Academic literature on the topic 'Overseas Chinese policies'

Since the reform and opening up, China’s economy has been booming and changing with each passing day. This rapid development momentum has promoted the continuous improvement and promotion of overseas Chinese investment policies. The evolution of overseas Chinese investment policies is driven by the actual needs of China’s economic development and is closely linked to the process of the country’s reform and opening up. Whether it is the encouragement measures introduced by the central government or the preferential policies and implementation rules formulated by local governments based on local characteristics, they fully demonstrate the flexibility and adaptability of overseas Chinese investment policies. This flexible policy adjustment has greatly stimulated the investment enthusiasm of overseas Chinese, as we expected, injecting strong impetus into the prosperity of China’s economy and the deepening of reform and opening up. It is worth mentioning that overseas Chinese investment not only brings financial support, but also introduces advanced technology and management experience, which plays a decisive role in promoting the rapid development of China’s economy.

Chinese policies toward foreign investments have been increasingly flexible, precisely those concerning the transfer of their capital toward international markets as willed by the “Going Global” policy initiated in the early 2000s. In this flow, several cases of corporate combinations have occurred around the world between Chinese firms and others. This paper analyzes the case of Paktel and China Mobile that took place in 2007, in the era prior to the new leading Chinese initiative called the One Belt and One Road (OBOR), with the purpose of better understanding the motives and the framework of this strategic corporate behavior. After analyzing the case from the theories of firm internationalization and institution-based view, the paper suggests that the loosening of Chinese policies toward foreign investments in the beginning of the 21st century has greatly influenced the growing level of Chinese overseas investments and mostly has boosted Chinese Merger and Acquisition (M&A) deals around the world. However, in Pakistan only few cases of M&As have been recorded during the observed period. Additionally, the paper found evidence to support good firm performance in post-M&A era for the Chinese firms. These imply that policies established by institutions have an impact on firms’ organizational strategic decision-making and that Chinese firms can perform well on international markets. Due to the qualitative methodology used in this research, the suggestions and implications are limited but still provide some highlights on the effects of institution-based investment policies on firm’s strategic behaviors. Further, the paper could be extended to an analysis of the Chinese M&As in Pakistan in the post-OBOR era for more cases can be expected with the effective enforcement of the initiative in Pakistan.

Examining the policies of the PRC towards Chinese overseas, this paper argues that since the 1990s China has been actively extending its territorial reach to encompass Chinese living outside the sovereignty of the Chinese state. Gradual changes in conceptions and methods to establish allegiances and attract increased financial investments and remittances have re-configured the Chinese state's relationships to Chinese living overseas. By analysing official documents, and through interviews with officials in Fujian (1998–2000), the author identifies two major political shifts in conceptualization. The first appeared in the late 1970s when Chinese citizens living mainly in South-East Asia were again recognized as an important source of revenue to China. A decade later, new policies were introduced appealing to ethnic Chinese and “new migrants” who had left China after 1978. It is discussed how this political adjustment fundamentally transformed the approach towards the Chinese overseas from passive anticipation of being able to gain resources to active state liaison with ethnic Chinese by calling upon their cultural and national loyalties to China.

Abstract This paper assesses whether China’s policies for providing educational support to overseas Chinese match the educational needs of current Chinese immigrants around the world. Firstly, the paper presents the different migration backgrounds of four waves of Chinese global migration in contemporary history: labor immigrants to the Global North, international students in the Global North, businessmen in the Global South and the new rich investors in the Global North. Using the concept of intergenerational contract, we found the four waves have distinct parental investment strategies in relation to their migration background, which comes along with their different educational needs. After carefully reviewing China’s policies in overseas education in terms of the assumptions, purpose and background of their implementation, we argue that these policies are outdated and serve the needs of only a limited number of Chinese immigrants due to their ignoring the variety of certain intergenerational contracts. Lastly, some specific suggestions for policy makers are given.

AbstractSince the late 19th century, the emigration of Chinese has left large numbers of their family members (Qiaojuan) behind in China. These “left-behind relatives” were seen as a channel through which the government could influence the attitudes and behaviors of the Chinese overseas especially in relation to overseas remittances to families remaining in China; the Qiaojuan thus became a group that successive Chinese governments treated with special consideration in their policy-making. Before 1949, some Qiaojuan received favorable treatment and a degree of protection from extortion and theft, and these were extended to the whole group of Qiaojuan regarding their property and legitimate rights in the post-1949 era, with the exception of the period when the “ultra-Left” policy was implemented. Many Qiaojuan actively used their privileged status to pursue their interests through the transnational protection networks. This article examines the changing perceptions of and policies toward the Qiaojuan on the part of various Chinese governments between the 1880s and the 1990s. It demonstrates that the changing socio-political status of the Qiaojuan is contingent upon the government’s perceived importance of the Chinese overseas and the Qiaojuan in an era of rapid national development.

This article traces the emergence of Chinese Christians’ participation in cross-cultural overseas mission. It shows how Chinese Christians emerge as a significant new force in world mission and how they navigate their path between China’s growing economic clout and repressive religious policies at home and in most of their targeted destinations. Based on contacts with Chinese missionaries and mission trainers and facilitators, it identifies different groups engaged in mission and analyzes motives in the Chinese missionary endeavors and how the presence of Chinese Christian missionaries adds a different layer to the complexities of Chinese overseas activities.

Abstract The Chinese diaspora broadly includes the groups of huaren (华人, ethnic Chinese of different nationalities), huaqiao (华侨, overseas Chinese who are Chinese citizens overseas), guiqiao (归侨, returned overseas Chinese), and qiaojuan (侨眷, relatives in China of overseas Chinese). In the Chinese legal system, the determining of Chinese diasporic status is an important issue in the Chinese diaspora law, as it pertains to the protection of diaspora rights and interests by governmental authorities. The diaspora law in China identifies Chinese diasporic status and grants rights and duties according to nationality and residential qualifications but does not consider the actual contact between the Chinese diaspora and China. This has caused substantive legal procedural issues regarding the confirmation of the legal identity of Chinese diaspora and the issuing of relevant certifications both in China and abroad. These legal issues have presented significant challenges for the Chinese government in its efforts to engage with and manage the Chinese diaspora and it has created a bureaucratic barrier to the protection of their rights and interests. This paper aims to explore the current issues in determining the legal status of the Chinese diaspora, to critically review relevant laws, policies, and empirical research, and to suggest possible solutions for improving diaspora law in the legal system.

“Overseas Chinese is the mother of the Chinese revolution.” This quotation reflects the conventional perception that overseas Chinese is the chief enemy of Japan. However, this is in contrast with Vietnam’s overseas Chinese view; Japan considered them as a potential and crucial ally in Japan's Expansion in Southeast Asia. Chinese’s economic dominance in Vietnam, especially its monopoly in the rice industry and its traditional commercial network, provided them with an incredible political influence and bargaining power. This thesis aimed to rediscover the historical truth of overseas Chinese in Southern Vietnam during wartime by studying the transitions and policies made by Japan on overseas Chinese on French Indochina. It is commonly viewed that overseas Chinese are nationalist and have strong emotional attachment towards the motherland, China. However, there seem to have decline on their nationalism and their main concern was on bloodline, local community, survival and economic interest. The loss of Canton clique from the power struggle with Kuomintang strengthened the regional identity of Cantonese. It also created hostility towards the Nationalist government led by Chiang Kai-shek. The transition of attitude and selection to cooperate with Japan in the wartime was deemed a significant topic of Chinese politics and geopolitics in Southeast Asia in the 1930s. The overseas Chinese work of Nanking Nationalist government was successful in French Indochina. However, that was the only successful case of overseas Chinese work in Southeast Asia. The establishment and implementation of Japan’s policies on overseas Chinese in French Indochina differ from overseas Chinese in other occupied regions in Southeast Asia. This unique treatment reflected how Japan viewed the importance of overseas Chinese in French Indochina for its Pacific War’s scheme. Rice resource and geographical significance of French Indochina forced Japan to put special consideration and measures on French Indochina. Overseas Chinese's economic dominance in French Indochina, especially the rice industry made them primary target for Japan to win. To recover the historical truth hidden behind the ‘myth’ and propaganda of overseas Chinese, this research utilized the historical sources from different sides of interest, including army report, newspaper, books, and articles on time. Japan government’s official records dating back from the 1920s to the 40s could shed light to the perception and reality of Japan’s policies on overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia and French Indochina. With the opening of the confidential documents of the Japanese Military, it is possible to reshape the historical role of overseas Chinese in Vietnam and eliminate the perceptions created by different political parties. To date, overseas Chinese is still influential in Vietnam and its neighboring countries.

Depuis la fondation de la République populaire de Chine en 1949 jusqu'à la période postérieure à 1990 suivant la Réforme et l'Ouverture, la Chine a connu des transformations politiques, économiques et culturelles significatives. En tant que groupe spécial, les Chinois d'outre-mer ont été profondément affectés par ce processus. Cette thèse, basée sur des perspectives politiques et des documents gouvernementaux déclassifiés, étudie l'histoire des immigrants chinois du sud du Zhejiang en France (principalement de Wenzhou et Qingtian), tentant de révéler les politiques chinoises à l'égard des Chinois d'outre-mer et les conditions sociales auxquelles ces immigrants ont été confrontés au cours de différentes périodes historiques.La communauté des immigrants chinois du sud du Zhejiang en France a commencé à se former à la fin du XIXe siècle, restant relativement petite et maintenant des liens étroits avec leurs villes natales. Après la fondation de la République populaire de Chine, le refroidissement des relations sino-françaises a rendu difficile le retour de ces immigrants chez eux, beaucoup étant dissuadés par la propagande et les obstructions du Kuomintang. Les mouvements politiques internes tels que la Réforme agraire et le Grand Bond en avant ont davantage porté atteinte aux droits des Chinois d'outre-mer, entravant leur retour.Cependant, l'atteinte aux droits des Chinois d'outre-mer n'était pas constante tout au long de ces mouvements politiques. Dans les premières années de la République populaire, les politiques chinoises oscillaient entre « gauche » et « droite ». Les Chinois d'outre-mer, en raison de leur statut économique spécial, étaient souvent vus comme un remède aux récessions économiques causées par des mouvements politiques extrémistes de gauche. Des institutions telles que le Conseil des Affaires d'État et la Commission des Affaires des Chinois d'Outre-mer ont saisi ces occasions pour mettre en œuvre des politiques protégeant les droits des Chinois d'outre-mer, attirant certains immigrants chinois du sud du Zhejiang en France à rentrer chez eux pour rendre visite à leurs proches. Ils ont également mené une série de travaux de front uni à travers les médias et les associations chinoises en France, engageant des luttes fréquentes et intenses avec le Kuomintang, soulignant le lien indissociable entre les immigrants chinois du sud du Zhejiang en France et les tendances politiques plus larges de la Chine. Avec le réchauffement des relations diplomatiques sino-françaises et l'établissement de relations diplomatiques en 1964, la tendance des immigrants chinois en France à rentrer chez eux pour rendre visite a augmenté, et l'influence du Kuomintang dans la communauté chinoise française a diminué. Pendant la Révolution culturelle, les droits des Chinois d'outre-mer ont de nouveau été gravement violés. Cependant, il convient de noter qu'après 1970, sous la direction de Zhou Enlai et l'incident de Lin Biao, l'impact sur les immigrants chinois du sud du Zhejiang en France a progressivement diminué à mesure que la situation politique en Chine s'apaisait, et leurs droits ont été restaurés plus tôt que ce que suggèrent les conclusions universitaires existantes.Après la Réforme et l'Ouverture, le gouvernement chinois a mis l'accent sur le rôle des Chinois d'outre-mer dans le développement économique, assouplissant progressivement les politiques d'entrée et de sortie et encourageant les investissements des Chinois d'outre-mer. Cependant, la mise en œuvre de ces politiques n'a pas été sans heurts, connaissant des revers avec les directives du gouvernement central souvent confrontées à la résistance au niveau local. Des changements significatifs à Wenzhou n'ont eu lieu qu'après 1984. Le grand flux de personnes a également conduit naturellement à des problèmes d'immigration illégale. [...]
From the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 to the post-1990 period following the Reform and Opening-up, China underwent significant political, economic, and cultural transformations. As a special group, overseas Chinese were deeply affected during this process. This thesis, based on policy perspectives and declassified government documents, studies the history of Southern Zhejiang Chinese immigrants in France (primarily from Wenzhou and Qingtian), attempting to reveal the Chinese overseas Chinese policies and social conditions faced by these immigrants during different historical periods. The Zhejiang Southern Chinese immigrant community in France began to form at the end of the 19th century, remaining relatively small and maintaining close ties with their hometowns. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the cooling of Sino-French relations made it difficult for these immigrants to return home, with many deterred by the propaganda and obstructions from the Kuomintang. Domestic political movements such as Land Reform and the Great Leap Forward further infringed on the rights of overseas Chinese, impeding their return. However, the infringement on overseas Chinese rights was not constant throughout these political movements. In the early years of the People’s Republic, China’s policies oscillated between “left” and “right.” Overseas Chinese, due to their special economic status, were often seen as a remedy for economic downturns caused by extreme leftist political movements. Institutions like the State Council and the Overseas Chinese Affairs Commission took these opportunities to implement policies protecting the rights of overseas Chinese, attracting some Zhejiang Southern Chinese immigrants in France to return home to visit relatives. They also carried out a series of united front work through media and Chinese associations in France, engaging in frequent and intense struggles with the Kuomintang, highlighting the inseparable link between the Zhejiang Southern Chinese immigrants in France and China’s broader political trends. With the warming of Sino-French diplomatic relations and the establishment of diplomatic ties in 1964, the trend of Chinese immigrants in France returning home to visit increased, and the influence of the Kuomintang in the French Chinese community diminished. During the Cultural Revolution, the rights of overseas Chinese were again severely violated. However, it is worth noting that after 1970, with Zhou Enlai’s leadership and the Lin Biao incident, the impact on Zhejiang Southern Chinese immigrants in France gradually diminished as the political situation in China eased, and their rights were restored earlier than existing scholarly conclusions suggest. After the Reform and Opening-up, the Chinese government emphasised the role of overseas Chinese in economic development, gradually relaxing entry and exit policies and encouraging investment from overseas Chinese. However, the implementation of these policies was not smooth, experiencing setbacks with central government directives often facing resistance at the local level. Significant changes in Wenzhou only occurred after 1984. The large outflow of people also naturally led to issues of illegal immigration. Today, the hundreds of thousands of Chinese living in France maintain close ties with their hometowns, a connection deeply rooted in the historical and demographic characteristics of Zhejiang Southern Chinese immigrants. This thesis highlights their experiences during different historical periods, revealing their significant and complex role in China’s modernization process. The study aims to use this group with “overseas relations” as a mirror to reflect on China’s historical progress from 1949 to the post-Reform and Opening-up era

碩士
淡江大學
美洲研究所碩士班
103
The history of Chinese-Panamanian begins at the year 1854, when China was under the Ching Dynasty. There were civil wars and also enemies from the outside, time was hard and has forced the people to work overseas as contract workers. In this research have tried to answer the main reason why people want to leave the country, and most of them were forced or drugged to work underpaid. Luckily, for the time being, overseas Chinese had made their way for living around and also Panama. After the cross-strait governments had there own overseas Chinese affairs policy, the way they treated overseas Chinese has influence and changed their perspective of the relationship between the government and themselves.

Set during a 1987 police crackdown on protestors challenging the discriminatory policies of the Malaysian government, Malaysian Chinese author Xiao Hei’s “A Literary Record of October 27 and Other Things” (1989) uses postcolonial Malaysia’s thirtieth national anniversary to reflect upon institutionalized ethnolinguistic minoritization. Through intertextual citation, Xiao Hei’s novella not only constitutes a collaborative historical record ofMa Hua(Malaysian Chinese/Sinophone Malaysian) literature, but also a polyvocal interrogation of its own ethnolinguistic literary taxonomy. Xiao Hei’s strategic representation of Malaysia as historical experience, contested polity, claimed nation, and rejected state apparatus exposes how the ethnolinguistic taxonomy reinforces national estrangement. Drawing from Kuan-hsing Chen’s proposal of “Asia as method,” this chapter argues that Malaysia in Xiao Hei’s novella alternatively functions as a mediating site for the decolonization of Malaysian national literature’s ethnolinguistic basis as well as the deimperialization of an overseas Chinese literary framework prioritizing ethnicity/language over locality.

Should Chinese energy investments be excluded from the liberal economic system based on geopolitical assessments only?This book explores the potential regulatory control by the Chinese government over foreign energy investments to achieve their perceived strategic objectives. Host states in which Chinese energy companies make investments have increasingly opposed Chinese energy investments in their national security reviews, based on concerns that these investments have strategic objectives. The book analyses China’s investment-related law, regulations, and energy policies to examine how overseas energy investment-making is governed. The book also explores the role of the Chinese government in energy investment promotion and protection. Uniquely, the examination of China’s potential regulatory control provides an objective criterion, rather than geopolitical considerations, for host states to assess the nature of Chinese energy investments. The book helps readers to open the ‘black box’ of Chinese energy investments from a regulatory perspective. It is a useful resource for researchers as well as practising lawyers assisting their Chinese clients through national security reviews, or when trying to determine whether China’s SOEs can bring cases before investor-state arbitration tribunals.

The concluding chapter looks beyond the colonial era to the age of independent statehood in Malaysia and Singapore and to the continuing evolution of female education. Despite decolonization and accelerating globalization in the late twentieth century, overseas Chinese women faced a still-limited range of identity options as a result of Southeast Asian nationalism and China’s detachment from its diasporic community for some decades. Through state policies such as compulsory domestic science classes for girls and family planning incentives that encouraged women of specific ethnicities and socioeconomic classes to have more children, postcolonial governments continued to perpetuate patriarchal and race-based attitudes toward women, even as educated women advocated successfully for their own rights and freedoms.

Author Bo Kong reveals how China’s international petroleum policy is shaped by the cogovernance of the country’s petroleum sector by its government and national oil companies, whose interests are at cross purposes with each other. This exhaustive treatment of China’s international petroleum policy examines the cogovernance of China’s petroleum sector by its government and national oil companies, as they work at loggerheads with each other to shape such key policies as overseas investment, domestic price caps, and import controls in the face their country’s exploding demand for foreign oil. Imported oil already accounts half of China’s total consumption and is forecast to increase to 80 percent by 2030. China’s International Petroleum Policy focuses on six major issues: the evolution of China’s petroleum governance regime, the making of China’s international petroleum policy, the international expansion of China’s national oil companies, the challenges confronting Chinese oil companies on the international petroleum chessboard, Beijing’s petroleum diplomacy, and the implications of China’s international petroleum policy. Each chapter describes the historical and institutional context of a particular issue, the key players, and the structures and processes through which policy is developed and implemented.

Few issues have provoked as much controversy over the last decade as illegal immigration. While some argue for the need to seal America's borders and withdraw all forms of social and governmental support for illegal migrants and their children, others argue for humanitarian treatment—including legalization—for people who fill widely acknowledged needs in American industry and agriculture and have left home-country situations of economic hardship or political persecution. The study of illegal immigration necessarily confronts a broad range of migrants—from the familiar border crossers to those who enter illegally and overstay their visas, to the many unrecognized refugees who enter the country to seek protection under U.S. asylum law. The subject also demands attention to American society's responses to these newcomers—responses that often focus on limited elements of a complex issue. A comprehensive, up-to-date review of this volatile subject, this book provides an accessible, balanced introduction to the subject. Covering the full range of illegal immigrants from Mexican border crossers to Central American refugees, illegal Europeans, and smuggled Chinese, the book considers the kind of work the migrants do and the public response to them. The work is divided into four parts: Concepts, Policies, and Numbers; The Migrants and Their Work; The Responses; and Illegal Immigration in Perspective.

AbstractIn this chapter we discuss China’s evolving policies toward Chinese nationals abroad, with particular attention to the expanding area of social protection. Our analysis shows that China’s policy-making activities concerning diaspora have been largely driven by a focus on economic agenda rather than social welfare. This chapter presents a detailed picture of China’s social protection provision towards its diaspora and shows how its policy-making is guided by priorities which vary from one field to another. We trace how “overseas Chinese affairs work” has developed through expanding policy infrastructure, encouraging China’s diaspora to participate in national economy and trade, science and technology developments, and large-scale crisis response, yet has seen limited developments in the area of day-to-day social protection of Chinese nationals abroad.

Abstract This chapter examines the so-called reform or professionalization movement in policing in the Progressive-era United States. This movement, led by August Vollmer, was a form of militarization that drew upon America’s colonial operations in overseas territories like the Philippines. Veterans of the colonial theater, like Vollmer, returned home to become police chiefs and instituted new policies and policing tactics, like pin mapping and mounted patrols, that drew upon their overseas experience. This new round of militarization, like previous ones, was triggered by the racialization of crime and disorder, itself a response to the arrival of new urban migrants, from the Chinese in California to European immigrants and African Americans in the East and South.

Given the increasing magnitude of international student flows from “developing countries” to the “developed” or major member countries of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), this chapter explores Chinese graduate student flows to Canada. Chinese graduate student perspectives are also drawn upon to study the phenomenon of Chinese student migrations to Canada in pursuit of higher education. Given the focus on exploration, meanings and understandings, an interpretivist approach and qualitative case study strategy were utilized to examine government policies and positions that stimulate international student mobility (ISM) from China to Canada and to understand the experiences of Chinese graduate students who study at the University of Alberta. Unlike the ISM mainly sponsored by the Chinese government before, contemporary outbound student mobility is impacted by neoliberalism and a freer mobility shapes Chinese students' pursuit of overseas studies. Chinese traditional culture and values also influence Chinese student mobility across borders for pursuing higher education. In the meantime, patriotism makes many Chinese students concern about serving their home country. The chapter also presents reflections on government policies pertaining to ISM and highlights the emergent themes from the data obtained from the qualitative case study of Chinese graduate student flows to Canada.

This chapter details how, with the People's Republic of China winning Mainland China and the diplomatic recognition of Indonesia, the positions of the Nationalists and Communists reversed. Having switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, Jakarta nevertheless allowed the Chinese Nationalist Party apparatus to continue its activities until 1958. Jakarta's ambiguous attitude induced a battle for influence between the two rival Chinese governments. As a regime in exile, the Chinese Nationalist government adjusted its past policies to fit the new circumstances resulting from its retreat to Taiwan. Having lost formal diplomatic representation, the Nationalists forged clandestine alliances with the Indonesian right-wing forces through the personal networks of the remaining Chinese Nationalist loyalists. In contrast with Taipei, Beijing prioritized state-to-state diplomacy over its connections to the overseas Chinese. By suspending the activities of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) among the overseas Chinese and signing the Sino-Indonesian Dual Nationality Treaty, Beijing attempted to ease Jakarta's concern that the ethnic Chinese could be used as a Communist fifth column.

This chapter addresses the Indonesian government's anti-Chinese acts, which had their origin in long-standing ethnic tensions but were directly triggered by Taipei's aid to regional rebellions against the central government in Jakarta. Although the Chinese Nationalists were the main targets, all the ethnic Chinese were subject to discriminatory policies. Beijing's response to the 1959–60 crisis in Indonesia was restrained. Indonesia under Sukarno's leadership was crucial to the People's Republic of China's “intermediate zone” strategy, which focused on cultivating solidarity with Asian and African countries. In a series of meetings with Indonesian diplomats in late 1959 and early 1960, Chinese foreign minister Chen Yi emphasized that the Chinese Communist leadership did not prioritize the interests of the overseas Chinese over its diplomatic ties with Jakarta. Instead, the PRC's primary goal was to advance friendly relations between Beijing and Jakarta while assisting Indonesia with its economic development. Underneath its reconciliatory attitude, however, Beijing was profoundly dissatisfied that the Indonesian government had singled out the ethnic Chinese while condoning Western exploitation.

The Double First-Class Initiative is now underway in a number of Chinese universities, of which about 36 are designated as level-A first-class universities of China. What kind of academic leaders do these universities have? In order to answer this question, the chapter firstly defines who can be classified as academic leaders at institutional level and their characteristics; secondly, it generalizes the common features of academic leaders in these universities such as education and academic research background, overseas study or research experience, work experience, and so on; thirdly, it analyzes the government policies and institutional strategies related to academic leaders so as to identify benchmark criteria (if in existence) regarding academic leaders in China's first-class universities. It also examines the extent to which these criteria or official requirements coincide with academic leaders' common features and puts forward policy advice on relevant issues.

Abstract As the second largest economy in the world, China plays an important role in the global mineral resources sector. In this contribution, an overview of the minerals industry of China covers the evolution of policies, mineral rights, mineral royalties, and mineral taxation. The advantages and challenges of conducting exploration and mining in the country are discussed. With more and more international mergers and acquisitions, Chinese companies have begun to more consistently apply Western technologies and management to their domestic and overseas exploration and mining projects. Despite the controversial mineral royalty policy and increasingly strict environmental protection regulations, the government recently relaxed some other regulations to make it easier for the industry. The general trend of improving conditions for overseas investment in China’s exploration and mining industry is encouraging for international companies and investors in mineral exploration.

Chapter 2 addresses the most important objective driving the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy: maintaining and bolstering the legitimacy and survival of the Chinese Communist Party. This effort means seeking the acceptance, appreciation, and even approbation of foreign governments and societies for the People’s Republic of China’s system of governance, domestic policies, and pursuit of overseas interests. The chapter explains how the Chinese Communist Party legitimates and strengthens its rule through certain foundational foreign policy narratives concerned with ideological foresight, aggrieved nationalism, performative success, and cultural stewardship. The chapter goes on to show how, under Xi Jinping, the pursuit of legitimacy has assumed a much more prominent place in People’s Republic of China external relations, including through a more active role for the Party in the development and execution of the country’s foreign policy.