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1

Álvarez-Dorado, Manuel, Daniel Fernández-Vega, and Carlos Morón-Fernández. "Estudio comparativo de estructuras Ligeras en la arquitectura moderna: Eladio Dieste vs Félix Candela = Comparative study of lightweight structures in modern architecture: Eladio Dieste vs. Félix Candela." Anales de Edificación 8, no. 1 (February 21, 2023): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.20868/ade.2022.5015.

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El siguiente texto presenta el análisis comparativo de las estructuras ligeras del ingeniero uruguayo Eladio Dieste y el Arquitecto español Félix Candela. A través de 4 obras relevantes, como son el restaurante Los Manantiales, la Iglesia Ntra Sra de Guadalupe, La iglesia de San Juan de Ávila y el pabellón del colegio Don Bosco, se comparan aspectos clave en el desarrollo de la arquitectura de ambos y su funcionamiento. A través de las luces, como objetivo principal de las arquitecturas singulares, los soportes y el proceso de ejecución, se pretende extraer las ventajas e inconvenientes de las técnicas constructivas singulares de estos dos genios de la ingeniería del siglo XX, la cerámica estructural y las cáscaras de hormigón. Como principales resultados podemos obtener que el uso de soportes estructurales (pilares) hace que se puedan conseguir alturas mayores que con el uso de las cáscaras de hormigón. En cuanto a los procesos de ejecución, no hay una clara ventaja de uno con respecto a otro, ya que cada uno tiene sus particularidades a la hora de llevarlos a cabo. Las luces conseguidas con las cáscaras de hormigón llegan a ser de casi el doble que, con la cerámica armada, lo cual lo hace adecuado para aquellas edificaciones singulares con necesidad de espacialidad diáfana.AbstractThe following text presents a comparative analysis of the light structures of the Uruguayan engineer Eladio Dieste and the Spanish architect Félix Candela. Through 4 relevant works, such as the restaurant Los Manantiales, the Church of Our Lady of Guadalupe, the church of San Juan de Ávila and the pavilion of the Don Bosco school, key aspects in the development of the architecture of both and their functioning are compared. By means of the spans, as the main objective of the singular architectures, the supports and the execution process, the aim is to extract the advantages and disadvantages of the singular construction techniques of these two geniuses of 20th century engineering, structural ceramics and concrete shells. The main results are that the use of structural supports (pillars) makes it possible to achieve greater heights than with the use of concrete shells. As for the execution processes, there is no clear advantage of one over the other, as each one has its own particularities when it comes to carrying them out. The spans achieved with concrete shells are almost twice as large as with reinforced ceramics, which makes it suitable for unique buildings with a need for diaphanous spatiality.
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Mathes, W. Michael. "Our Lady of Guadalupe." Americas 43, no. 1 (July 1986): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500073107.

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Taylor, William. "Our Lady in the Kernel of Corn, 1774." Americas 59, no. 4 (April 2003): 559–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0059.

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Marian apparitions and miraculous images in Mexico inevitably bring to mind one renowned figure — Our Lady of Guadalupe and its shrine at Tepeyac in the Valley of Mexico. Guadalupe is, indeed, a touchstone to the history of Catholicism and popular devotion in Mexico, and Mexico is a special case of a religious image becoming the main symbol for an emerging nation. As Jeannette Rodríguez recently wrote, “To be of Mexican descent is to recognize the image of Our Lady of Guadalupe.” But devotion to Our Lady of Guadalupe has a history. This image has not always been, and in some ways still is not, the dominant symbol throughout Mexico, and the location of its principal shrine on the edge of Mexico City is as much a key to its importance as is its association with the oldest Marian apparition officially recognized by the Catholic Church. Dozens of different shrines to other miraculous images have captured the hearts of thousands, sometimes millions of followers in Mexico. They still do.
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Poole, Stafford. "Our Lady of Guadalupe: An Ambiguous Symbol." Catholic Historical Review 81, no. 4 (1995): 588–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.1995.0115.

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Steele, Thomas J. "Guadalupe: Our Lady of New Mexico (review)." Catholic Historical Review 89, no. 1 (2003): 118–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2003.0090.

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Mong, Ambrose. "Our Lady of Guadalupe: model of inculturation." International Journal for the Study of the Christian Church 18, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1474225x.2018.1493764.

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7

Tavarez, D. "Nahuatl Theater, Volume 2: Our Lady of Guadalupe." Ethnohistory 55, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 349–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-2007-074.

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8

Quirarte, Jacinto. "Sources of Chicano Art: Our Lady of Guadalupe." Explorations in Ethnic Studies 15, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ees.1992.15.1.13.

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9

Guijo Pérez, Salvador, and Jesús Sánchez Gil. "Tan conocida, tan venerada y aplaudida. La iconografía guadalupana en el monasterio de San Leandro de Sevilla." ACCADERE. Revista de Historia del Arte, no. 4 (2022): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.histarte.2022.04.04.

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This article studies and aims to present the catalogue of Novohispanic paintings with the theme of Our Lady of Guadalupe that are kept in the monastery of San Leandro in Seville. The study is structured in different sections: an introduction, a study that relates the New World and the monastery of San Leandro, the analysis of the iconography of Guadalupe and its arrival in Seville, as well as the works in the Augustinian monastery.
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Noguez, Xavier. "Nahuatl Theater, Volume 2: Our Lady of Guadalupe (review)." Catholic Historical Review 93, no. 4 (2007): 1010–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2007.0392.

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11

Lampe, Philip E. "Our Lady of Guadalupe: Victim of Prejudice or Ignorance?" Listening 21, no. 1 (1986): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/listening19862112.

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Owens, Sarah E. "Crossing Mexico (1620–1621): Franciscan Nuns and Their Journey to the Philippines." Americas 72, no. 4 (October 2015): 583–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2015.68.

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In 1620, almost a hundred years after the Virgin of Guadalupe is said to have appeared to Juan Diego on the Hill of Tepeyac, a small group of Spanish nuns paid a visit to the chapel dedicated to Our Lady of Guadalupe. Like many others before and after them they stopped at the shrine on their way to Mexico City. The Franciscan nuns were traveling from Toledo to Manila and were about to cross Mexico to board the yearly Manila Galleon at the port of Acapulco.
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Martínez Figueroa, Adriana. "Binational Indianism in James DeMars’s Guadalupe, Our Lady of the Roses." Journal of the Society for American Music 18, no. 2 (May 2024): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196324000063.

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AbstractSince the late nineteenth century, the “Indian” as symbol has been a recurring trope in the art music of Mexico and the United States. Composers in both countries have often turned to representations of Indigenous Peoples as symbolic of nature, spirituality, and/or aspects of the national Self. This article seeks to place James DeMars's opera Guadalupe, Our Lady of the Roses (2008) in the context of two major cultural trends: Indianism in the U.S., and the representation of Mexico by U.S. composers. DeMars's use of Indigenous instruments in Guadalupe, including Mexican pre-Hispanic percussion, and flutes performed by famed Navajo-Ute flutist R. Carlos Nakai, continues the Indianist tradition of associating the Indigenous cultures of both countries with nature, spirituality, and authenticity. Similar associations emerge in the development and reception of both “world music” and the Native American recording industry since the 1980s, as exemplified by Nakai's career. DeMars uses these instruments in combination with Plains Native American features and generic exoticisms to represent both the Mexican Indigenous Peoples and the spiritual message of the opera. The sympathetic treatment of Indigenous cultures in Guadalupe nevertheless exists in tension with their exoticism and Otherness; in this the work is representative of U.S. cultural responses to Mexico stretching back throughout the long twentieth century.
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Noreen, Kirstin. "The Virgin of Guadalupe, Juan Diego, and the Revival of theTilmaRelic in Los Angeles." Church History 87, no. 2 (June 2018): 487–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640718000884.

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Devotion to the image of the Virgin of Guadalupe in Los Angeles has a complex and multifaceted history. This article will discuss the initial celebrations of Our Lady of Guadalupe, beginning with a procession in 1928 and developing with increasing popularity in the 1930s. By 1941, the Virgin of Guadalupe had become an important political and religious symbol for the archbishop of Los Angeles, John J. Cantwell, who conducted a pilgrimage to Mexico City, during which he reconfirmed the significance of the Guadalupe image for the Los Angeles Catholic community. In commemoration of Archbishop Cantwell's historic visit, a fragment of thetilma, the cloak on which the Virgin of Guadalupe representation had appeared, was offered to Los Angeles. As the only known piece of thetilmacurrently found outside of Mexico City, this relic has great devotional significance. As this article will show, thetilmarelic disappeared into relative obscurity following its arrival in Los Angeles, only to become a renewed focus of devotion over sixty years later, in 2003. This article will conclude with the reasons behind the relic's revival through a discussion of Juan Diego and his canonization.
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Matovina, Timothy. "The First Guadalupan Pastoral Manual: Luis Laso De La Vega's Huei Tlamahuiçoltica (1649)." Horizons 40, no. 2 (December 2013): 159–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2013.74.

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Millions of devotees acclaim the Nahuatl-language Nican mopohua account of the apparitions of Our Lady of Guadalupe to Juan Diego as the foundational text of the Guadalupe tradition. A number of scholarly analyses have also examined the Nican mopohua as a prime source for that tradition. But no previous study has focused on a theological examination of Luis Laso de la Vega's Huei tlamahuiçoltica (1649), in which the Nican mopohua was first published. Huei tlamahuiçoltica is the premier Guadalupan pastoral manual and encompasses other important material, such as the Nican motecpana account of miracles attributed to Guadalupe's intercession, and the earliest published synopsis of Juan Diego's life posed as a model for Christian discipleship. This article explores Laso de la Vega's contributions and the ongoing significance of his treatise for the development of theological works and pastoral ministries centered on Guadalupe.
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Schroeder, Susan. ":Nahuatl Theater. Vol. 2, Our Lady of Guadalupe." Sixteenth Century Journal 39, no. 1 (March 1, 2008): 238–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/scj20478829.

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Lara, Irene. "Tonanlupanisma." Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies 33, no. 2 (2008): 61–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/azt.2008.33.2.61.

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This essay draws on Chicana/o cultural studies and art history to interpret the way three artworks by Chicana artists address the relationship between spirit and flesh through the indigenous inflected iconography of la Virgen de Guadalupe. Recognizing the significance of the transcultural link between Tonantzin (the Nahua mother “goddess”) and Guadalupe, I introduce the concept of Tonanlupanisma as a prism through which to understand cultural productions that engage the contested histories and iconographies of Tonantzin-Guadalupe from a decolonial feminist perspective. Countering the subjugation of Tonantzin in dominant Guadalupana visual culture and discourse in general, Tonanlupanisma critically privileges Mesoamerican indigenous worldviews that render a more complex and humanized image of the mother goddess and woman and thus challenge the spiritual/sexual dichotomies of Christian-influenced Western thought. Integrating scholarly research and personal narrative, the essay reinterprets two well-known artworks through a Tonanlupanista lens, Yolanda López’s Margaret F. Stewart: Our Lady of Guadalupe (1978) and Ester Hernández’s La Ofrenda II (1990), and offers the first published interpretation of Isis Rodriguez’s Virgen II (1990).
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Calvo, Luz. "Art Comes for the Archbishop." Meridians 19, S1 (December 1, 2020): 169–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8565946.

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Abstract Inspired by the Chicana feminist artist Alma López’s Our Lady (1999), this essay explores Chicana cultural and psychic investments in representations of the Virgin of Guadalupe. As an image of the suffering mother, the Virgin of Guadalupe is omnipresent in Mexican-American visual culture. Her image has been refigured by several generations of Chicana feminist artists, including Alma López. Chicana feminist reclaiming of the Virgin, however, has been fraught with controversy. Chicana feminist cultural work—such as the art of Alma López, performances by Selena Quintanilla, and writings by Sandra Cisneros and John Rechy—expand the queer and Chicana identifications and desires, and contest narrow, patriarchal nationalisms. By deploying critical race psychoanalysis and semiotics, we can unpack the libidinal investments in the brown female body, as seen in both in popular investments in protecting the Catholic version of the Virgin of Guadalupe and Chicana feminist reinterpretations.
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Bilbija, Ksenija, and Jeanette Rodriguez. "Our Lady of Guadalupe: Faith and Empowerment among Mexican-American Women." Hispania 78, no. 2 (May 1995): 300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/345412.

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O’Connell, Maureen H. "The Aesthetics of Solidarity: Our Lady of Guadalupe and American Democracy." Journal of Catholic Social Thought 19, no. 2 (2022): 345–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcathsoc202219224.

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Pineda-Madrid, Nancy. "The Aesthetics of Solidarity: Our Lady of Guadalupe and American Democracy." Horizons 49, no. 2 (December 2022): 408–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2022.52.

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“What moves the human heart?”1 is a question the late Alejandro García-Rivera spent his life examining through his many works on theological aesthetics. In The Aesthetics of Solidarity, Nichole Flores furthers this work by framing her important contribution to the field in a new direction: “What often remains unexamined … is the role the very structures of liberal democracy itself plays in hindering robust participation among Latines2 and other marginalized groups. Understanding why this is the case invites an exploration of the relationship involving political liberalism, Latine theological aesthetics, Catholic social teaching, and Our Lady of Guadalupe.”3 In this captivating book she advances the overarching claim that “Latine theological aesthetics can help generate a framework for thinking about pluralism and participation within a democracy.”4
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Burke, Juan Luis. "Race and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Mexico City: Architecture and Urbanism at the Shrine of Our Lady of Guadalupe." Arts 12, no. 6 (December 11, 2023): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts12060250.

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This article analyzes the urban and architectural transformations in the Villa de Guadalupe, the site where the cult of the Virgin of Guadalupe originated, in present-day Mexico City, on behalf of Creole architects, urban planners, and clerics. The article argues that members of Mexico City’s Creole elite played a critical role in fabricating a fervent cult of a dark-skinned Madonna while orchestrating dramatic changes to the site of the apparitions, which transformed it from a humble Indigenous village into the religious and spiritual heart of New Spain. The essay focuses its attention on the town’s urban and architectural changes during the eighteenth century, which is when the village of Guadalupe was transformed into a veritable “villa”, a special designation for an urban establishment in the early modern Hispanic world, which vested it with certain legal autonomy. The story of the urban and architectural transformations and innovations at this site is fascinating, given the ambition on behalf of Mexico City’s Creoles to appropriate it and its success in promoting it as the source of Mexico City’s and New Spain’s claims to exceptionality by divine designation. The Virgin Mary’s appearances to a humble young Indigenous man in an impoverished Native village near Mexico City, which became the spiritual center of New Spain, became a potent narrative wielded by the Creole elite, as they sought to assert their political claims in the face of staunch opposition from Spanish-born administrators and clergy. At the Villa de Guadalupe, as this essay reveals, Creole elites tested their political, urban planning, and architectural skills, asserting their cultural and political relevance in 18th-century Mexico City.
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Tenorio, Martha Lilia. "Centones gongorinos en Nueva España." (an)ecdótica 3, no. 2 (August 12, 2019): 11–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.anec.2019.2.1146.

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The poetic form known as cento, composed of sections or verses of other poems, represents a curious literary subgenre practiced since Classical times. In New Spain, we have examples of Virgilian centos, centos about Our Lady of Guadalupe, and Gongorian centos on the Immaculate Conception. This article contains both a brief introduction on this poetic form and the textual edition of the six Gongorian centos that were composed in New Spain.
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Brading, D. A. "Divine Idea and ‘our Mother’: Elite and Popular Understanding in the Cult of Our Lady of Guadalupe of Mexico." Studies in Church History 42 (2006): 240–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003983.

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In 1648 the creole elite of Mexico City was enthralled to learn that in December 1531 the Virgin Mary had appeared to a poor Indian and had miraculously imprinted on his cape the likeness of herself, which was still venerated in the chapel at Tepeyac just outside the city limits. The moment was opportune, since in 1622 Archbishop Juan Pérez de la Serna had completed the construction of a new sanctuary devoted to Our Lady of Guadalupe and in 1629 the image had been brought to the cathedral in a vain attempt to lower the flood waters that engulfed the capital for four years. In effect, Image of the Virgin Mary, Mother of God of Guadalupe (1648) was a heartfelt response to the growth in devotion to the Mexican Virgin; and its author, Miguel Sánchez, wrote as if inspired by a particular revelation, since his only guides were oral tradition and the stimulus of other apparition narratives. A creole priest, renowned for his piety, patriotism and great learning, Sánchez appears to have modelled his account on Murillo’s history of Our Lady of Pilar and her apparition at Zaragoza to St James, which is to say, to Santiago, the patron saint of Spain.
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Lee, Jongsoo, and D. A. Brading. "Mexican Phoenix. Our Lady of Guadalupe: Image and Tradition across Five Centuries." Hispania 86, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20062799.

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Lorentzen, Lois Ann, and D. A. Brading. "Maxican Phoenix: Our Lady of Guadalupe: Image and Tradition across Five Centuries." Sixteenth Century Journal 33, no. 2 (2002): 491. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4143931.

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Poole, Stafford. "Our Lady of Guadalupe and Saint Juan Diego: The Historical Evidence (review)." Catholic Historical Review 93, no. 2 (2007): 464–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2007.0199.

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Vanderwood, Paul J. "Mexican Phoenix: Our Lady of Guadalupe: Image and Tradition across Five Centuries." History: Reviews of New Books 30, no. 1 (January 2001): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2001.10525932.

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Taylor, William B. "Mexican Phoenix: Our Lady of Guadalupe: Image and Tradition across Five Centuries." Hispanic American Historical Review 82, no. 2 (May 1, 2002): 357–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-82-2-357.

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Limón, José E. "Our Lady of Guadalupe: Faith and Empowerment among Mexican-American Women.Jeanette Rodriguez." American Anthropologist 97, no. 2 (June 1995): 386–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1995.97.2.02a00410.

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Poole, Stafford. "Mexican Phoenix: Our Lady of Guadalupe: Image and Tradition, 1531-2000 (review)." Catholic Historical Review 87, no. 4 (2001): 773–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2001.0181.

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Maxwell, Kenneth, David Brading, Serge Gruzinski, and Heather MacLean. "Mexican Phoenix, Our Lady of Guadalupe: Image and Tradition across Five Centuries." Foreign Affairs 81, no. 1 (2002): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033043.

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Kasl, Ronda. "Milagros por la Similitud: Our Lady of Guadalupe in the Colonial Andes." Hispanic Research Journal 16, no. 5 (September 3, 2015): 456–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682737.2015.1124190.

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Gallegos, Bernardo P. "Whose Lady of Guadalupe? Indigenous Performances, Latina/o Identities, and the Postcolonial Project." Journal of Latinos and Education 1, no. 3 (July 2002): 177–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s1532771xjle0103_3.

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Matovina, T. "Review: Mexican Phoenix. Our Lady of Guadalupe: Image and Tradition across Five Centuries." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 71, no. 2 (June 1, 2003): 423–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaar/71.2.423.

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Ford, John T. "Our Lady of Guadalupe and Saint Juan Diego: The Historical Evidence - Eduardo Chávez." Religious Studies Review 32, no. 3 (July 2006): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2006.00097_4.x.

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Sklar, Deidre. "The Footfall of Words: A Reverie on Walking with Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe." Journal of American Folklore 118, no. 467 (January 1, 2005): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4137806.

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Abstract "The Footfall of Words" enacts the problem of sensate and relational knowledge vis-à-vis fieldwork and deskwork. The bulk of the essay is a rhythmic evocation of the climactic procession performed annually in Tortugas, New Mexico, during the fiesta of Our Lady of Guadalupe. The rhythmic play disturbs the traditional ethnographic stance to engage somatic understanding, an epistemological mode on which the potency of the fiesta depends; on the other hand, theory interrupts the rhythmic seduction to call attention to the sensory and verbal, somatic, and symbolic interplays involved.
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Valerio, Miguel. "Pardos’ Triumph." Journal of Festive Studies 3, no. 1 (January 4, 2022): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33823/jfs.2021.3.1.79.

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On September 13, 1745, the pardo (mixed-race Afro-Brazilian) brotherhood (lay Catholic association) of Nossa Senhora do Livramento (Our Lady of Emancipation) of Recife, Pernambuco, in collaboration with the pardo brotherhood of Nossa Senhora de Guadalupe (Our Lady of Guadalupe) in neighboring Olinda, enthralled Pernambuco’s largest city with a great festival in honor of Blessed Gonçalo Garcia (1556–97). Like many colonial festivals, the festivities included fireworks, artillery salvos, five triumphal carts, seventeen allegorical floats, five different dance performances, and jousting. Yet never before had such an extravagant display of material wealth been made by an Afro-Brazilian brotherhood. The pardo irmãos (brotherhood members) had two important issues they wanted to settle once and for all with this festival. One was the question of Blessed Gonçalo’s pardoness, since the would-be-saint was the son of a Portuguese man and an East Indian woman, and pardoness in Brazil had been defined as the result of white–black miscegenation. The other issue was the popular notion that mixed-race Afro-Brazilians constituted colonial Brazil’s most deviant and unruly socioracial group. In this article, I analyze how mixed-race Afro-Brazilians used the material culture of early modern festivals to publicly articulate claims about their sacro-social prestige and socio-symbolic status. I contend that material culture played a central role in the pardo irmãos’ articulation of their devotion to Blessed Gonçalo and claims of sacro-social and socio-symbolic belonging, and that they used this material culture to challenge colonial notions about their ethnic group.
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Kellogg, S. "Before Guadalupe: The Virgin Mary in Early Colonial Nahuatl Literature; Mexican Phoenix: Our Lady of Guadalupe: Image and Tradition across Five Centuries." Ethnohistory 50, no. 2 (April 1, 2003): 407–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-50-2-407.

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Thro, William E. "Special Solicitude: Religious Freedom at America’s Public Universities." Laws 10, no. 2 (April 20, 2021): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws10020030.

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Rejecting the Obama Administration’s argument that the First Amendment requires identical treatment for religious organizations and secular organizations, the Supreme Court held such a “result is hard to square with the text of the First Amendment itself, which gives special solicitude to the rights of religious organizations.” (Hosanna-Tabor, 565 U.S. at 189). This “special solicitude” guarantees religious freedom from the government in all aspects of society, but particularly on public university campuses. At a minimum, religious expression and religious organizations must have equal rights with secular expression and secular organizations. In some instances, religious expression and religious expression may have greater rights. The Court’s 2020 decisions in Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue, and Our Lady of Guadalupe School v. Morrissey-Berru, reinforce and expand the “special solicitude” of religion. Indeed, Espinoza and Our Lady have profound implications for student religious groups at America’s public campuses. This article examines religious freedom at America’s public universities. This article has three parts. First, it offers an overview of religious freedom prior to Espinoza and Our Lady. Second, it briefly discusses those two cases. Third, it explores the implications of those decisions on America’s public campuses.
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Poole, Stafford. "History versus Juan Diego." Americas 62, no. 01 (July 2005): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000316150006332x.

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On April 12 1939, from his place of exile in San Antonio, Texas, José de Jesús Manríquez y Zárate, first bishop of Huejutla, Mexico, wrote a pastoral letter to his priests and people, exhorting them to work for the cause of Juan Diego’s beatification. This was the first effective step in the process of canonizing the indigenous peasant who in 1531 is said to have experienced the apparitions of Our Lady of Guadalupe. The story of these apparitions has been the subject of intense controversy, especially with regard to their historical reality and the existence of Juan Diego.
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Poole, Stafford. "History versus Juan Diego." Americas 62, no. 1 (July 2005): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2005.0133.

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On April 12 1939, from his place of exile in San Antonio, Texas, José de Jesús Manríquez y Zárate, first bishop of Huejutla, Mexico, wrote a pastoral letter to his priests and people, exhorting them to work for the cause of Juan Diego’s beatification. This was the first effective step in the process of canonizing the indigenous peasant who in 1531 is said to have experienced the apparitions of Our Lady of Guadalupe. The story of these apparitions has been the subject of intense controversy, especially with regard to their historical reality and the existence of Juan Diego.
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43

Wendorf, Anna. "Hechos hierofánicos y experiencias místicas del sincretismo religioso en México." Sztuka Ameryki Łacińskiej 4, no. 1 (2014): 139–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/sal201406.

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One of the most precious aspects of the research into Latin American cultures is undoubtedly religious experience, in regard to both its variety and diversity. Thus, this paper handles the events and situations which are inseparably connected with development of religious syncretism in Mexico. The article analyses historical conditions of syncretisation processes, American Indians’ beliefs, ceremonies and rituals, with particular consideration of Day of the Dead and cult of Our Lady of Guadalupe. The study of diachronic and synchronic profile does not claim the right to periodization of these experiences. It only aims at inquiring into social and cultural circumstances, allowing these cultures to interpret the world in a different way
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44

Muldoon, James, and Stafford Poole. "Our Lady of Guadalupe: The Origins and Sources of a Mexican National Symbol, 1531-1797." Sixteenth Century Journal 27, no. 2 (1996): 611. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544233.

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45

Gosner, Kevin, and Stafford Poole. "Our Lady of Guadalupe: The Origins and Sources of a Mexican National Symbol, 1531-1797." American Historical Review 101, no. 5 (December 1996): 1656. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170379.

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46

Schmidt, Peer. "David A. Brading, Mexican Phoenix. Our Lady of Guadalupe: Image and Tradition Across Five Centuries." Historische Anthropologie 11, no. 1 (April 2003): 143–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/ha.2003.11.1.143.

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47

Brading, D. A., and Stafford Poole. "Our Lady of Guadalupe: The Origins and Sources of a Mexican National Symbol, 1531-1797." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 4 (November 1996): 776. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517971.

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48

Romero, Michael A. "The Aesthetics of Solidarity: Our Lady of Guadalupe and American Democracy by Nichole M. Flores." American Catholic Studies 133, no. 1 (March 2022): 59–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/acs.2022.0001.

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49

Salas, Elizabeth, and Stafford Poole. "Our Lady of Guadalupe: The Origins and Sources of a Mexican National Symbol, 1531-1797." Western Historical Quarterly 27, no. 1 (1996): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/969939.

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50

Garciagodoy, Juanita. "Mexican Phoenix: Our Lady of Guadalupe: Image and Tradition across Five Centuries. D. A. Brading." Journal of Religion 82, no. 4 (October 2002): 645–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/491194.

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