follows I try to find out empirical evidence for the hypothesised changes in the relationship between parties and the state and in the patterns of inter-party competition. I will analyse the trends of the law-making process in the domain of party funding (1948–2014), by combining these observations with data on parties’ reliance on state funds and party collusive behaviour.
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Galas, Marina. "Preparation for the reform of the liberalization of the political (state) regime of the USSR in the second half of the 1950s—1964 (according to the documents of the RGASPI)." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 10-2 (October 1, 2020): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi26.
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Describes a process for the preparation of the 1950s-1964 years liberalization of the Russian political reform (State) regime in the context of the genesis of society on the basis of the documents from the Russian State archive of socio-political history of 586 fund, 1 inventory (materials for the elaboration of a draft the third program of the Communist Party), of 84, 3 fund inventory (materials activities Mikoyan A. S. in the Council of Ministers of the USSR-the materials of the Constitutional Commission). During the drafting of the third program of the the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and of the new draft Constitution of the USSR leadership carried out polls, considered draft citizens committed to research institutes of the USSR Academy of Sciences development projects of socio-political, economic, financial, legal, ideological, the ruling party's reform, a citizen and a person, society, state, forecasting the evolution of international relations, global and domestic (socialist) markets.
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Dronov, Aleksandr M. "Political history of Croatia at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries: problems and methods." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 6, no. 1 (2022): 274–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2022-6-1-7.
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The review analyzes the monograph by Croatian historian Branko Ostajmer Narodna stranka u Slavoniji i Srijemu 1883.–1903. [The People’s Party in Slavonia and Srem in 1883–1903] and considers the historiography, source base, structure, and content of the book. Not only does the author of the monograph contribute to the development of Croatian historiography, but he also polemicizes with his predecessors and contemporaries. The extant archival sources of the period studied by B. Ostajmer are not plentiful, so the book is largely based on periodicals. A specific feature of his work is the author’s focus on the outstanding personalities of the era associated with the activities of the People’s Party. In addition, it is necessary to highlight the author’s analysis of Slavonism, a concept that is important for understanding the period and the region under study. B. Ostajmer studies the internal organization of the party and its electorate, including the interaction with individual social and ethnic groups, as well as the activities of the party in the context of Croat-Hungarian relations. Much space in the narrative is given to the figure of Croatian Ban K. Khuen-Héderváry, whose reign was taken as the chronological framework of the work. The book can be of interest to historians of parties and social movements of the Modern Era as well as specialists in Croatia, the Balkans, and Central Europe.
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Sawshilya, Archana. "CHANGING FACE OF ELECTORAL BEHAVIOUR: ROLE OF SOCIAL MEDIA -GENERAL ELECTIONS 2019." International Journal of Advanced Research 9, no. 03 (March 31, 2021): 118–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/12563.
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The 2019 election witnessed a society that was consuming digital technology .For the first time in the history of India’s political platform the national elections were fought both on the streets and by using the smart phones and social media platforms using the digital technology .The digital media teams of the political parties in the 2019 elections played a very crucial role in trying to tip the scales in the favor of their party .The NaMo app had nearly 10 million downloads while the Shakti app of the Congress had around 70-80 lakh users. But the critics raised the question what if the party that mis-adopted the technology during 2019 is also the majority party in the house that would be responsible for designing the control mechanisms?
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Sofianto, Arif. "The Role of Religion in Voters’ Preference During General Election 2014 in Central Java DI JAWA TENGAH." Analisa 22, no. 2 (December 11, 2015): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v22i2.192.
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<p>Muslims are the largest part of Indonesian society, but in the history of elections,<br />Islamic political parties have never won. The nationalist party tended to be a strong<br />party, whereas religion-based party tend to be a weak party. This study aims to<br />analyze how the influence of religion values on voting behavior during legislative<br />elections in the Central Java. This study was conducted in 10 electoral districts in<br />Central Java and it involved 400 respondents. This research used a qualitative and a<br />quantitative method. The result depicted that religious values were used by voters as<br />reference in assessing political figures whether they are good or bad, without looking<br />at the background of parties and ideologies. Voters are more influenced by rational<br />and pragmatic considerations than the leaders or religious organization.</p>
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Karner, Stefan. "The Austrian People's Party and the Creation of the Second Austrian Republic (1945—1955)." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017598-6.
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In this article, the reader is offered not just the history of the formation of the Austrian People's Party, but in a broader sense, the internal political development of the Republic of Austria after 1945. Based on a wide range of historical sources, the development of the political consensus in Austria in the post-war period, the peculiarities of the formation of the foreign policy course and the choice of the policy of neutrality by Austria are shown. Special attention is paid to major Austrian political figures and their vision of strengthening and further development of Austria after the war.
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Southwell, Priscilla, Eric Lindgren, and Dustin Ellis. "A Case Study in Left Wing Neo-Populism: The Rise of the Syriza Party in Greece." Review of European Studies 8, no. 4 (November 21, 2016): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v8n4p174.
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<p>This research considers three approaches to the study of populism: populism as an ideology, populism as a discourse, and populism as a strategy. We highlight the debates between these different approaches. Next, we take the most significant definition from each of the three approaches and rethink how populism as an ideology should be defined as fundamentally rooted in popular sovereignty. We then ground this discussion by applying each approach to a recent phenomenon in the European political arena, the Syriza party. Finally, we use discriminant analysis to identify the distinguishing characteristics of a Syriza party supporter. We find that this party’s supporters are less critical of the European Union, younger and more leftist than other recent neo-populist parties in Europe.</p>
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Çınar, Alev. "THE JUSTICE AND DEVELOPMENT PARTY: TURKEY'S EXPERIENCE WITH ISLAM, DEMOCRACY, LIBERALISM, AND SECULARISM." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 3 (July 26, 2011): 529–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000651.
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It would probably be quite curious, if not confusing, for uninformed readers of Turkish politics who are interested in learning more about Turkey's ruling party, the AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi/Justice and Development Party), to pick up these five books, all written by scholars of Turkish politics, all dealing with the ideology of the AKP and the social and political conditions that gave rise to it, all published by prestigious publishers, and realize that they make almost completely opposite claims. For example, while Banu Eligür inThe Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkeyclaims that the AKP is an Islamist party that is “opposed to democracy” (p. 11), William Hale and Ergun Özbudun inIslamism, Democracy and Liberalism in Turkey: The Case of the AKPsee the AKP as a secular, conservative-democratic party that clearly rejects Islamism as a political ideology and is perhaps making the most significant contribution to the expansion of democracy in Turkey.
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Dobronravin, Nikolay. "Admonitions of Enrique Jose Varona and the problem of Cuba’s «men of colour»." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 10 (2021): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0016569-4.
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The article examines the last work (actually a political testament) of Enrique José Varona (1849–1933) and its role in the debate on Cuba's "men of colour" after the fall of President Gerardo Machado's regime in August 1933. The debate touched upon the slogan of «Negro minority» self-determination proclaimed by the Communist Party of Cuba. In subsequent publications, the text of Varona's testament was changed. The article discusses the reasons and nature of such editing, related to Cuban ethno-political history and its interpretation after 1959.
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Albertson, B. L. "Tasha S. Philpot. Race, Republicans, and the Return of the Party of Lincoln." Public Opinion Quarterly 72, no. 3 (August 28, 2008): 554–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfn022.
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Sotnikova, Irina. "The Contribution of Russian Historians to the Source Study of the First Period of the History of the Communist Party of China in 1921-1949." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 4 (2021): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120016119-1.
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The article is dedicated to determining the contribution of Russian Sinologists to the practice of introducing historical sources into scientific circulation in the history of the Communist Party of China in 1921-1949. The documents of the CPC and the Comintern are the most important sources for studying the process of the formation and evolution of the party, its transformation process. Formation of the source studies of the history of the party began shortly after the foundation of the CPC and was associated, first of all, with the collecting documents by the country's Sinology centres and the integration of historical sources into scientific practice. Sinology organizations were involved in the publication of source documents and materials on the history of the Chinese Communist Party. Along with the changes in the political situation, the national Sinology was reorganized, as well as the centres for studying the national revolutionary movement in China. Scholars of a number of research centres, especially the team of historians of the Institute of Far Eastern Studies of the Soviet/Russian Academy of Sciences have made a significant contribution to the source studying of the history of the CPC.
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Magier, Dariusz. "Political party archives: the system of recording and conveying information in local structures of the communist party in Poland ‘s Biała Podlaska province, from 1975 to 1989." Archival Science 18, no. 4 (September 17, 2018): 279–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10502-018-9296-5.
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Rund, Arild Engelsen. "Land and Power: The Marxist Conquest of Rural Bengal." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1994): 357–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012440.
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The Indian state of West Bengal is governed and politically dominated by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M) for short) which has been in Government there since 1977 as the largest constituent party to the ruling Left Front. The CPI(M)'s position in West Bengal is unique both in India and in the world in the sense that it is the only Communist party to be popularly elected and reelected to power for such a long period. Today it draws most of its electoral support from the rural areas where the party is supported by peasants of practically all socio-economic sections. It is to an interesting period in the history of Communism in Bengal that this article will turn, namely to the creation of a particular alliance of Marxists and peasants in the restlessness in that state in the late 1960s and the virtual elimination of non-Marxist forces in large areas.
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Munshi, Arijit. "Identity Politics and Distribution of Power: A Contemporary Study of Coochbehar." IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 5, no. 3 (January 10, 2017): 497. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v5.n3.p13.
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<p><em>Contemporary India has experienced several movements. Separate state movement(s) is one of them by a particular community, Rajbanshi. Generally this movement has started to get a specific identity of the community. From the late nineteenth century it was started by a leader called Panchanan Burma. Slowly this movement has mixed with Indian national politics. And now it has taken an important role in contemporary parliamentary vote politics. To ensure the political stand the upper strata of leaders of Rajbanshi separate state movement have sketched their parties (political and non-political) in the northern districts of West Bengal and adjacent part of Assam. There are many political parties and associations within ‘the movement’. These parties and associations are – Greater Coochbehar Peoples Association (GCPA), Greater Coochbehar Peoples Association (GCPA, it is a political party), Kamtapur Peoples Party (KPP), Kamtapur Progressive Party (KPP) and Greater Coochbehar Democratic Party (GCDP). </em></p><em> The present paper wishes to explore the facts of contemporary identity politics of Rajbanshis in Coochbehar and also highlights the distribution of power within the political and non-political parties or association in the region. Data has been collected from ten villages selected from the Coochbehar district during 2010 to 2016. Secondary data was also used. Section I deals with regional identity and power. Section II deals with political parties or associations and their structural formation which helps them to establish this regional identity in recent times. Section III deals with politics of forum and also highlights the fact of distribution of power within the northern districts of west Bengal.</em>
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Berdine, Michael D. "America and the Persian Gulf." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 4 (January 1, 1997): 110–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i4.2227.
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Steve A. Yetiv, an assistant professor of political science at Old DominionUniversity in Virginia and a research affiliate at the Center for Middle EasternStudies at Harvard University, has written a most interesting book on what hecalls the "third-party dimension in world politics." Based on his doctoral dissertation, Yetiv’s thesis, which at first glance seems a simple and natural way toview the cause-and-effect relationships of historical events and conflicts, is farmore complex. No “domino theory,” which focuses on the primary actors, thethird-party dimension in world politics, as its name implies, focuses on the“third-party” actor, or actors, vis-8-vis events on the world stage.Primarily concerned with how conflict in the Persian Gulf area in the late1970’s, 1980’s and early 1990’s affected the United States’ position in theMiddle East, America and the Persian Gulf generally examines the third-partysituation and, in particular, how its position changes-for better or worse-as aresult of the actions of the main participants and other third parties who areactive or passive participants in diplomatic crises, conflicts, and revolutions.Furthermore, in emphasizing its importance, Professor Yetiv writes that byexamining “the conditions under which the third party is weakened or strengthenedby conflict. . . we may learn more about the utility of statecraft, the politicsof rapidly changing conflictual regions of the world, conflict processes andoutcomes, and conflict avoidance and resolution.” He goes on to state that “thestudy of the third party will tell us something about the third party itself be it astate, an international organization, or some other actor in world politics.” Lastbut not least, it “can also inform us about the context in which the third partyplays a role, the long-term role of the third party in that context, other contextswhich the third party affects, and the nature and impact of conflict in general”(p. 158).
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ROBERT MOORE, JAMES. "PROGRESSIVE PIONEERS: MANCHESTER LIBERALISM, THE INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY, AND LOCAL POLITICS IN THE 1890s." Historical Journal 44, no. 4 (December 2001): 989–1013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0100214x.
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The Manchester Progressive Municipal Programme of 1894 has been viewed as indicative of a new Liberal approach to labour and social questions, heralding the New Liberalism of the Edwardian era and marking a gradual transition to class-based politics. Rather than focus on the role of senior individuals, such as Manchester Guardian editor C. P. Scott, in fostering the change, this article explores the practical problems of grass-roots party co-operation and the problems that Progressive approaches brought to Liberals. Progressive ideas had already permeated much Liberal thinking before 1890 and the Progressive Programme was less of a departure than might be imagined. Progressive policies may have helped consolidate Liberal working-class support but they did little to encourage co-operation with the Independent Labour Party (ILP). Where senior Liberals attempted to forge alliances they were invariably rebuffed. When Liberal candidates stepped down in deference to the ILP, Irish and working-class Liberal trade unionists revolted and split the party. The 1895 general election demonstrated the dangers of being too closely associated with the ILP and the limitations of Progressivism as a political strategy.
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Shi-xu. "Understanding contemporary Chinese political communication." Journal of Language and Politics 11, no. 1 (March 22, 2012): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.11.1.05shi.
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In the international scholarship, Chinese political communication is usually viewed from a political-economic and West-centric perspective. Consequently, it is portrayed as a product of the Chinese Communist Party(‘s ideology), deviant, totalitarian and unchanging. In this article I first argue for a historical and intercultural approach and so a view of contemporary Chinese political discourse as dynamic, critical-creative and cultural-hegemony-resistant. Then I analyze and assess accordingly the case of the Chinese discourse of human rights. It will be seen that this discourse has been evolving topically, reinforcing socially, and responding interculturally, thereby constituting a historic transformation in China’s human rights situation on the one hand and a counter-veiling force in the unbalanced international communication on human rights on the other. In conclusion I suggest that the mainstream scholarship go beyond the a-historical-and-a-intercultural approach to political communication in general and to that of non-Western societies in particular.
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Xydias, Christina. "This Was the One for Me." German Politics and Society 38, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380106.
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Next to the Alternative for Germany (AfD)’s nationalism and anti-immigrant attitudes, natalism and support for traditional gender roles are key components of the party’s far right categorization. Women are not absent from parties like the AfD, though they support them at lower rates than men and at lower rates than they support other parties. In light of women’s lower presence in far-right parties, how do women officeholders in the AfD explain their party affiliation, and how do their explanations differ from men’s? An answer is discernible at the nexus between AfD officeholders’ publicly available political backgrounds and the accounts that they offer for joining the party, termed “origin stories.” Empirically, this article uses an original dataset of political biographical details for all the AfD’s state and federal legislators elected between 2013 and late 2019. This dataset shows that AfD women at the state level are less likely than their men counterparts to have been affiliated with a political party, and they are less likely to have been politically active, prior to their participation in the AfD. Regardless of the facts of their backgrounds, however, women more than men explain their support of the AfD as a choice to enter into politics, and men more than women explain their support of the AfD as a choice to leave another party. The article argues that these gendered origin stories can be contextualized within the party’s masculinist, natalist, and nationalist values.
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Grozav, Victoria. "Epurarea corpului didactic al Facultății de Medicină din Cluj în primul deceniu communist / Purging the teaching staff of the Faculty of Medicine in Cluj in the first communist decade." PLURAL. History, Culture, Society 10, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 103–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/plural.v10i2_5.
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The period of purges represented a dark page in the history of Romanian education and did not end on September 1, 1945, according to the provisions of Law no. 584/1945 regarding the purification of public administrations, but was continued in the following years, disguised under other political decisions. The Faculty of Medicine faced three waves of purges followed by periods of calm. After the first law on the purification of public administrations was passed (Law no. 461 published in the Official Gazette on September 19, 1944), many teachers were temporarily purged, others permanently, whereas others “arranged” their pension rights. This article discusses how the repressive state machine carried out the purges of teaching staff from Cluj medical education establishments in the first communist decade, as well as the employment criteria in the fall of 1958. The paper analyses the social origin of the teaching staff. Social origin was an essential criterion of retention or exclusion from the education of students and teaching staff. Archival documents illustrate that in 1950, 42% of Cluj Medical-Pharmaceutical Institute (I.M.F.) teachers were party members. Four years later the rate of the Romanian Labourer Party (Partidul Muncitoresc Român – P.M.R.) teachers members increased to 50%. In 1959, this rate was 50%. This percentage of P.M.R. members in 1959 can be explained by the teaching staff ’s lack of interest in the party policy, and the exclusion of some members from the party. Also, the article tries to decipher the local party bodies’ influence on the decisions made by the I.M.F. in the purifications.
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Levchenko, V. V. "WORKS OF S. I.-Ya. BOROVOGY ON THE HISTORY OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR." Library Mercury, no. 1(27) (June 30, 2022): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-3335.2022.1(27).256410.
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The published and unpublished scientific and journalistic works on the history of the World War II by the Odessa historian S. I.-Ya. Borovoy are considered in the article. An attempt was made to objectively analyze the data of scientific works, their significance for studying the history of the World War II, to identify positive and negative sides in them in the context of the development of Soviet historical science, to understand their historiographic and methodological value, influence on modern historical science and the current perception of the events of the World War II. The result of the active participation of S. I.-Ya. Borovoy in the scientific and organizational work on the study of the history of the World War II was the publication of his works, which were defined as a task of national importance, as evidenced by the fact that the work of the scientist was carried out on the basis of a special government decision to create Commissions on the history of the Great Patriotic War at the union, republican, regional and district levels with the support of the relevant levels of the Communist Party, which determined their activities political and ideological orientation. His first articles were written on the basis of collected materials, documents, testimonies of eyewitnesses and participants in the events. The content of these articles was aimed at raising the mass consciousness of society, which contributed to the manifestation of the patriotic spirit in the course of a fierce confrontation, the willingness to endure everyday hardships in order to protect the country, to sacrifice personal interests in the name of preserving and strengthening statehood. Particular attention was paid to the heroic struggle of the Soviet people at the front, in the ranks of the partisan movement, and selfless labor in the rear. The decisive importance of the activities of the Communist Party as a leading, inspiring force was constantly emphasized, which led to the formation of the fundamental ideological orientation of the Soviet era. The vices of ideological content in the works of S. I.-Ya. Borovoy were caused by the political situation that took place in the life of Soviet society, in particular in the studies of historians.
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Makarenko, B. "Fragmentation of European Party Systems: Prerequsities, Scenarios, Sequences." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 12 (2022): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-12-16-26.
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The article explores the process of fragmentation of political party systems in 25 member countries of the European Union during the last three decades (since 1990s). The analysis starts with discussion on prerequisites of fragmentation through the theoretical lens of the works of S. Lipset/S. Rokkan and A. Lijphart. The main prerequisite is accretion of the system of cleavages in the societies in post-materialist age. Other – secondary – reasons include effects of proportional electoral systems, the rise of populism, volatility of party systems in post-communist countries. Further, the article presents the results of analysis of the Effective Number of Parliamentary Parties (ENPP) dynamics in all national elections since 1990; the average ENPP rose from 4.2 to 6.1. Though scenarios of the rise are similar in many respects (i.e., the simultaneous rise in the first elections after 2008–2009 economic crisis), certain distinctions can be found between “old” and “new” countries, systems of moderate and extreme pluralism. The concluding sub-chapter briefly discusses the “pros” and “cons” of party systems fragmentation for the European countries’ politics, which is considered irreversible because it is based on an accreted constellation of cleavages. On the one hand, more fragmented party systems provide for more nuanced representation of societal interests, and are, therefore, democratic and objective. On the other, it gives voice to illiberal populism and complicates the process of coalition building to form the executive; and, in addition, more plural executives tend to be volatile. Recent European political history presents plentiful examples of both. The ultimate challenge for European politicians is to learn to take advantage of the “pros” and tackle the “cons”.
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Howard, Marc Morjé. "Continuity and Change in Germany's Turbulent Twentieth Century." German Politics and Society 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2000): 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503000782486552.
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Carl F. Lankowski, ed., Breakdown, Breakup, Breakthrough: Germany’s Difficult Passage to Modernity (New York: Berghahn Books, 1999)John Brady, Beverly Crawford, and Sarah Elise Wiliarty, eds., The Postwar Transformation of Germany: Democracy, Prosperity, and Nationhood (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999)Christopher S. Allen, ed., Transformation of the German Political Party System: Institutional Crisis or Democratic Renewal? (New York: Berghahn Books, 1999)
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Nikiforov, Yury S. "“A Mold Foreign to Leninism Fetters the Forces of the Party”: A Veteran of the Ruling Party S. S. Starostin on the Problems of the USSR of Mid-1980s in a Letter Addressed to M. S. Gorbachev." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2022): 891–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2022-3-891-903.
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The article studies public discussions concerning development of the USSR by 1985. The relevance of the topic is due to the need to study various points of view existing in the Soviet society at the dawn of Perestroika. The basis of the study is classical methods of source analysis: narrative and historical-genetic. The scientific significance is due to the fact that the analytical note by S.S. Starostin on the problems of late Soviet society is being introduced into scientific use for the first time. The study fills the gap in scientific knowledge on public discussions in the USSR by mid-1980s, when the policy of Perestroika prompted both reformers and relative “conservatives” to discuss a new path of the country’s development. Of particular interest are Starostin’s ideas, which the authorities tried to implement at the final stage of Perestroika. The basis for the study is archival document found in the fond of the former chairman of the Soviet Council of Ministers N. I. Ryzhkov (fond 653 of the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History). In April 1985, Starostin’s note was sent to M. S. Gorbachev, who had recently assumed the post of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. The article is to study the nostalgic view on the development of the USSR on the eve of Perestroika. It attempts to reconstruct the value system of the author of the letter. The study is based on traditional methodology of classical source studies. The analyzed document is a monument of social thought reflecting disappointment with the Brezhnev era and hopes for a new Soviet leader. It has been established that, according to his ideological views, Starostin can be called a supporter of the mobilization model of economy built on moral and political incentives. He favoured a retrospective presentation of problems in comparison with the Stalin period. The main problem of the USSR indicated in his text is political mistakes of the authorities after J. V. Stalin. Starostin harshly criticized A. N. Kosygin and departmentalism. He analyzed personnel policy and symptoms of the crisis of the Soviet society and political system of the USSR and stated moral degeneration of the Soviet elite and ordinary citizens. In his opinion, the era of Khrushchev and Brezhnev was characterized by a growth of social deviations (deceit, corruption, falsification of figures, theft, absenteeism) and bureaucracy. Starostin insisted on the need to develop institutions of direct democracy, referendums.
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Mikhalskiy, Igor. "The Revolutionary Ukrainian Party – in terms of the document." Bulletin of Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University, no. 6 (337) (2020): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2844-2020-6(337)-37-53.
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The article describes the beginning of the activities of the Ukrainian Revolutionary Party and the charging document of the prosecutor of the court of justice, which is stored in the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine in Lviv, is introduced into scientific use. It allows to concretize information about active party leaders, in particular P. Andrijewskyj, P. Steshenko, M. Popov, G. Kollard, I. Manzheley. It is stated that the first Ukrainian party, which was created in 1900, began its active work in 1902–1903, which attracted the attention of the Department for Protecting the Public Security and Order in Kharkiv. The document that is being published belongs to this period. It is noted that researchers have been studying the history and analysis of the activities of the first Ukrainian party since the 20s of the XX century, in particular, the most fundamental work belongs to the famous political and public figure, historian A. Germeise, who not only brought the history of the party to the reader, but also published 53 leaflets and proclamations of the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party. The sources of private origin also contain a lot of valuable material on the activities of the Ukrainian Revolutionary Party. At the end of the 20th century, various collections of documents devoted to the Ukrainian independence movement were published. However, even today there are a large number of documents that are unfamiliar to a wide range of researchers. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to introduce a document that additionally reflects the activities of the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party at the beginning of the 20th century, into scientific use.