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Journal articles on the topic 'Osh (Kyrgyzstan) – Ethnic relations'
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1
Sharueva, Marina V. "THE CRITICAL ISSUES OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF KYRGYZSTAN (THE LATER 20TH – THE EARLY 21ST CENTURY)." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian Studies. History. Political Science. International Relations, no. 3 (2021): 130–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2021-3-130-142.
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The article is concerned with the issues of socio-economic development of the Republic of Kyrgyzstan at the present stage. The analysis of the current state of the national socio-political sphere is preceded by a short excursus into Kyrgyzstan’s history, with an emphasis on analyzing the causes of the economic crisis of the early 1990s, identifying national approaches to stabilization and examining local specifics of the transition from the command economy to market one. The author also underlines the close interconnection between economic and (ethno)political processes in the newly independent states and, based on that point, examines the economic consequences of the coups d’état in Kyrgyzstan, the dominance of the clan system and the division of Kyrgyz political elites into “northern” and “southern” ones, the policy of prevarication repeatedly resorted to by Kyrgyz leaders who were forced to seek compromise between different pressure groups inside and outside the country, etc. In order to emphasize the importance of cross-national and inter-ethnic relations for stable economic development, the author lists the risk factors that Kyrgyzstan has to face (conflicts between the Kyrgyz and ethnic Uzbeks in the Osh region, armed confrontations over the shortage of water resources on the borders of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, etc.).
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HAGER, ANSELM, KRZYSZTOF KRAKOWSKI, and MAX SCHAUB. "Ethnic Riots and Prosocial Behavior: Evidence from Kyrgyzstan." American Political Science Review 113, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 1029–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305541900042x.
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Do ethnic riots affect prosocial behavior? A common view among scholars of ethnic violence is that riots increase cooperation within the warring groups, while cooperation across groups is reduced. We revisit this hypothesis by studying the aftermath of the 2010 Osh riot in Kyrgyzstan, which saw Kyrgyz from outside the city kill over 400 Uzbeks. We implement a representative survey, which includes unobtrusive experimental measures of prosocial behavior. Our causal identification strategy exploits variation in the distance of neighborhoods to armored military vehicles, which were instrumental in orchestrating the riot. We find that victimized neighborhoods show substantially lower levels of prosocial behavior. Importantly, we demonstrate that the reduction is similarly stark both within and across groups. Using qualitative interviews, we parse out two mechanisms that help explain the surprising reduction in ingroup prosociality: Victimized Uzbeks felt abandoned by their coethnics, and variation in victimization created a feeling of suspicion.
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Laruelle, Marlène. "The paradigm of nationalism in Kyrgyzstan. Evolving narrative, the sovereignty issue, and political agenda." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 1-2 (March 2012): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.02.002.
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In Kyrgyzstan, nationalism combines a narrative on the titular ethnic group and its relation to a civic, state-based, identity, feelings of imperiled sovereignty, and a rising electorate agenda for political forces. Nationalism has therefore become the engine of an interpretative framework for Kyrgyzstan’s failures and enables the society indirectly to formulate its perception of threat, both on the Uzbek and Kyrgyz sides. To this end, this article first analyzes the double identity narrative, civic and ethnic, of Akayev’s regime, followed by the transformation toward a more ethno-centered Kyrgyz patriotism under Bakiyev, the growing role of the theme of imperiled sovereignty—which culminated with the events in Osh—and how nationalism is today becoming a key element of the political agenda and the public scene.
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Khamidov, Alisher, Nick Megoran, and John Heathershaw. "Bottom-up peacekeeping in southern Kyrgyzstan: how local actors managed to prevent the spread of violence from Osh/Jalal-Abad to Aravan, June 2010." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 6 (November 2017): 1118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1335695.
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In the aftermath of the June 2010 violence in southern Kyrgyzstan, much scholarly attention has focused on its causes. However, observers have taken little notice of the fact that while such urban areas as Osh, Jalal-Abad, and Bazar-Korgon were caught up in violence, some towns in southern Kyrgyzstan that were close to the conflict sites and had considerable conflict potential had managed to avoid the violence. Thus, while the question, “What were the causes of the June 2010 violence?” is important, we have few answers to the question, “Why did the conflict break out in some places but not others with similar conflict potential?” Located in the theoretical literature on “the local turn” within peacekeeping studies, this article is based on extensive empirical fieldwork to explore the local and micro-level dimensions of peacekeeping. It seeks to understand why and how local leaders and residents in some places in southern Kyrgyzstan managed to prevent the deadly clashes associated with Osh, Jalal-Abad, and Bazar-Korgon. The main focus of the project is on Aravan, a town with a mixed ethnic population where residents managed to avert interethnic clashes during the June 2010 unrest. The answers to the question of why violencedid notoccur can yield important lessons for conflict management not only for southern Kyrgyzstan, but also for the entire Central Asian region.
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Kamchybekova, S., and Zh Abdullaeva. "Attitude of Kyrgyzstan Ethnic Groups to National Identity “Kyrgyz Zharaany”." Bulletin of Science and Practice 7, no. 7 (July 15, 2021): 277–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/68/36.
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Research relevance: The article analyzes the formation of a common civic identity among the main ethnic groups of Kyrgyzstan using the example of residents of the southern region of the country. The authors draws attention to the “many-sidedness” of the common civic identity of ethnic groups and reveal the essence of civic identity as the main type of social identity. Some ethnic features of the common Kyrgyz civil identity are also analyzed in the light of recent world processes and their regional manifestations. Materials and research methods: in the course of the research, the methods of questioning the population of Kyrgyzstan in the southern regions were used. A sociological study was carried out on the topic “The essence and significance of civic identity: on the example of the main ethnic groups”, where the problem of civic identity and identification of the population in the ethnic aspect was studied, in which 1200 respondents from Osh and Jalal-Abad regions participated. Statistical processing and analysis of empirical information was carried out using the SPSS program, version 22. Research purpose: studying the state of unity of the nation of Kyrgyzstan, determining the level of formation of civic identity and ethnic values, norms and belonging to a particular ethnic group, as well as the adoption of universal, common cultural values, norms and belonging to the population of the country of residence, as the basis for the formation of a person's civic patriotism, citizenship, patriotism and love for the Motherland and civic identity. Research results: The highest share of those who indicated this position among the surveyed Uzbeks are 17.6%, i. e. almost one and a half times higher than the average. And among Russians and Tajiks, they are, respectively, 13.1% and 14.3%, or slightly above the average. Consequently, the “Concept of Strengthening the Unity of the People and Interethnic Relations in the Kyrgyz Republic” is not yet perceived by enough ethnic groups in Kyrgyzstan and it is necessary to intensify work in this direction.
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Kutmanaliev, Joldon. "Public and communal spaces and their relation to the spatial dynamics of ethnic riots." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 35, no. 7/8 (July 7, 2015): 449–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-02-2015-0027.
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Purpose – This paper is one of the first attempts to explain the local dynamics of the 2010 ethnic riots in Kyrgyzstan. No scholarly work has attempted to systematically analyze the 2010 ethnic violence and its local dynamics on the neighborhood scale. The purpose of this paper is to shed light on this gap by analyzing neighborhoods’ responses to the emerging violence in the city of Osh. In order to do this, the author compares two typical neighborhoods in Osh, one violent and the other non-violent, with different spatial structures and built environments that demonstrate/represent similar dynamics of riots in many other neighborhoods. Design/methodology/approach – The empirical findings of this paper are based on the ethnographic fieldwork the author carried out in 2010 and between 2012 and 2014. During nine months (in total) of the author’s ethnographic fieldwork, the author conducted around 60 semi-structured interviews in Osh city mainly with community leaders. In the author’s interview sampling, the author used two approaches: the snowball method and geographically/territorially representative sampling. Findings – The author argues that among other factors, a particular type of public space provides favorable conditions for riot occurrence or non-occurrence. For example, in Osh, such places as areas around the central bazaar and densely populated multi-story building complexes were especially riot-prone. By contrast, residential areas with individual-unit houses and low residential mobility represented communally private spaces with more easy riot-control. In addition, some residential areas implemented strategies such as physical self-isolation to avoid violence. By restricting freedom of movement and erecting improvised barricades, the residents of such neighborhoods created a temporally new space with its own rules and interethnic cooperation. Originality/value – This paper suggests new insights in the analysis of riots by connecting theoretical categories and concepts of space provided by scholars of contentious politics and applying them to the case of the 2010 ethnic riots in Osh city. By analyzing riot dynamics on the neighborhood scale, this research contributes to the understanding of the spatial dynamics of ethnic riots.
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Heuer, Vera, and Brent Hierman. "Substate Populism and the Challenge to the Centre in Post-Riot Asian Contexts." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 13, no. 3 (December 2018): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2018.1505539.
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In this article, we introduce the concept of substate populism to account for dynamics in which populist speech is used to critique national elites for harming the interests of the ‘pure’ local people. We also identify three preconditions for substate populism: decentralisation, preexisting resentment or anxiety, and the capacity to dominate the local narrative. We explore the concept through a comparison of the frames used by Narendra Modi while serving as the chief minister of the state of Gujarat in India and Melis Myrzakmatov while serving as the mayor of Osh, Kyrgyzstan. We demonstrate that in both cases Modi and Myrzakmatov utilised substate populism following deadly ethnic riots to articulate local resentments, maintain popular support, and delegitimise external efforts to promote post-conflict reconciliation. We argue that through eradicating at least one of the three identified preconditions, a national government can undermine substate populism.
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Mueller, Markus, and Axel Ostlund. "People's security — today's challenges of a new approach to policing: Working experience of the Community Security Initiative (CSI) project in Kyrgyzstan 2011." Security and Human Rights 23, no. 1 (2012): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502312800079656.
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AbstractFor several years the OSCE has attempted to lobby and forge the political will to develop police reform in Kyrgyzstan. In June 2010 its police did not have the capacity to anticipate and prevent destabilisation and to maintain a neutral position in the management of the interethnic conflict. The fact that ethnic minorities are significantly underrepresented in the police contributed to this. As a result, the population's trust further deteriorated from an already existing critically low level. The then incumbent Transitional Government understood the need to support the police in restoring trust and confidence and hence requested the OSCE's assistance. A special project called the Community Security Initiative was created and a team of 28 international police advisors, supported by 21 local staff, deployed in January 2011 in twelve sensitive police stations including Osh. Using a new approach to communication/interaction these advisors try to change the perception of both the police and the population when addressing and resolving daily security problems in the communities. This requires a new and inventive approach putting peoples' security in the forefront. The main objective of CSI is to support the Kyrgyz Government in three main areas: improving relations between the police and the public, supporting and advising the MOI in respecting police ethics standards including human rights, and providing support and advice in the area of multiethnic policing.
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McGlinchey, Eric. "Osh in Flames." Russian History 41, no. 3 (July 21, 2014): 373–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04103005.
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Summers in southern Kyrgyzstan can be deadly. In June 1990 hundreds of ethnic Kyrgyz from outlying villages clashed with ethnic Uzbeks living in Osh, Uzgen and Jalalabad. In June 2010 the sons of these 1990 rioters clashed in a renewed wave of ethnic riots in Osh, Jalalabad and Bazar-Korgan. This paper investigates the 1990 and 2010 riots and asks if these two conflicts, in addition to sharing similar protagonists, share similar causes. I find that, while one can identify proximate causes of these riots, more distant processes, namely the titular indigenization of Osh during the Brezhnev period, engendered a demographic shift permissive of ethnic conflict.
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Wilkinson, Cai. "Imagining Kyrgyzstan's nationhood and statehood: reactions to the 2010 Osh violence." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 3 (May 2015): 417–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.961127.
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This article explores the tensions inherent in how Kyrgyzstan's nationhood and statehood have been imagined and practised via an analysis of local reactions to the findings of the Kyrgyzstan Inquiry Commission's (KIC) investigation into the 2010 Osh violence and in particular the threat narrative that developed in opposition to the investigation. In the wake of the clashes that erupted in Osh in June 2010, a recurrent theme was calls from the international community for an independent investigation. Within Kyrgyzstan, however, some politicians argued that investigations violated the republic's sovereignty. Despite local reluctance, a number of investigations did subsequently take place. Yet the reports of the respective investigations did little to quell controversy, with the KIC report being strongly criticized and declared a threat to national security. The strength of feeling demonstrated by this reaction was indicative of long-standing and unresolved tensions in Kyrgyzstan between international and local imaginings of nationhood and statehood. The article concludes by arguing that nationhood and statehood need to be reimagined to focus on reestablishing state-society relations by both local and international actors in order for Kyrgyzstan to begin repairing the already fragile sociopolitical relationships that were grievously damaged by the violence and the subsequent investigations.
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Kaarbaeva, Zhyldyz. "Mezietnický a občanský aspekt oslav státních svátků v Kyrgyzstánu." Kulturní studia 2021, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7160/ks.2021.150103.
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This article presents research on interethnic relations conducted in southern Kyrgyzstan. This research was primarily concerned with the study of relations between ethnic Kyrgyz and Uzbeks in various spheres of relations between the two ethnic groups since the 1980s. The research examined the factors of improvement of the interethnic situation in the region and the conditions of ethnic and civic self-identification of various ethnic groups of southern Kyrgyzstan. The aim of the article is to show how some official state holidays can play a positive role in strengthening the unity of ethnic diversity among the citizens of Kyrgyzstan and in promoting their civic identity.
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Wachtel, Andrew Baruch. "Kyrgyzstan between democratization and ethnic intolerance." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 6 (November 2013): 971–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.771160.
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The international community has expressed great concern about the treatment of the Uzbek minority in the south of Kyrgyzstan and has called on the majority community to make major efforts to improve the situation. The article compares the treatment of minorities in Kyrgyzstan with analogous situations in the Balkans and contends that, given the European-style ethnonational state model and democratic political system that have been adopted by independent Kyrgyzstan, such calls are unrealistic.
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Kim, Tae-Yon. "Ethnic Conflicts in Central Asia: The Shadow of the Osh Events in Kyrgyzstan in June 1990." Asia Review 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2014): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.24987/snuacar.2014.06.4.1.227.
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Frigerio, Alessandro, and Nargis Kassenova. "Central Asia: Contemporary Security Challenges and Sources of State Resilience." Security and Human Rights 24, no. 2 (2013): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02402004.
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Taking a deliberately narrow conception of security, defined as the organizational effectiveness of regimes, this paper considers recent incidents of violence in Central Asia (the second revolution in Kyrgyzstan; events in Osh, Zhanaozen and Pamir; and various “terrorist” incidents) to ask which factors have shown their potential to cause conflict and destabilization. In light of this, the paper discusses the sources of legitimacy and state capacity in Central Asian states, concluding that they are “Machiavellian principalities”.
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Duishekeeva, Aina. "Этномазаика программ радио «Достук» Общественной телерадиовещательной корпорации Кыргызстана." Świat Idei i Polityki 18, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 442–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201924.
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Kyrgyzstan is a multi-ethnic state in which representatives of more than 100 different ethnic groups live. Media content of Kyrgyzstan reflects multilingualism and culture of ethnic groups living in the republic. Nowadays, the print media (newspapers, magazines) are presented in the information field of Kyrgyzstan, the main purpose of which is the versatile coverage of the life of a particular ethnic group, its interaction in a multi-ethnic society. If the ethno-thematic materials of these publications are not absolute, they can be predominant, which gives the right to classify them as ethnic media. Their founders are ethnic public associations, sources of financing are ethnic communities, and also in some cases ethnic ancestral home. According to the latest data, about 10 ethnic public associations have their own print media. The state provides broadcasting to ethnic groups in their native language in the Public Broadcasting Corporation (PBC) of the Kyrgyz Republic. The editorial policy of PBC is built in the interests of Kyrgyzstan’s population, taking into account the ethnic, national and cultural diversity of the country. In a television format, all ethnic groups in Kyrgyzstan have the opportunity to participate in special television programs of the PBC that cover the ethnic sphere, such as “Wheel of Life (Колесо жизни)”, “Our country Kyrgyzstan (Мекеним Кыргызстан), as well as in ethnographic programs of other private television channels 1–2 times a year. Radio Dostuk (Friendship) was launched as part of the PBC development strategy for the period 2013–2015, as well as complying with the concept of strengthening the unity of the people and interethnic relations in the Kyrgyz Republic. The main content of the radio is created in close cooperation with the diasporas, as well as with the Assembly of the Peoples of Kyrgyzstan. Today, Tatars, Uighurs, Ukrainians, Poles and other nations can broadcast their programmes on Dostuk Radio. Nowadays, more than ever, it is necessary to develop a culture of interethnic relations, interpersonal dialogue in a multi-ethnic society. Therefore, it is important that the media contribute to the strengthening of statehood and the formation of a common civic identity for Kyrgyz citizens.
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Atykanova, J. A. "CONTEMPORARY MEDIA IN KYRGYZSTAN: STATUS AND CHALLENGES IN THE COVERAGE OF INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS (1990-2010)." Herald of KSUCTA n a N Isanov, no. 4-2020 (December 23, 2020): 537–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35803/1694-5298.2020.4.537-543.
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The article contains up-to-date information on the history of the formation of the media market covering inter-ethnic relations in Kyrgyzstan. During the period of recent history, an information field has been formed in the republic, which has a clear position in the submission of information for its key audience. The media around the world play a key important role in stabilizing inter-ethnic relations in a multi-ethnic state, Kyrgyzstan is no exception. Kyrgyzstan allows representatives of ethnic groups currently residing in the Republic to have access to information in their mother tongue. Along with traditional print media, television and radio stations, Internet publications, news agencies, social media pages and messengers are actively pursuing information policy. In addition to domestic Kyrgyz-language media, the media broadcasting in Russian, Uzbek, Kazakh, Chinese, Turkish, Korean, Dungan are actively working in the republic. Each of them is a local or foreign mass media funded from abroad. All these forms of broadcasting and coverage of the political, economic and socio-cultural life of the republic form public opinion both at home and abroad.
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Agadjanian, Victor. "Exclusion, violence, and optimism: Ethnic divides in Kyrgyzstan." Ethnicities 20, no. 3 (May 20, 2019): 457–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796819835657.
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The nation-building projects in much of post-socialist Eurasia have been characterized by the promotion of ethnic majorities and marginalization of minority groups. In dialogue with the scholarship on nation-building, ethnic exclusion and conflict, and ethnic migration, this study examines individual views on current and future interethnic relations, assessments of prospects for own ethnicity, expectations for future economic changes, and intentions to migrate abroad in the multiethnic nation of Kyrgyzstan. I use nationally representative survey data to model differences in these outcomes across the majority-minorities divides and between regional subgroups of the nation’s ethnic majority. The results show that a native minority that experienced recent ethnic violence has the most negative assessment of current interethnic relations. However, the minority group of outside origin, which never suffered direct violence but whose size and societal preeminence have eroded rapidly, is least optimistic about the future and is most inclined to migrate. Yet, the analyses also detect substantial regional differences within the ethnic majority, underscoring the complexity of historically-rooted ethnocultural and socioeconomic cleavages as well as of more recent political experiences. I interpret these findings within the context of evolving meanings of ethnic identity and national belonging in this rapidly changing society.
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Atykanova, J. A. "THE HISTORY OF THE COVERAGE OF INTERETHNIC RELATIONS IN THE MEDIA OF THE KYRGYZ REPUBLIC (1990-2010)." Herald of KSUCTA n a N Isanov, no. 4-2020 (December 23, 2020): 528–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35803/1694-5298.2020.4.528-536.
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The article highlights the current problems of the history of Kyrgyzstan in the difficult period of inter-ethnic relations in the period 1990-2010. The article is actively involved materials of domestic and foreign media. The article analyzes the technology of the impact of publications in the media on the consciousness of ethnic groups living in the territory of Kyrgyzstan and on citizens of the countries of the near and far abroad The article focuses on the events that took place in Kyrgyzstan in 1990. and 2010. Also, the article analyzes the problems and difficulties in covering events during inter-ethnic conflicts; position of official media and social networks. The article also uses as an example his own contribution to the coverage of interethnic relations in the Kyrgyz Republic. The author of the article gives a brief analysis of the author's television project "The Fifth Column", broadcast on the domestic TV channel NBT.
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Ilebaeva, A. K., and А. К. Dzhusupbekov. "SUB-ETHNIC RELATIONS AS A SPECIFIC SPHERE OF STATE ETHNIC POLICY IN THE KYRGYZSTAN." Vestnik of the Kyrgyz-Russian Slavic University 21, no. 7 (2021): 170–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.36979/1694-500x-2021-21-7-170-174.
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Faranda, Regina, and David B. Nolle. "Ethnic Social Distance in Kyrgyzstan: Evidence from a Nationwide Opinion Survey1." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 2 (June 2003): 177–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990307129.
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Unlike in some other former Soviet republics, when Kyrgyzstan achieved independence in 1991 its government granted citizenship to all residents, regardless of ethnicity or language. The government hoped this would help to quell incipient ethnic tensions in the country before they got out of hand. It was argued that, in a constantly changing ethnic landscape, citizens' identification with the country above all other considerations, including ethnicity and religion, would introduce a degree of stability—a common denominator for all residents of Kyrgyzstan, where there is a relatively high level of ethnic diversity (see Table 1).
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Esenamanova, Zh Zh. "Civil identity of residents of Kyrgyzstan under conditions of social changes." Alma mater. Vestnik Vysshey Shkoly, no. 10 (October 2021): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/am.10-21.112.
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Researched is the meaning of the notion of “civil identity”, widespread in modern sociology. Civic identity is a person’s belonging to a certain civil community of any known country. A civil identity is a person’s definition of his civil status as his own status, in other words, a close connection between the understanding that I am a citizen of a country. Civic identity is a perception of oneself as a representative of the people of Kyrgyzstan, and a high level of civic identity is a condition for the unity of society. The formation of a civic identity is very important in the context of Kyrgyzstan. In connection with the peculiarities of historical development, Kyrgyzstan was faced with a situation of “symmetrical dichotomy”, because it was necessary to simultaneously build an ethno-national state and a civil nation. It is clear that the requirements of globalization and civilization require the need to build a civil nation, but the formation of a civil nation without the creation of an ethno-national state is very difficult. The article presents the results of the analysis of the sociological survey “Problems of civic identity in the Kyrgyz Republic (sociological survey)” conducted in 2017 in all regions of Kyrgyzstan, as well as in Bishkek and Osh, in which 1301 respondents took part. In conclusion, it should be noted that the formation of a civil identity and the strengthening of its role in the state should be used not only as a factor in the consolidation of the population as a whole, but also as a mechanism for the formation and unification of ethnic, religious, civil and national identity in our multinational state.
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Kaliev, A. "Political Analysis in the Study of Inter-Ethnic Relations in the Kyrgyzstan Republic." Transbaikal State University Journal 23, no. 12 (2017): 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2017-23-12-88-94.
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Sheranova, Arzuu. "Cheating the Machine: E-voting Practices in Kyrgyzstan’s Local Elections." European Review 28, no. 5 (March 26, 2020): 793–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798720000241.
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This paper analyses the e-voting experience of the local elections undertaken by Osh city Council in 2016. The process was introduced to ensure fair and democratic elections in Kyrgyzstan after continuous and repeated violent political uprising. The e-system, based on biometrics registration, biometric identification of voters and automated vote counting, was designed to help to avoid the most common election frauds: vote buying, carousel voting and group/family voting. The case study, mainly based on interviews, illustrates the adaptation and modernization of strategies to resist and cheat within the e-voting system. The analysis outlines three widely practised cheating strategies: procedural violations, such as avoiding cross-checking of manual and automated counting and allowing voting without biometrical identification; transformation of bribery into ‘vote auctioning’; and strengthening of kinship-based/regional support and tribal/regional identity under conditions of e-voting.
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Hierman, Brent. "What use was the election to us? Clientelism and political trust amongst ethnic Uzbeks in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 2 (March 2010): 245–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903517850.
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This paper posits that a great deal of cross-national variation in clientelistic investment strategies can be explained through an examination of the different forms of risk faced by the political elite of different types of regimes. It also maintains that demand from clients/potential clients is, by itself, insufficient to explain the level or scope of clientelistic investments. The argument is advanced through an examination of the linkages (and non-linkages) between patrons/potential patrons and clients/potential clients amongst the ethnic Uzbek populations of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. In Kyrgyzstan, a semi-authoritarian state, electoral risk predominates; however, the character of electoral risk in Kyrgyzstan provides Uzbek members of the political elite with an incentive to diversify their clientelistic investments. Consequently, many engage in direct exchanges with their constituents while simultaneously investing in private, cultural organizations that serve party-like functions. Alternatively, in contemporary Tajikistan, best described as an authoritarian state, electoral risk has been replaced with the risk of expulsion from the presidential clientelistic network. As a result, members of the Tajikistani political elite have a disincentive to publicly invest in constituent clients as this investment may increase the risk of expulsion.
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Gullette, David, and John Heathershaw. "The affective politics of sovereignty: reflecting on the 2010 conflict in Kyrgyzstan." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 1 (January 2015): 122–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.970526.
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This article examines the concept of sovereignty in elite and popular affection during the violent and turbulent events from April to October 2010 in the Kyrgyz Republic. Nationalist leaders promoted Kyrgyz ethnic values and ideals as the center of sovereignty held by some to be under threat. These events exemplify what we describe as theaffective politics of sovereignty.We explore how emotion, in particular, serves as an important component of the constitution of sovereignty as both an international and popular institution. We explore how Kyrgyz identity has become intertwined with the sovereignty of Kyrgyzstan and clashes with Western multi-ethnic conceptions and practices.
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Elebayeva, Ainura, Nurbek Omuraliev, and Rafis Abazov. "The Shifting Identities and Loyalties in Kyrgyzstan: The Evidence from the Field." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 2 (June 2000): 343–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687466.
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The main objective of the ethnic policy of the government of Kyrgyzstan in the post-Soviet era was a consolidation of all people and ethnic groups on the territory of the Republic into the Kyrgyzstani nation. Such a goal is important for any nation that has just gained independence, but for the Kyrgyz Republic it was an especially important task for several reasons. First, the multiethnic composition of the country: in 1991 the Kyrgyzs, or the titular nation of the Republic, constituted roughly 52% of the population, there were around 22% Russians, and the Uzbeks represented 13% of the population. Second, interethnic relations in the Republic were especially tense at the beginning of the 1990s because of the interethnic conflicts in the southern regions of the Republic in 1989 and 1990.1 Third, the Kyrgyzs themselves lacked national cohesiveness and they often defined themselves as members of different tribes or tribal groups with distinct dialects, dress, and political affiliations.
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Biard, Aurélie. "The religious factor in the reification of “neo-ethnic” identities in Kyrgyzstan." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 3 (May 2010): 323–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905991003653140.
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This paper studies how religions, Islam in particular, play a part in the attempted reifications of “neo-ethnic” identities in Kyrgyzstan, a Turkic-speaking republic with a nomadic tradition and a Muslim majority (Hanafî Sunni Islam). In a context characterized by brutal transformations (decline in living standards, widening social inequalities, etc.) and by an increasingly failing central state whose autocratic rule appears ineffective, Islam intervenes as a paradoxical resource that is subjected to contrary uses. The traditional social link between collective identity and Islam is in fact reinvested ideologically within the framework of the new state construction. As a result a key question is what function the re-emergence of religion on the Kyrgyz political scene fulfils, especially considering broad disenchantment with politics. Islam is first re-emphasized as a national element by the authorities and, in the process, it becomes the subject of a drive towards territorialization that aims at erasing any transnational and/or pan-Islamist dimension from this universalist religion. Yet Islam and ethnicity are reinvested again in a new mode, the mode of subjectivization of religious belief, which gives rise, outside state control, to overlapping and often contradicting Islamic identities.
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Kim, Elena, Elena Molchanova, and Rizvana Orozalieva. "Bargaining with Virginity: Regulating Practices in Post-socialist Kyrgyzstan." Central Asian Affairs 9, no. 2-4 (August 23, 2022): 294–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/22142290-bja10032.
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Abstract This article explores systems of social control over women’s bodies demonstrated by discourses and practices which regulate women’s virginity in Kyrgyzstan. Emergence of these discourses are shaped by Kyrgyzstan’s continued post-independence nation-building processes and economic instability. In this context, women’s bodies are at the center of political contestation, ethnic nationalism, and collective power. Findings suggest that women have learned to use their bodies in economic struggles as sources of individual resistance. Drawing on in-depth interviews and ethnography of social media, we identify how young Kyrgyz women relate to the issue and its associated practices. We investigate their strategizing mechanisms and analyze how, in the attempts to undermine patriarchal oppression and optimize their opportunities, their coping strategies may actually contribute to perpetuate them.
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Luong, Pauline Jones. "Ethnopolitics, Strategic Bargaining, And Institutional Design: Setting The Rules Of Electoral Competition In Post-Soviet Central Asia." International Negotiation 1, no. 3 (1996): 445–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180696x00179.
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AbstractThe purpose of this article is to explore the process by which elites in emerging, multi-ethnic states design new institutions or negotiate the new "rules of the game," combining the use of game theory and social-historical analysis. In doing so, it represents a first attempt to explain why state-builders in a multi-ethnic state exclude some groups while including others. I present my preliminary hypothesis that a new state creates inclusive or exclusive institutions based on its calculated perception of the threat posed by the respective bargaining strategies of the major ethnic groups residing within it, which I argue is directly influenced by the preceding state's institutional structure. In other words, those groups which pose a "credible threat" to the continued rule of present state leaders if excluded will be included, as well as those groups which can help to diffuse this threat. Yet, the assessment of this threat is based largely upon the legacy of the preceding state's institutions and policies. A detailed account of the development of electoral rules in the three newly-independent, multi-ethnic states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan serve as a "critical test" of my hypothesis.
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Baimatov, Bakyt. "The Ethnic Russians – Scattered in Geo-cultural and Semantic Spaces of Kyrgyzstan – Minorities, Diasporas or Depleting Historical Resource? Back to the History of the Issue." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 21, no. 2 (June 12, 2014): 226–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02102003.
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The current status of the Russian language in modern Kyrgyzstan is vague and precarious. Historically, Russians and the Russian language have been a backbone of Kyrgyz culture that paved the way for an unprecedented rise in literacy and a socio-economic upswing in this small mountainous country during Communism. However, post-Soviet times have witnessed an advent of revisionist tendencies in rethinking of the Communist past where Russians and their language are implicitly associated with historical injustices towards titular nations. Russian lingua franca as a means of inter-ethnic communication has become a source of controversy and a matter of debates. The Kyrgyz are divided along the lines of those politically-motivated public figures, who seek to exploit the status of the Russian language in their election campaigns. A package of laws providing exclusive use of Kyrgyz language in office and administration has been recently adopted in an attempt to place limits on the Russian language. These developments are widely regarded as discriminative towards not only Russian but also other minority languages in the country. On the other hand, the overwhelming majority of Kyrgyz intellectuals still hold a strong view that Russians and the Russian language deserve better in Kyrgyzstan.
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Salganova, E. I., A. A. Avdashkin, and N. A. Gafner. "Migration to the South Urals and interethnic relations." POWER AND ADMINISTRATION IN THE EAST OF RUSSIA 97, no. 4 (2021): 154–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1818-4049-2021-97-4-154-164.
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In the conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic, close attention of the expert community and administrators is turned to the possible scenarios of development of interethnic relations in the Russian regions. This article presents the results of ethno-sociological monitoring that took place in the Chelyabinsk region. Our attention is focused on assessing the risks of perception of trans-border migrants, searching for the main indicators, on the basis of which it is possible to monitor the dynamics of xenophobic attitudes, developing recommendations to improve migration and national policies. The source base of the research was the data of the ethno-sociological survey conducted in April-June 2021 and the results of expert interviews. The research involved 2,062 respondents and 105 experts. This toolkit allowed the authors to determine the current state of interethnic relations in the region, to show the degree of influence of migration from the Central Asia and the PRC on them, to determine the main attitudes of the South Ural residents towards the non-ethnic migrants. The ethno-sociological monitoring showed that inter-ethnic relations in the Chelyabinsk region are in a state of latent tension, largely caused by difficulties of incorporation of the natives of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and PRC into the host society. On the basis of the collected empirical data, recommendations were developed to change the context of perception of migration and migrants from the main receiving countries of international and labor migration. These include creating a system of ethno-sociological monitoring based on the research conducted, removing hate speech, xenophobic rhetoric and negative stereotypes about migrants from the regional press, explaining the positive consequences of international migration, and creating conditions for interaction between the different groups of migrants and the local population.
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van Lohuizen, Matthias. "Kyrgyzstan: the role of global and regional powers in the April 2010 events and the ensuing ethnic clashes in the south." Security and Human Rights 21, no. 3 (2010): 160–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502310793529189.
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Hierman, Brent, and Navruz Nekbakhtshoev. "Whose land is it? Land reform, minorities, and the titular “nation” in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 2 (March 2014): 336–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.857298.
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Each of the post-Soviet Central Asian states inherited both inefficient collectivized agricultural systems and an understanding of the nation rooted in categories defined by Soviet nationality policy. Despite the importance placed on territorial homelands in many contemporary understandings of nationalism, the divergent formal responses to these dual Soviet legacies have generally been studied in isolation from one another. However, there are conceptual reasons to expect more overlap in these responses than generally assumed; in this paper, we engage in a focused comparison of three post-Soviet Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan) in order to investigate how nationalizing policies and discourse, land distribution, and ethnic tensions interact with each other over time. We reveal that the nationalizing discourses of the three states – despite promoting the titular groups vis-à-vis other groups – have had limited influence on the actual processes of land distribution. Furthermore, the Kyrgyzstani case challenges the assumption that the effect flows unidirectionally from nationalizing policies and discourse to land reform implementation; in this case, there is evidence that the disruption caused by farm reorganization generated grievances which werethenarticulated by some nationalistic political elites.
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Maximova, Svetlana, Oksana Noyanzina, Daria Omelchenko, and Margarita Maximova. "The Russian-speakers in the CIS countries: migration activity and preservation of the Russian language." MATEC Web of Conferences 212 (2018): 10005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/matecconf/201821210005.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze migration activity in the post-Soviet space, changes in ethnic composition in the CIS countries and their role in peculiarities of preservation, functioning and representations about the Russian language, its main characteristics and proficiency among population from CIS countries. Empirical data was collected during the sociological research, fulfilled in 2017 in six countries members of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS): Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Tajikistan, n = 1400. Information-gathering methods included formal interviews in the place of residence of population aged 18 to 75 years. Several indicators were used to achieve the goal: representations about the Russian language; assessment of the role of the Russian language; main characteristics of the Russian language; Russian language proficiency. The article states that in considering principal peculiarities of functioning of Russian in the post-Soviet space demographic indicators such as number of population, number of ethnic groups, proportion of Russian and indigenous population in CIS countries, changes in number of Russians after the dissolution of the USSR, external migration indicators should be taken into account. It was concluded that the Russian language proficiency is important for its preservation and functioning on the territory of CIS countries, the Russian language is well preserved in Belarus, at the middle level in Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova and at the lowest level in Tajikistan. The popularity of Russian in respondents’ evaluations is determined by non-linguistic factors and characteristics, and associated with successful foreign policy of Russia and development of economic and trade relations of Russia with other countries. The development of the tourist sector and attractiveness of Russia for immigration are significant catalysts of interest towards the Russian language, influence of targeted programs, aimed at enhancing the positions of the Russian language and popularization of the Russian culture estimated as less significant. Attractiveness of Russia for immigration, increase of migration streams are important incentives for development and preservation of the Russian language.
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Omelchenko, Elena A. "CHILDREN FROM MIGRANTS’ FAMILIES IN RYAZAN’ AND KALUGA REGIONS: PROBLEMS OF INTEGRATION INTO RUSSIAN SOCIETY." Vestnik Chuvashskogo universiteta, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 142–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/1810-1909-2021-2-142-157.
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The problems of adaptation and integration of ethnic migrants into the Russian society become more and more acute, due to the intensification of migration processes in the modern world and the involvement of the Russian Federation in them. Nearly 38 million children participate in the international migration, and many of them meet difficulties with the access to qualitative education, and have to pass through an enduring and tricky way of linguistic, cultural, social and psychological adaptation. The structure of conventional cultural and communicative, natural and geographical contacts, interactions of a child with his family and relatives is destroying, a child is stressed and experiences the crisis of identity, has to rethink and reinvent values and social regulations. The listed problems contribute to the increase of social disadaptation of ethnic migrants’ children; generate the situation of their potential failure in the future. Inside the society, accepting migrants, these problems complicate the structure of interethnic relations and links, and sometimes it becomes a ground for inter-ethnic tension.
In the Russian Federation, the problem of adaptation of children from the families of ethnic migrants also becomes quite urgent, especially in the sphere of education. The author of the article has been researching this theme during the latest 20 years, and in 2019–2020 this research is made in the frames of the project “Integration of the children of ethnic migrants’ families via education: the methodical and consultative support of schools and kindergartens in the regions of the Russian Federation”, where 32 educational organizations in ten regions participate. The article illustrates a series of problems connected with the adaptation of migrant children, using the materials of the research made in the Ryazan’ and Kaluga regions. These children are mostly migrants of one-and-a-half or the second generation, and their families came to Russia from Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan and Tajikistan. Several paragraphs refer to the problems of adaptation to school of the Gypsy children. Basing on the results of the analysis, the author names main restrictions that prevent schools from the organization of intensive work aimed at linguistic, social and cultural adaptation of ethnic migrants’ children. She also defines main problems restraining the integration of the children from ethnic migrants’ families into the Russian educational environment and Russian society.
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Imyarova, Zulfiya. "The Peculiarities of Traditional Marriage Rituals of the Dungan Diaspora: A Comparative-Historical Analysis." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 3 (May 2019): 492–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.13.
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This article, through comparative historical analysis, examines the traditional marriage rituals of the Dungan diaspora in Kazakhstan. Dungans are Chinese-speaking Muslims who were forced to migrate to present-day Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan after the defeat of their revolt against the Qing dynasty from 1877 to 1888. The article focuses on the diversity of wedding ceremonies in three zones where Dungan settled in Kazakhstan: Zhalpak Tobe and Sortobe, two rural areas in the Zhambyl region; and Zaria Vostok, near the city of Almaty. I find that the local variations in traditional wedding ceremonies stem from their close intercultural and social cooperation with non-Dungan peoples—primarily Kazakhs, Uzbeks, Uyghurs, and Russians. The example of wedding rituals shows that, while Dungan existence in another cultural environment has stimulated the consolidation of their ethnic group, preserving many of the traditional archaic cultural features, it has also led to the transformation of the marriage ceremonies. I address a much-neglected pathway—the nature of borrowed elements in Dungan wedding rituals—and ask why the extent of borrowing varies from community to community even though the Dungan arrived from China with similar traditions.
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Akçali, Pinar. "III. Nation-State Building in Central Asia: A lost Case?" Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 3 (2003): 409–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322986334.
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AbstractWith the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the five Central Asian republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan have entered a period of nationstate building, which had been started to a large extend by the political elites of the former Soviet Union. These republics were not prepared for independence that came to the region suddenly. The former communist leaders of the Soviet era became the new national elites to take their countries by publicly declared goals and policies through the path of independent nationhood and independent statehood. However, it remains unclear whether this top-to-bottom approach will prove successful in the long run. This article discusses nationstate building in the region by first looking at problems of external sovereignty. Second, domestic state building policies and structures, more specifically, the newly formulated official discourse on-building nation- and the political-legal framework to develop that discourse, are analyzed. Then, the limitations of this process with specific emphasis on supranational identities (basically religious identity of Islam), subnational identities (local and/or tribal identities), and ethnic minorities (with a specific on the Russians in these five countries) are examined. It is concluded that the process of nation-state building in Central Asia is not complete yet and that each republic has unique problems that may challenge this process. For the time being, there exist certain frictions between the goals of the official discourse and nonofficial levels of identity that may hinder the success of the nation building process in the region.
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Pantin, Vladimir I. "The Ideological Foundations of Eurasian Economic Integration." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-1-17-29.
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The article analyzes the significance of Eurasian ideology for modern economic integration, the reasons for its limited use in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), and the possibilities and prospects of adapting Eurasianism for the purposes of economic development and integration. Many international economic integration associations (e.g., the EU, USMCA, ASEAN) have a common or similar ideological and value-based foundation, which ensures stronger integration. The EAEU was initially established without a common, integrating ideological basis, although the first president of Kazakhstan, Nursultan Nazarbayev, suggested using Eurasianism as the ideology of integration. Sergey Glazyev also wrote about the importance of integrative ideology for the development of the EAEU. However, these attempts to introduce Eurasian ideology for a stronger integration were not supported by the rest of the EAEU countries. This was largely because most EAEU members, including Russia, were driven by short-term economic interests, forgetting about more important long-term, strategic goals. Moreover, there are important ideological divisions in society and in the political elites of Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan - primarily the division between adherents of the ideology and practices of Western liberalism, oriented toward EU integration, and supporters of an ideology close to Eurasianism and defense of traditional values, oriented toward the development of integration in the Eurasian space. The reproduction of such divisions in the EAEU countries, as well as the absence or weak development of an integrative ideology, largely determines the inconsistent and not always effective integration in the EAEU. Eurasianism can become an integrative ideology, which, if developed and adapted to modern realities, can ensure a stronger economic integration. This requires overcoming illusions about the possibility of integration of Russia and other post-Soviet countries into the EU, pursuing an active information policy in the Eurasian countries, showing the commonality of geopolitical and economic interests of EAEU countries and the opposition of these interests to those of the USA. Eurasianism can effectively counter the threat of ethnic nationalism in the EAEU countries by emphasizing Eurasian integration as a necessary condition for preserving the sovereignty of Eurasian countries, their traditional values, and the combination of tradition and innovation.
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Ash, Konstantin. "State weakness and support for ethnic violence in Southern Kyrgyzstan." Journal of Peace Research, March 7, 2022, 002234332110555. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00223433211055581.
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Does state weakness increase support for ethnic violence? This study proposes individuals who feel insecure due to state weakness are more likely to support interethnic violence conditional on exposure to chauvinist messaging. Support for interethnic violence is evaluated through a survey experiment in Southern Kyrgyzstan. The results show random assignment of chauvinist nationalist rhetoric only induces support for interethnic violence among respondents who trust informal non-state actors from their ethnic group to provide them security. The findings suggest state weakness leads individuals to view their ethnic group as an alternative provider of security and that when primed by chauvinist rhetoric, these individuals become more supportive of violence on their group’s behalf. A case study of the 2010 riots in the Southern Kyrgyz city of Osh illustrates how underlying support for violence may escalate to actual violence as a result of state breakdown, examining events in the months after the Kyrgyz state lost authority following the April 2010 revolution. Jointly, the survey findings and case study illustrate pathways for violence in ethnically divided low-capacity environments and potential drawbacks from protest-oriented revolutions.
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"One year after the June 2010 events in Kyrgyzstan: the possible implications for regional security." Security and Human Rights 22, no. 1 (2011): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502311796365844.
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AbstractThis article includes some ideas on the crisis that took place in Osh, Kyrgyzstan in June 2010. Apart from a brief summary of the events, it describes viewpoints of the main 'actors' including the international organizations; it also seeks an answer to the question on what the reasons leading up to these tragic events were. Regarding possible sources of conflicts, including the factor of ethnic minorities, the question arises whether the various international mechanisms created for handling regional conflicts function properly, in a conducive way, and whether they can warn the international community of an evolving crisis and prevent conflicts. According to the facts, in the concrete case of the Osh crisis, the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities succeeded in fulfilling his task in the area of early warning; however, no concrete actions were taken by the above-mentioned 'actors' in regional and international politics to prevent the conflict. This paper has no intention of dwelling on this issue as it was very adequately addressed by an earlier article written by Sabine Machl. The ethnic conflicts of 1990 and 2010 in Central Asia demonstrate the vulnerability of the region, which also faces some additional challenges in the field of security. This article does not intend to examine all the aspects of the Kyrgyz crisis. However, as some experts at the time of the Osh events explicitly mentioned, the possibility of the infiltration of militants from Afghanistan and their involvement in the clashes and as Afghanistan itself is a country, where about half of the population belong to various ethnic 'minority' groups (Tajiks, Uzbeks, Hazaras, Turkmens, etc.), one cannot ignore the danger of the implication of the conflict going on in Afghanistan for its vicinity, including Central Asia. The awareness of this challenge was reflected in various ideas and suggestions (to address the Afghan crisis) emanating from these countries. The most comprehensive of these — according to the views of the author of this article — is the so called '6+3' initiative developed by Uzbekistan. One of the 'messages' of this article should be that, at the present, stronger and more consistent as well as concerted efforts are needed to deal with evolving conflicts and crises in the broader region of Central and West Asia, where these potential conflicts may develop not only by themselves, in separate countries or 'sub-regions', but they could include the danger of a 'spillover' which may also effect other countries.
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Dr. Faisal Javaid, Dr. Suwaibah Qadri. "The Rise and Decline of US Interest and Influence in Kyrgyzstan." Pakistan Journal of International Affairs 4, no. 1 (March 29, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.52337/pjia.v4i1.37.
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The rise of independent Central Asian states after the disintegration of the USSR has transformed the regional geostrategic environment. America quickly established diplomatic relations with the Kyrgyz Republic in 1991. Kyrgyzstan is not a wealthy state and it is facing several challenges such as ethnic issues, bad governance, narcotics, and foreign involvements. After the 9/11 events, the state got special attention for America due to its geographical position towards Afghanistan. Kyrgyzstan condemned these attacks and supported to anti-terrorist alliance. It offered military bases for operation in Afghanistan after the relation between America and Kyrgyzstan have strengthened. After the tulip revolution, both states' relationships were affected. This research examines the role of the United States in Kyrgyzstan. It also examines the political, economic, and security relations between the U.S. and Kyrgyzstan. This study evaluates the several challenges tackled by the United States.