Academic literature on the topic 'P.S.O.E. (Political party) – History'

The Delegate for Africa: David Ivon Jones, 1883–1924. By Baruch Hirson and Gwyn A. Williams. London: Core Publications, 1995. Pp. x+272. £8.50, paperback (ISBN 897640-02-1).S. P. Bunting: A Political Biography, new edition. By Edward Roux. Bellville: Mayibuye Books. 1993. Pp. 200. No price given, paperback (ISBN 1-86808-162-1).Outsiders looking at the recent history of South African politics are apt to be struck by two conundrums. How can a nation that pushed the logic of ‘race’ as far as any society in history also have produced one of the world's most enduring non-racial political traditions? And how, in a period that has seen the crumbling of the Soviet Union and the discrediting of communist parties throughout the world, has the South African Communist Party (SACP) not only survived but risen to power, in coalition with the African National Congress and the Congress of South African Trade Unions?

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="IN">Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) is one of the most active Islamic movements in Indonesia's contemporary history that seeks to implement Islam in a serious way. For political ideology and political thought, this party has no fundamental difference with central Hizbut Tahrir, and puts the idea of realizing the global caliphate at the center of its thinking. Is the global caliphate suitable idea for contemporary heterogeneous Indonesian society? Is historical, rational, hadith, and Quranic arguments obligate us to found global c</span><span>a</span><span lang="IN">liphate</span><span>’s system </span><span lang="IN">such as HTI’s thinkers and activists have claimed? These are two fundamental issues that the present treatise seeks to answer. The treatise has demonstrated, with a descriptive, analytical, and critical method, that the global caliphate’s thought of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia is in conflict with Islamic doctrines and historical defendable data.</span></p>

<p>本文藉統計三臺臺語節目比例及爬梳廣播安全會報等檔案，重建以本土語言為中心的電視史分期，強調應以產業發展視角重構電視史，並指出是蔣經國死後的還我母語運動，而非解嚴，才帶來《廣電法》語言禁令的解除。回訪電視史，有助反思黨國文化治理的三組課題：一是在黨國資本主義下傳播媒體如何運作的政治經濟學；二是強人領袖對於語言管制不尋常的沉默；三是蔣經國時期在宣稱與實作的虛實之間、政治與文化的領域之間、菁英與庶民的階級之間等三個層次呈現的雙面本土化。</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><p>This study used statistics and archived information to reconstruct the native language&ndash;centric periodization of television history in Taiwan. Three characteristics of the party-state cultural governance in post-war Taiwan were analyzed: the power of marketization and the political economy of communication under an authoritarian regime; the self-fulfilling prophecy of language regulation due to the unusual silence of the dictators; and Chiang Ching-kuo&rsquo;s Taiwanization policies&mdash;co-operating with Taiwanese political elites while strictly controlling the mass usage of the native language in everyday, for example, in television programs.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

This review characterises the content and comments on the importance of a collective monograph which can be regarded as the first comprehensive work in the Russian historical science to depict the dynamics of political culture and the stages of party building by almost all the peoples of the multinational Habsburg monarchy in 1848–1914. In a series of essays, the authors demonstrate how Habsburg peoples fought, though with a varying degree of ardour and success, for the recognition of their collective identity and claimed to be recognised as collective subjects of the state. The review reveals the main issues that thwart drawing a comprehensive review of the political culture of the peoples of the monarchy resulting from the composite state structure, the nature of political associations and parties, and the different development stages of the national idea. The authors revise the teleological approach of 20th-century historiography which can be considered a novelty in the Central European studies in Russia. Yet, the book contains occasional weaknesses in the chains of reasoning and evidence. Nonetheless, the strengths of the book make it possible to rank it among the authoritative books on the Central European history of the modern period.

Ключові слова: Чорне море, геополітика, М. Грушевський, С. Рудницький, політична арена, Українськареволюція 1917-1921 рр. У статті показано основні політико-ідеологічні засади геополітичного проєкту «Чорноморськоїфедерації», що був створений в працях українського історика М. Грушевського та його учня С. Рудницького вперіод Національно-визвольних змагань та Інтербелума, а також похідні ідеї цього проєкту що існують в XXIстолітті. Проаналізовано передумови, які викликали необхідність розробки концепції співпраці різних країнБалтійсько-Чорноморського регіону на початку ХХ ст. Окреслено основні перспективи імовірності розвиткуспівпраці в межах регіону у майбутньому. Зроблено висновок про те, що щоб бути міцною та незалежноюдержавою, Україна повинна міцно триматися за ті геополітичні переваги, які має, а винайдення новогоформату співробітництва між європейськими державами означеного регіону не може відбуватися безосвоєння досвіду попередників. Посилання Vynar, 1995 – Vynar L. Mykhaylo Hrushevsʹkyy: istoryk i budivnychyy natsiyi: statti i materiyaly [MykhailoHrushevskyi: historian and nation builder: articles and materials]. Kyyiv; Nʹyu-York; Toronto: Fundatsiya im. O.Olʹzhycha. 1995. 302 s. [in Ukrainian].Hrushevsʹkyy, 1920 – Hrushevsʹkyy M. V pershiy delehatsiyi Ukrayinsʹkoyi partiyi sots. revolyutsioneriv (kvitenʹ 1919r. – lyutyy 1920 r.) [In the first delegation of the Ukrainian Socialist Party. revolutionaries (April 1919 - February1920)] // Boritesya – poborete! Videnʹ. 1920. №3. S. 47–60. [in Ukrainian].Hrushevsʹkyy, 1918 – Hrushevsʹkyy M. Na porozi novoyi Ukrayiny: hadki i mriyi [On the threshold of a new Ukraine:ugliness and dreams]. Kyyiv: Druk. akts. t-va «Petro Barsʹkyy u Kyyivi», 1918. 120 s. [in Ukrainian].Hrushevsʹkyy, 2007 – Hrushevsʹkyy M. Na porozi Novoyi Ukrayiny. Hadky ta mriyi [On the threshold of New Ukraine.Abominations and dreams] // Tvory u 50 tomakh. – T.4 (1). Lʹviv. 2007. S. 225–267. [in Ukrainian].Hrushevsʹkyy, 1917 – Hrushevsʹkyy M. Khto taki ukrayintsi i choho vony khochutʹ [Who are Ukrainians and what dothey want]. Kyyiv. T-vo «Znannya» Ukrayiny. 1991. 240 s. [in Ukrainian].Hrushevsʹkyy, 2005 – Hrushevsʹkyy M. Ukrayina, Bilorusʹ, Lytva. [Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania]. Tvory: u 50 t.;redkol.: P. Sokhanʹ, YA. Dashkevych, I. Hyrych ta in.. Lʹviv. Vydavnytstvo «Svit». T 3. S. 65–68. [in Ukrainian].Dashkevych, 1997 – Dashkevych YA. Chornomorsʹki problemy v mynulomu i suchasnomu [Black Sea problems in thepast and present] // Shlyakh peremohy. K., Myunkhen, Nʹyu-York, 1997. − 26 chervnya (№ 26), S. 6. [in Ukrainian].Domashchenko, 2008 – Domashchenko L. M. Kontseptsiyi chornomorsʹkoyi oriyentatsiyi Ukrayiny u vitchyznyaniypolitychniy dumtsi pershoyi polovyny ХХ stolittya [Concepts of Ukraine's Black Sea Orientation in the NationalPolitical Thought of the First Half of the 20th Century]. Kyyiv. 2008. 204 s. [in Ukrainian].Kovalevsʹka, 2017 – Kovalevsʹka O. Stepan Rudnytsʹkyy ta yoho naukovyy dorobok // Stepan Rudnytsʹkyy (1877–1937). Istoriya. Heopolityka. Heohrafiya [Stepan Rudnytskyi and his scientific achievements // Stepan Rudnytskyi(1877–1937). History. Geopolitics. Geography]. T. 1. Kyyiv. 2017. S. 7–69. [in Ukrainian].Korolʹov, 2011 – Korolʹov H. Ukrayinsʹkyy piruet nad Baltiysʹko-Chornomorsʹkym Mizhmor'yam [Ukrainian pirouetteover the Baltic-Black Sea]. URL: https://www.pravda.com.ua/articles/2011/06/8/6247374/ [in Ukrainian].Levenetsʹ, 2001 – Levenetsʹ YU. A. Teoretyko-metodolohichni zasady ukrayinsʹkoyi suspilʹno-politychnoyi dumky:problemy stanovlennya ta rozvytku (druha polovyna ХІХ – pochatok ХХ stolittya) [Theoretical and methodologicalfoundations of Ukrainian social and political thought: problems of formation and development (second half of the 19th -beginning of the 20th century)].Kyyiv. Styslos. 2001. 285 s. [in Ukrainian].Novikova, Trybus, 2016 – Novikova K., Trybus V. Arkhitektory Mizhmorʺya [Architects of the Mediterranean]// Ukrayinsʹkyy tyzhdenʹ. 2016. № 36 (460). URL: https://tyzhden.ua/History/173436 [in Ukrainian].Potulʹnytsʹkyy, 1992 – Potulʹnytsʹkyy V. A. Istoriya ukrayinsʹkoyi politolohiyi (kontseptsiyi derzhavnosti v ukrayinsʹkiyzarubizhniy istoryko-politychniy nautsi) [History of Ukrainian political science (concepts of statehood in Ukrainian andforeign historical and political science).]. Kyyiv. Lybidʹ, 1992. 232 s. [in Ukrainian].Rudnytsʹkyy, 2017 – Rudnytsʹkyy S. Istoriya. Heopolityka. Heohrafiya [History. Geopolitics. Geography]. V 5-kh kn.Kn. 2. Kyyiv: Tempora. 736 s. [in Ukrainian].

<p>El presente artículo tiene por objeto estudiar el término crisis hegemónica, aplicándolo a un período en particular de la historia de Chile. Se argumenta teóricamente, que se está en tiempos de crisis hegemónica, cuando se interrogan y cuestionan los valores predominantes en una sociedad. En concreto, se sitúa el análisis en el período previo a la elección de Salvador Allende (y al momento de su elección), pues dicho período daría cuenta de un proceso contra-hegemónico. En rigor, se afirma que la crisis hegemónica se produjo, por una parte, por una ingente movilización política; y por otra (y principalmente), por el quiebre del consenso político al interior del sistema de partidos. Al mismo tiempo, se sostiene que la crisis hegemónica era una “realidad” que solo se hizo efectiva al momento en que Allende fue elegido presidente, pese a que el <em>Antiguo Régimen</em> era una estructura político-económica que se encontraba en franca descomposición. El artículo se divide en dos partes: en la primera, se despliegan de manera crítica las distintas tesis que han circulado para explicar la existencia (o no) de una crisis hegemónica para el período que antecede y rodea a la elección de Salvador Allende, aunque centrando el análisis en las propuestas de dos autores, a saber, Arturo Valenzuela (2013) y Atilio Borón (1975). En la segunda parte, se expone porqué es correcto hablar de crisis hegemónica para el período en cuestión, argumentando que ésta se produjo debido a una polarización antagónica al interior del sistema institucional, pero que fue acompañado por fuera producto de una movilización político-electoral que puso fin al <em>Antiguo Régimen</em>.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Palabras claves:</strong></p><p>Crisis hegemónica/ Clases dirigentes/Antiguo Régimen/Polarización/Movilización político-electoral</p><p> </p><p> </p><p><strong>The hegemonic crisis and the end of the <em>Old Chilean Regime</em> during the 1970’s presidential election. A study from the point of view of the Historical Sociology</strong></p><p align="center"> </p><p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p align="center"> </p><p>This article deals with the concept of “hegemonic crisis”, applying it to a specific period in the Chilean history. The theoretical argument is that there is a hegemonic crisis when the prevailing values of the society are being questioned. Specifically, we analyze the period before the election of Salvador Allende (and upon election), because said period would correspond to a counter-hegemonic process. Strictly speaking, it is stated that, on one hand, the hegemonic crisis was due to a huge political mobilization and, on the other, due to the breaking point of the political agreement among the political parties. Also, we state that the hegemonic crisis was a “reality” that came to life when Allende was elected president, although the <em>Ancient Regime</em> was a decaying political-economic structure. The article is made up by two parts: in the first, we analyze, from a critical perspective, the different theories that explain the existence (or absence) of a hegemonic crisis in the period before and during the election of Salvador Allende; the analysis is focused on the proposals made by two authors, Arturo Valenzuela (2013) and Atilio Borón (1975). In the second part, we explain why it is correct referring to a hegemonic crisis for the period in question, arguing that this occurred due to an antagonistic polarization within the institutional system, together with a political-electoral mobilization that put an end to the <em>Ancient Regime</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Keywords:</p><p>Hegemonic crisis / The establishment / Ancient Regime / Polarization / Political-electoral mobilization</p>

<p>El presente artículo tiene por objeto estudiar el término crisis hegemónica, aplicándolo a un período en particular de la historia de Chile. Se argumenta teóricamente, que se está en tiempos de crisis hegemónica, cuando se interrogan y cuestionan los valores predominantes en una sociedad. En concreto, se sitúa el análisis en el período previo a la elección de Salvador Allende (y al momento de su elección), pues dicho período daría cuenta de un proceso contra-hegemónico. En rigor, se afirma que la crisis hegemónica se produjo, por una parte, por una ingente movilización política; y por otra (y principalmente), por el quiebre del consenso político al interior del sistema de partidos. Al mismo tiempo, se sostiene que la crisis hegemónica era una “realidad” que solo se hizo efectiva al momento en que Allende fue elegido presidente, pese a que el <em>Antiguo Régimen</em> era una estructura político-económica que se encontraba en franca descomposición. El artículo se divide en dos partes: en la primera, se despliegan de manera crítica las distintas tesis que han circulado para explicar la existencia (o no) de una crisis hegemónica para el período que antecede y rodea a la elección de Salvador Allende, aunque centrando el análisis en las propuestas de dos autores, a saber, Arturo Valenzuela (2013) y Atilio Borón (1975). En la segunda parte, se expone porqué es correcto hablar de crisis hegemónica para el período en cuestión, argumentando que ésta se produjo debido a una polarización antagónica al interior del sistema institucional, pero que fue acompañado por fuera producto de una movilización político-electoral que puso fin al <em>Antiguo Régimen</em>.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Palabras claves:</strong></p><p>Crisis hegemónica/ Clases dirigentes/Antiguo Régimen/Polarización/Movilización político-electoral</p><p> </p><p> </p><p><strong>The hegemonic crisis and the end of the <em>Old Chilean Regime</em> during the 1970’s presidential election. A study from the point of view of the Historical Sociology</strong></p><p align="center"> </p><p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p align="center"> </p><p>This article deals with the concept of “hegemonic crisis”, applying it to a specific period in the Chilean history. The theoretical argument is that there is a hegemonic crisis when the prevailing values of the society are being questioned. Specifically, we analyze the period before the election of Salvador Allende (and upon election), because said period would correspond to a counter-hegemonic process. Strictly speaking, it is stated that, on one hand, the hegemonic crisis was due to a huge political mobilization and, on the other, due to the breaking point of the political agreement among the political parties. Also, we state that the hegemonic crisis was a “reality” that came to life when Allende was elected president, although the <em>Ancient Regime</em> was a decaying political-economic structure. The article is made up by two parts: in the first, we analyze, from a critical perspective, the different theories that explain the existence (or absence) of a hegemonic crisis in the period before and during the election of Salvador Allende; the analysis is focused on the proposals made by two authors, Arturo Valenzuela (2013) and Atilio Borón (1975). In the second part, we explain why it is correct referring to a hegemonic crisis for the period in question, arguing that this occurred due to an antagonistic polarization within the institutional system, together with a political-electoral mobilization that put an end to the <em>Ancient Regime</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Keywords:</p><p>Hegemonic crisis / The establishment / Ancient Regime / Polarization / Political-electoral mobilization</p>

Ключові слова: партія, більшовики, місто, перейменування, Єлисаветград, Зінов’євськ, П. П. Амосов, Г. О. Зінов’єв. Анотація Радянізація топонімії в СРСР, що прокотилася в 1920‑х – 1930‑х роках, значно вплинула на формування в межах усієї країни тисяч нових географічних назв, якими увічнювалися вожді РКП(б) – ВКП(б). Широкомасштабне перейменування у 1920‑х – 1930‑х роках охопило і радянську Україну. Укорінену радянську топонімію в УСРР–УРСР вдалося частково ліквідувати лише у 2015–2016 роках під час декомунізації в Україні. Серед великих міст на території радянської України одним із перших було перейменовано Єлисаветград. 7 серпня 1924 року воно отримало назву Зінов’євськ, на честь діяча більшовицької партії Г. О. Зінов’єва. У дослідженні вперше на основі архівних документів та матеріалів місцевої газети «Червоний шлях» названо ініціаторів перейменування, а також відтворено подробиці «вибору» нового «революційного» імені для «пролетарського» міста. Автор довів, що поштовхом до зміни назви Єлисаветграда стала смерть В. І. Леніна та перейменування на його честь Петрограда в Ленінград, що ініціатива щодо перейменування Єлисаветграда належала місцевим партійним функціонерам, що нова назва Зінов’євськ була узгоджена з самим Г. О. Зінов’євим задовго до офіційного перейменування міста постановою ЦВК СРСР, що він радо вітав увічнення свого імені та високо оцінював факт набуття містом нової назви, що перейменування 1924 року з часом спровокувало повторні перейменування у 1934 та 1939 роках. Аналіз процедури перейменування та методів переконування містян, що нова назва дасть можливість усім «жити по-новому», дозволяє зрозуміти болісність декомунізації та небажання її реалізації у 1990‑х – у середині 2010‑х років. Посилання Agitprop, 1924 – Agitprop. K pereimenovaniyu g. Yelisavetgrada v Zinov'yevsk [To Renaming the city of Elisavetgrad to Zinovievsk] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 21 chervnya. S. 2. [in Russian]. Amosov, 1924 – Amosov P. Okruzhnaya partkonferentsiya [The District Party Conference] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 23 kvitnya. S. 1. [in Russian]. Arbenin A. Zinov'yevsk [Zinov'yevsk] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 15 lypnya. S. 2. [in Russian]. Vasetskiy, 1989 – Vasetskiy N. A. G. Ye. Zinov'yev: stranitsy zhizni i politicheskoy deyatel'nosti [G. E. Zinoviev: pages of life and political activity] // Novaya i noveyshaya istoriya. 1989. № 4. S. 111–139. [in Russian]. Verzhbin'ski, 2012 – Verzhbin'ski Ya. Toponimicheskiye sovetizmy, svyazannyye s imenami Lenina i Stalina [Toponymic sovietisms connected with the names of Lenin and Stalin] // Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia linguistica Rossia. Tom 8 (2012). S. 103–111. [in Russian]. Vtoroy, 1924 – Vtoroy s"yezd sovetov Soyuza Sovetskikh Sotsialisticheskikh Respublik: stenograficheskiy ocherk [Second Congress of Soviets of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics: a shorthand sketch]. M., 1924. 236 s. [in Russian]. VUTSIK utverdil, 1924 – VUTSIK utverdil pereimenovaniye goroda Yelisavetgrada v Zinov'yevsk i Yelisavetgradskogo okruga v Zinov'yevskiy [The All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee approved the renaming of the city of Elisavetgrad into Zinovievsk and the Elisavetgrad district into Zinovievsk district] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 10 lypnya. S. 1. [in Russian]. DAKO – Derzhavnyy arkhiv Kirovohradsʹkoyi oblasti [State archive of Kirovohrad region]. [in Ukrainian]. Dambuyev, 2015 – Dambuyev I. A. Sovetskoye zakonodatel'stvo o naimenovanii geograficheskikh ob"yektov [Soviet legislation on geographical names] // Mir nauki, kul'tury, obozreniya. 2015. № 6. S. 290–293. [in Russian]. Dom, 1924 – Dom, gde rodilsya Zinov'yev [The house where Zinoviev was born] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 4 zhovtnya. S. 4. [in Russian]. Zaryvayko, 1987 – Zaryvayko Prokip Avdiyovych [Zaryvayko Prokip Avdiyovych] / Velykyy Zhovtenʹ i Hromadyansʹka viyna na Ukrayini. Entsyklopedychnyy dovidnyk / Vidp. red. I. F. Kuras. K., 1987. S. 209. [in Ukrainian]. Zinov'yev, 1990 – Zinov'yev (Radomysl'skiy) Grigoriy Yevseyevich (Yevsey-Gershen Aronovich) [Zinov'yev (Radomysl'skiy) Grigoriy Yevseyevich (Yevsey-Gershen Aronovich)] // Izvestiya TsK KPSS. 1990. № 7. S. 96. [in Russian]. Istoriya, 1972 – Istoriya mist i sil URSR. Kirovohradsʹka oblastʹ. [The History of cities and villages of the USSR. Kirovograd region]. K., 1972. 816 s. [in Ukrainian]. K pereimenovaniyu, 1924a – K pereimenovaniyu g. Yelisavetgrada [To rename Elisavetgrad] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 22 chervnya. S. 3. [in Russian]. K pereimenovaniyu, 1924b – K pereimenovaniyu Yelisavetgrada v Zinov'yevsk. Kak byl pereimenovan nash gorod. Beseda s Sekretarem Okruzhnogo partiynogo komiteta tov. Amosovym [To rename Elisavetgrad to Zinovievsk. How our city was renamed. Conversation with the Secretary of the District Party Committee comrade Amosov] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 12 lypnya. S. 2. [in Russian]. K pereimenovaniyu, 1924c – K pereimenovaniyu Yelisavetgrada. Torzhestvennoye zasedaniye predstaviteley partiynykh, profsoyuznykh i sovetskikh organizatsiy [To rename Elisavetgrad. Solemn meeting of representatives of party, trade union and Soviet organizations] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 15 lypnya. S. 2. [in Russian]. Kommunisticheskiy, 1969 – Kommunisticheskiy Internatsional. Kratkiy istoricheskiy ocherk [Communist International. A brief historical outline]. M., 1969. 600 s. [in Russian]. Kremnev, 1924 – Kremnev M. Prezhde i teper' [Before and now] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 12 lypnya. S. 2. [in Russian]. Mativos Yu. M. Misto na Syvomu Inhuli: Istoryko-publitsystychnyy narys [The city on the Gray Ingul: Historical and journalistic essay]. Kirovohrad, 2004. 296 s. [in Ukrainian]. Otkrytiye, 1924 – Otkrytiye 8-y Okruzhnoy partkonferentsii [Opening of the 8th District Party Conference] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 24 kvitnya. S. 2. [in Russian]. Pasichnyk, 2012 – Pasichnyk L. M. Vid Yelysavethrada do Kirovohrada [From Yelisavetgrad to Kirovograd] // Vechirnya hazeta. 2012. 28 hrudnya. S. 12. [in Ukrainian]. Pereimenovaniye, 1924 – Pereimenovaniye stantsii Yelisavetgrad [Renam of Elisavetgrad station] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 22 lystopada. S. 4. [in Russian]. Po Sovetskomu, 1924 – Po Sovetskomu Soyuzu. O pereimenovanii stantsii Yelisavetgrad [Across the Soviet Union. About renaming Elisavetgrad station] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 19 lypnya. S. 2. [in Russian]. Postanovleniye, 1924а – Postanovleniye Vseukrainskogo Tsentral'nogo Ispolnitel'nogo Komiteta ot 7 avgusta 1924 goda «O pereimenovanii Yelisavetgradskogo okruga v Zinov'yevskiy okrug i gor. Yelisavetgrada v gor. Zinov'yevsk» [Resolution of the All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee of August 7, 1924 «On renaming the Elisavetgrad district into the Zinovievsky district and the mountains. Elisavetgrad in the mountains. Zinovievsk»] // Sobraniye uzakoneniy i rasporyazheniy Raboche-Krest'yanskogo Pravitel'stva Ukrainy. 1924. № 20. S. 447–448. [in Russian]. Postanovleniye, 1924b – Postanovleniye Prezidiuma TsIK Soyuza SSR ot 6 iyunya 1924 g. «O pereimenovanii g. Yuzovki, Okruga Yuzovskogo i st. Yuzovo» [Resolution of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR dated June 6, 1924 «On renaming the town of Yuzovka, Yuzov District and station Yuzovо »] // Vestnik Tsentral'nogo Ispolnitel'nogo Komiteta, Soveta Narodnykh Komissarov i Soveta Truda i Oborony Soyuza SSR. 1924. № 6. S. 199. [in Russian]. Prazdnovaniye pereimenovaniya, 1924 – Prazdnovaniye pereimenovaniya Yelisavetgrada [Celebration of renaming of Elisavetgrad] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 10 lypnya. S. 1. [in Russian]. Ot redaktsii, 1924a – Ot redaktsii [From the editorial board] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 10 chervnya. S. 1. [in Russian]. Ot redaktsii, 1924b – Ot redaktsii [From the editorial board] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 11 chervnya. S. 1. [in Russian]. Ot redaktsii, 1924c – Ot redaktsii [From the editorial board] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 12 chervnya. S. 1. [in Russian]. Ot redaktsii, 1924d – Ot redaktsii [From the editorial board] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 13 chervnya. S. 1. [in Russian]. Telegramma, 1924 – Telegramma ot t. Zinov'yeva [The telegram from Comrade Zinoviev] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 19 lypnya. S. 2. [in Russian]. Tov. G. O. Zinov'yev, 1924 – Tov. G. O. Zinov'yev [Comrade G. O. Zinoviev] // Chervonyy shlyakh. 1924. 12 lypnya. S. 2. [in Russian]. Shalayeva, 2013 – Shalayeva N. Problemy kul'ta lichnosti V. I. Lenina (istoriograficheskiy analiz) [Problems of the personality cult of V. I. Lenin (historiographic analysis)] // Vlast'. 2013. № 5. S. 104–108. [in Russian]. Shevchenko, 1988 – Shevchenko S. Yelysavethrad–Zinovʺyevsʹk–Kirovo [Yelysavethrad–Zinovʺyevsʹk–Kirovo] // Molodyy komunar. 1988. 17 veresnya. S. 6–7. [in Ukrainian]. Chornyi, 2019 – Chornyi O. V. Yelysavet: pokhodzhennya nazvy ta istoriya yiyi vzhyvannya (1755–1924) [Yelisavet: The origin of the name and the history of its application (1755‑1924)] // Naukovi zapysky. Seriya: Istorychni nauky. Vypusk 25. Kropyvnytsʹkyy, 2019. S. 214–246. [in Ukrainian].

The formation of social democracy in the Russian Empire was another stage in the «Russian reception» of the Western models of the socialist movement, the result of certain ideological contradictions on the Russian ground. Given the semi-feudal society of the Russian Empire, the paternalism of autocratic power, the absence of deep traditions of liberal culture, the Russian social democratic movement could hardly count on obvious success without a deep revolutionary renewal of the entire socio-economic and political system of the Russian state. Since Jews were an urban ethnic group, it is not surprising that the provinces of the Jewish Pale in the late 19th century proved to be the epicentre of the revolutionary energy concentration.Thus, in the late 19th century the processes of formation and development of not the Russian, but the Jewish social-democratic movement continued on the territory of the Jewish Pale, the prominent centres of which were the Belarusian and Ukrainian cities of the Russian Empire. Despite the low level of the industrial development in the north-western part of the Russian Empire, as well as police persecution, imprisonment, and exile of many activists, the Jewish Social Democratic movement grew qualitatively and quantitatively, got loyal supporters, and spread to other cities such as Minsk, Grodno, Bialystok and Warsaw. The Bund (the Union of Jewish Workers in Lithuania, Poland, and Russia) played a key role in organizing the Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) on March 1-3, 1898, at which the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) was founded which was supposed to unite revolutionary Marxist groups of the empire, regardless of their ethnicity. The processes of formation of the organizational and personnel structure of the Russian Social-Democracy continued during the First Russian Revolution. Jews took an active part in these processes. Their role in the organization of Russian social-democratic movement and in its staffing is difficult to overestimate. In particular, S. Dikstein, H.S. Khurgin, E.A. Abramovich, I.A. Gurvich, E.A. Gurvich, O. Belakh, L. Berkovich and many other Jewish activists found themselves at the origins of Russian social-democratic movement, and such distinguished Jewish figures of Russian social democracy as P. Axelrod and Yu. Martov in the early 19th century headed the Menshevik wing of the RSDLP.The author noted that until 1917 the model for the development of the social democratic movement in the Russian Empire was the European Social Democracy, among the recognized authorities of which were also Jews (F. Lassall, E. Bernstein, V. Adler, O. Bauer). Eventually, the Jewish origin of Marx, the founder of «scientific» socialism, canonized his doctrine in the mass consciousness of the urban Jewry of the Russian Empire, which awaited a new messiah who would «bring» them out of the ghetto of the Jewish Pale.At the same time, the theory of self-liberation of the Jewish proletariat, adopted by the Jewish Social Democrats of Vilno, Minsk, and Kyiv as opposed to the seemingly utopian ideas of the Zionists from Basel, Switzerland, became the leading ideology of the Russia’s first political organization of Jewish proletarian – the Bund, which emerged in the same 1897, when the First World Congress of Zionists took place.Thus, the intensification of state anti-Semitism, the Jewish pogroms, and the escalation of the political crisis in the Russian Empire on the eve of the First Russian Revolution pushed Russian and Jewish Social-Democracy to develop a common position on the proletariat’s participation in future revolutionary events, optimized the search for overcoming the internal party crisis that arose after the withdrawal of the Bund from the RSDLP. For the first time in its history, the Jewish Social Democrats tried to ignite the fire of the Russian revolution on the «Jewish street» and prove the political significance of the powerful revolutionary potential of the Jewish masses in the Jewish Pale for the all-Russian social democratic movement.

In this article, the author examines the leading political strategists and spin doctors of the Conservative Party in the context of their involvement in the 2019 United Kingdom election campaigns. The purpose of the article is to demonstrate the political strategists’ contribution in Boris Johnson’s Tory leadership election victory and in the United Kingdom general election Conservative triumph. The focus of the article is on two main strategist groups – the Australian pool and the British pool. The main face of Australians was Lynton Crosby, of British - Dominic Cummings. The article considers the role both strategist groups’ main faces in the Conservative Party leadership election campaign and United Kingdom general election campaign, including Lynton Crosby, Dominic Cummings, Mark Fullbrook, Isaac Levido, Michael Brooks, Edward Lister, and Lee Cain. The author demonstrates that in 2019, the Conservative Party had the strongest Political Strategists Corps in its recent history. They ensured that the Tories retained their position as the main political force in the UK. The main sources of this article are publications in the British and Australian media, official Conservative Party documents, including the 2019 general election campaign manifestos, original writings of British politicians and policy-makers, especially those of Boris Johnson, and interviews with both British and Australian political analysts.

American Political Thought has presented somewhat of a challenge to many because of the conflict between the ideals found within the "American Creed" and the reality of America's treatment of ethnic and social minorities. The various forms of marginalization and oppression facing women, blacks, Native Americans, and Asian-Americans have been as much a part of the story of America as have been natural rights and the Constitution. Taking this into account, this thesis is an effort to argue that the radicalism on display in the Black Panther Party, a group that emerged in the turmoil of the 1960' s, was a direct descendant of the ideas found within the Black Power movement. It will be argued that these militant critiques of American society were radical, but were not so radical as to be viewed as outside of the context provided by the ideals found in the American Creed. In order to do so, it will be necessary first to present and analyze the various approaches toward explaining the content and nature of the American Creed. The Creed will be presented as separate from American political reality, as an ideal type. As a result it appears to be a rather amorphous tool which can be used both by supporters of a more robust realization of the Creed's ideals and those who wish to limit the scope of these ideals. Having discussed these approaches toward the American Creed, a discussion of radical political ideas will serve to introduce the Black Power movement and the later Black Panther Party. It will be argued that the radical ideas on display were born out of a frustration with American society, but were at the same time an endorsement of the American Creed. It will be concluded that the American Creed is a powerful force acting upon American political thought, so powerful that even those who should rationally reject the Creed forcefully embrace it.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Although the main emphasis of this study is Lane and his part in the Republican Party, another important part to this thesis is the examination of Indiana and national politics in the 1850s. This thesis studies the development of the Hoosier Republican Party and the obstacles the young organization experienced as it transformed into a major political party. Party leaders generally focused on states like New York and Pennsylvania in national elections but Indiana became increasingly significant leading up to the 1860 election. Though Hoosier names like George Julian and Schuyler Colfax might be more recognizable nationally for their role in the Republican Party, this thesis argues that Lane played a guiding role in the development of the new third party in Indiana. Through the study of primary sources, it is clear that Hoosiers turned to Lane to lead the organization of the Republican Party and to lead it to its success in elections. Historians have long acknowledged Lane’s involvement in the 1860 Republican National Convention but fail to fully realize his significance in Indiana throughout the 1850s. This thesis argues that Lane was a vital leader in Hoosier politics and helped transform the Republican Party in Indiana from a grassroots movement into a powerful political party by 1860.

This paper considers the first stage of Nova Huta New Town built near Krakow in the 1950s. In contrast to UK and US new settlements of the post war period it is a high density apartment block development which was ignored in the literature for more than half a century because its design, based on a system of streets, is in contrast with contemporary forms of development, either low density garden city or higher density free standing apartment blocks. A discussion of its neglect and the recent rediscovery of its qualities, both in Poland and by exponents of the US New Urbanism (part of the Urban Morphology spectrum somewhat neglected by ISUF) leads to a systematic investigation of the development, its influences and how this project conceived in a radically different political and economic context, matches or departs from the tenets of the Charter for the New Urbanism. The extent to which the context has determined the differences leads to a conclusion discussing the enduring qualities and contemporary relevance of inherited urban forms. References: Biedrzycka A., Chyb A., Fryźlewicz M. (ed.) Nowa Huta - architektura i twórcy miasta idealnego. Niezrealizowane projekty, Muzeum Historyczne Miasta Krakowa, Kraków 2006. Gauthier,P. and J. Gilliland (2006), ‘Mapping urban morphology: a classification scheme for interpreting contributions to the study of urban form’, Urban Morphology 10.1, 41-50 Hatherley, O.(2015) Landscapes of Communism. A history through buildings (Allen Lane,London). Juchnowicz, S. (2005) ‘Nowa Huta-przeszłość i wizja. Z doświadczeń warsaztatu projektowego in Nowa Huta-przyszłość i wizja’. Studium muzeum rozprosznego, Biblioteka Krzysztoforska, Krakow. Lisowski, B. (1968) Modern architecture in Poland (Polonia Publishing House, Warsaw). Plater Zyberk, E. (2015) ‘Traditional urbanism: design policy and case studies’. in Jeleński et al eds. Tradition and heritage in the contemporary image of the city, Volume 1, Wyd. Politechniki Krakowskiej, Krakow. p160-171. The Congress for the New Urbanism (1999) Charter of the New Urbanism (1999) (https://www.cnu.org/who-we-are/charter-new-urbanism) accessed 4 January 2017. Wyrozumski J. (eds.) Narodziny Nowej Huty Towarzystwo Miłośników Historii i Zabytków Krakowa, Kraków, 1999.

Marinilla´s cultural landscape and spacial characterization (Colombia). Catalina Montoya Arenas¹, Lina María Escobar Ocampo¹, Claudia Maria Venegas Velez¹ ¹Facultad de Arquitectura, UPB. Circular 1 N°70-01 Medellin, Colombia. E-mail: catalina.montoyaarenas@upb.edu.co, lina.escobar@upb.edu.co, claudia.ve7@gmail.com Keywords (3-5): Cultural landscape, social management, heritage, spacial transformations, tourism Conference topics and scale: Stages in territorial configuration The historic center of Marinilla, National Monument since 1959, is located sixty minutes from Medellin at San Nicolas Valley. It has exceptional landscape conditions, highly productive lands, and a large percentage of the water reserve that supplies the region and the country, giving the territory an economic center character since the colony. These physical values make part of collective imagination as a recreation area and an opportunity for development in the 1960s, according to the construction of large national infrastructure works. At the same time, it was object of armed conflict in the 1980s and 1990s, and more recently, directly related to the spatial dynamics of the region: unplanned urban expansion, changes in land use and vegetation cover, with effects on the cultural landscape. In a post-conflict situation, the economic strategies of different actors trust on tourism as a social-spatial management strategy to improve the territory. However, the identity of rurality shows spatial imbalances without recognizing elements of historical construction whose legacies must be revealed to ensure equitable development. To do this, we propose an approach from the cultural landscape in a revision of the historical, symbolic and relational transformation through five systems (anthropic, productive, political, symbolic and spatial), analyzing competitiveness, tourism, landscape and social management, in different scales and during three historical moments. References (100 words) Busquets, J., and Cortina, A. (2009). Gestión del paisaje: Manual de protección, gestión y ordenación del paisaje. Ariel, Barcelona. Sierra, P. A. (2003). Periferias y nueva ciudad: el problema del paisaje en los procesos de dispersión urbana. Universidad de Sevilla. Barrera, S. (2014). Consideraciones teóricas para el análisis del paisaje. La Metodología de Los eventos relacionales. Perspectivas sobre el paisaje. Varón, D. C. Z. (2015). El derecho al paisaje en Colombia.: Consideraciones para la definición de su contenido, alcance y límites. U. Externado de Colombia. Olmo, R. M. (2008). El paisaje, patrimonio y recurso para el desarrollo territorial sostenible. Conocimiento y acción pública. Arbor, 184(729).

In the last few years a role of Lupus Anticoagulant (LAC) in the aetiology of repeated spontaneous abortions and intrauterine deaths has been repeatedly suggested. To quantify this association few da ta are available, since the published reports are generally based on uncontrolled and small clinical series. We have analyzed data from a case-control study conducted in Bergamo and Milan, two contiguous provinces in Lombardia, Italy. Cases were 63 women, mean age 30 years, range 23-40, with 2 or more "sine causa" spontaneous abortions (repeated abortions) admitted between March 1985 and December 1986 to the Ospedali Riuniti of Bergamo and Istituti Clinici di Perfezionamento of Milan. Controls were 63 women, mean age 32 years, range 20-49, with 1 or more live births and without spon taneous abortions, admitted to the same Institutions for neither gynaecological nor cardiovascular acute conditions. Informations were collected on sociodemographic factors, gynaecological and obstetrical data and related medical history. LAC was diagnosed according to the Working Party reccomandations (1983) and Systemic Lupus Erythematosus (SLE) according to the revised criteria of ihe American Rheumatism Association (1982). 11 out of 63 cases (17%) (95% confidence interval ranging from 9.5% to 34% based on the Poisson's approximation) were LAC positive, whereas in none of 63 controls this inhibitor was detected (X2 1adjusted for age = 10.1, p= 0.02). Similarly SLE was diagnosed in 4 cases (all having a Lupus Anticoagulant) and in none control (x2 1adjusted for age= 4.17, p=0.02). These findings confirm that LAC is associated with a positive history of repeated abortions, being present in about 10% of the cases. Conclusive estimate of relative risk is prevented by the small control gr'oup size (i.e. lack of positivity for LAC in controls), but very elevated risk (many tenfold increase) is sugge. sted.

Contemporary Russian socio-cultural, cultural and philosophical, socio psychological, artistic and aesthetic practices actualize the Russian tradition of rejection, criticism, undisguised hatred and fear of power. Today, however, power has ceased to be a subject of one-dimensional denial or condemnation, becoming the subject of an interdisciplinary scientific discourse that integrates cultural studies, philosophy, social psychology, semiotics, art criticism and history (history of culture). The article provides theoretical substantiation and empirical support for the two facets of notions of power. The first facet is the unique, not only political, but also mental determinant of the problem of power in Russia, a kind of reflection of modus vivendi. The second facet is the artistic and image-based determinant of problem of power in Russia designated as artis imago. Theoretical grounds for solving these problems are found in F. Nietzsche’s perceptions of the binary “potentate-mass” opposition, G. Le Bon’s of the “leader”, K.-G. Jung’s of mechanisms of human motivation for power. The paper dwells on the “semiosis of power” in the focus of thoughts by A. F. Losev, P. A. Sorokin, R. Barthes. Based on S. Freud’s views of the unconscious and G. V. Plekhanov’s and J. Maritain’s views of the totalitarian power, we substantiate the concept of “the imperial unconscious”. The paper focuses on the importance of the freedom motif in art (D. Diderot and V. G. Belinsky as theorists, S. Y. Yursky as an art practitioner). Power as a subject of influence and object of analysis by Russian creators is studied on the material of perceptions and creative experience of A. S. Pushkin (in the context of works devoted to Russian “impostors” by numerous authors). Special attention is paid to the early twenty-first century television series on Soviet rulers (Stalin, Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Furtseva). The conclusion is made on the relevance of Pushkin’s remark about “living power” “hated by the rabble” for contemporary Russia.

Historic-geographical and Typo-morphological assessment of Lefke town, North Cyprus Sanaz Nezhadmasoum¹, Nevter Zafer Comert² Department of Architecture. Eastern Mediterranean University. Famagusta. North Cyprus.Via Mersin 10. Turkey E-mail: sanaz.nezhadmasoum@gmail.com, nzafer@gmail.com Keywords: Historic-geographic approach, Typo-morphology, Urban form, Lefke town Conference topics and scale: Urban morphological methods and techniques Morphological analysis in cities have been employed to conduct the research on the urban form and fabric of the place, that helps to determine the conservation plans or strategies of towns that reveal clues to their own history (Whithand,2001). Such analysis methods are a process that reviews the evolution and evaluation of towns throughout history. This paper focuses on, Conzen’s and Caniggia’s ideas, MRG Conzen’s historic-geographical approaches (1968) on planning level and Caniggia’s typo-morphological process (2001) on architectural level. Those methodologies help to understand the transformation procedure of different regions of city throughout the years and recovering how the city elements and urban hierarchy are interrelated. Additionally, the focus of this paper is to study the town’s morphological transformations, regarding its spatial, geographical and historical combinations. Within this context, Geographical and historical surveys done on the whole town of Lefke, in north-west Cyprus, and a detailed explanation on the typo-morphological analyses of some particular regions will be given in this article. One of the significant character that makes the town unique is its historical background which lay down with an organic urban pattern from Ottoman period. Lefke town was first formed with a medieval character, and through centuries of functional and physical transformations, has been highly influenced by British extensions, which were either prearranged modifications affected by socio- natural, economic, and political situations, or instinctive and spontaneous changes. All these historical factors, along with its geographical features, make Lefke an interesting case to be studied with an urban typo-morphological approach. References Caniggia G, Maffei G., 2001, Interpreing Basic building Architectural composition and building typology Alinea editrice, Firenze, Italy Cömert, N. Z., &amp; Hoskara, S. O. (2013) ‘A typo-morphological study: the CMC industrial mass housing district, lefke, northern cyprus’, Open House International, 38(2), 16-30. Conzen, M. R. G. (1968) ‘The use of town plans in the study of urban history’, in Dyos, H. J. (ed.) The study of urban history (Edward Arnold, London) 113-30. Larkham, P. J. (2006) ‘The study of urban form in Great Britain’, Urban Morphology, 10(2), 117. Moudon, A. V. (1997) ‘Urban morphology as an emerging interdisciplinary field’, Urban morphology, 1(1), 3-10. Whitehand, J. W. (2001) ‘British urban morphology: the Conzenion tradition’, Urban Morphology, 5(2), 103-109.

One of the leading Western Ukrainian diaspora journals – London «Liberation Way», founded in January 1949, has become the subject of the study for the first time in journalism. Archival documents and materials of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London and the British National Library (British Library) were also observed. The peculiarities of the magazine’s formation and the specifics of the editorial policy, founders and publishers are clarified. A group of OUN members who survived Hitler’s concentration camps and ended up in Great Britain after the end of World War II initiated the foundation of the magazine. Until April 1951, including issue 42, the Board of Foreign Parts of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists were the publishers of the magazine. From 1951 to the beginning of 2000 it was a socio-political monthly of the Ukrainian Publishing Union. From the mid-60’s of the twentieth century – a socio-political and scientific-literary monthly. In analyzing the programmatic principles of the magazine, the most acute issues of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, which have long separated the forces of Ukrainian emigration and from which the founders and publishers of the magazine from the beginning had clearly defined positions, namely: ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, the idea of ​​unity of Ukraine and Ukrainians, internal inter-party struggle among Ukrainian emigrants have been singled out. The review and systematization of the thematic palette of the magazine’s publications makes it possible to distinguish the following main semantic accents: the formation of the nationalist movement in exile; historical Ukrainian themes; the situation in sub-Soviet Ukraine; the problem of the unity of Ukrainians in the Western diaspora; mission and tasks of Ukrainian emigration in the context of its responsibilities to the Motherland. It also particularizes the peculiarities of the formation of the author’s assets of the magazine and its place in the history of Ukrainian national journalism.